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by Bean, Christopher B.




  Too Great

  a Burden to Bear

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  Reconstructing America

  Andrew L. Slap, series editor

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  Too Great

  a Burden to Bear

  Th

  e Struggle and Failure

  of the Freedmen’s

  Bureau in Texas

  Christopher B. Bean

  Fordham University Press

  New York 2016

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  Copyright © 2016 Fordham University Press

  All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a

  retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means—electronic, mechanical,

  photocopy, recording, or any other—except for brief quotations in printed reviews,

  without the prior permission of the publisher.

  Fordham University Press has no responsibility for the persistence or accuracy of

  URLs for external or third- party Internet websites referred to in this publication and

  does not guarantee that any content on such websites is, or will remain, accurate or

  appropriate.

  Fordham University Press also publishes its books in a variety of electronic formats.

  Some content that appears in print may not be available in electronic books.

  Visit us online at www.fordhampress.com.

  Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

  Names: Bean, Christopher B.

  Title: Too great a burden to bear : the struggle and failure of the

  Freedmen’s Bureau in Texas / Christopher B. Bean.

  Description: First edition. | New York : Fordham University Press, 2016. |

  Series: Reconstructing America | Includes bibliographical references and

  index.

  Identifi ers: LCCN 2015042262 (print) | LCCN 2016006934 (ebook) | ISBN

  9780823268757 (cloth : alkaline paper) | ISBN 9780823271764 (paper :

  alkaline paper) | ISBN 9780823268764 (ePub)

  Subjects: LCSH: African Americans—Texas—History—19th century. |

  Freedmen—Texas—History. | Reconstruction (U.S. history,

  1865–1877)—Texas. | United States. Bureau of Refugees, Freedmen, and

  Abandoned Lands—Offi

  cials and employees—Biography. | United States.

  Bureau of Refugees, Freedmen, and Abandoned Lands—History. | Texas—Race

  relations—History—19th century. | BISAC: HISTORY / United States / Civil

  War Period (1850–1877). | SOCIAL SCIENCE / Ethnic Studies / African

  American Studies.

  Classifi cation: LCC E185.93.T4 B43 2016 (print) | LCC E185.93.T4 (ebook) |

  DDC 305.896/073076409034—dc23

  LC record available at http://lccn.loc.gov/2015042262

  Printed in the United States of America

  18 17 16 5 4 3 2 1

  First edition

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  Contents

  Introduction | 1

  “A

  Stranger Amongst Strangers”:

  Who Were the Subassistant

  Commissioners? | 5

  “Th

  e Post of Greatest Peril”:

  Th

  e E. M. Gregory Era,

  September 1865–April 1866 | 30

  Conservative

  Phoenix:

  Th

  e J. B. Kiddoo Era,

  May 1866–Summer 1866 | 47

  Bureau Expansion, Bureau Courts,

  and the Black Code: Th

  e J. B.

  Kiddoo Era, Summer 1866–

  November 1866 | 63

  Th

  e Bureau’s Highwater Mark:

  Th

  e J. B. Kiddoo Era, November

  1866–January 1867 | 8 9

  “Th

  ey Must Vote with the Party

  Th

  at Shed Th

  eir Blood . . . In Giving

  Th

  em Liberty.” Bureau Agents,

  Politics, and the Bureau’s New Order:

  Th

  e Charles Griffi

  n Era, January

  1867–Summer 1867 | 111

  Violence, Frustration, and Yellow

  Fever: Th

  e Charles Griffi

  n Era,

  Summer–Fall 1867 | 132

  General Orders No. 40 and the

  Freedmen’s Bureau’s End:

  Th

  e J. J. Reynolds Era, September

  1867–December 1868 | 148

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  vi Contents

  Conclusion:

  Th

  e Subassistant

  Commissioners in Texas | 167

  Appendix

  A

  185

  Appendix

  B

  189

  Notes

  195

  Bibliography

  275

  Index

  299

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  Too Great

  a Burden to Bear

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  Introduction

  Few eras in American history have a more profound and lasting imprint on

  this country as the decade or so that followed the Civil War. Reconstruc-

  tion, as it’s called, was an attempt to wipe away the vestiges of slavery and

  to reintegrate the former Confederate states into their normal places in the

  Union. By infusing the ideals of “free men, free soil, and free labor,” Republi-

  cans hoped to shape the South in the image of the victorious North, with all

  remnants of the old order erased. Central to this restructuring was an organiza-

  tion created with much hope and optimism. Passed on March 3, 1865, the

  Bureau of Refugees, Freedmen, and Abandoned Lands, more commonly called

  the Freedmen’s Bureau, was the fi rst federal social- welfare organization. Func-

  tioning under the War Department, it operated in all the former Confederacy

  and slave states. According to historian John A. Carpenter, the “fact that the

  Freedmen’s Bureau existed at all was a miracle.” It had a multipurpose task:

  easing the transition of the freedpeople from servitude to freedom; implanting

  republican ideals of democracy and free labor in the ashes of the “peculiar insti-

  tution;” and preventing any further attempts to break up the Union.

  Legislators wrestled with exactly how to empower it. While some worried

  the organization might create a permanent dependent class, others feared it

  might disrupt federalism. A few, however, prophesied the agency becoming a

  to
ol to control freed votes, with its agents being “overseers” and “negro drivers,”

  who might “re- enslave” the emancipated. Still others doubted its constitution-

  ality. With little consensus on how to address the needs of the former slaves,

  Congress was essentially experimenting. Congressman Robert C. Schenk of

  Ohio best summarized it as “experimental legislation,” continuing with,

  it is better, from the very nature of the case, as it is a matter which relates to

  an emergency, to a necessity, to an accident, as it were of the times and the

  condition of the war in which we are, that the system should build itself up

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  2 Introduction

  and grow by accretion and development according to the necessities as they

  arise or are found to exist . . . If you attempt to provide in advance for every

  particular thing, if you have complicated machinery in this bill, or simple

  machinery even, running so much into detail, you run the risk of not accom-

  plishing the object you seek, but, on the contrary, the further risk of defeat-

  ing the very object which you are engaged in by raising endless questions as

  to the meaning or application of this particular provision of this law.

  Its work “must be left to the discretion of those engaged in [the footwork]. . . . ”

  Without rigid guidelines and with uncertain “objectives” and “mandates,”

  Bureau offi

  cials had to fi ll in the void. Much of their policy, consequently, resem-

  bled the Freedmen’s Bureau bill itself: vague and, at times, confusing. Orders,

  letters, and instructions (oft en open to interpretation) fi ltered down the chain

  of command to fi eld personnel. In his Autobiography the commissioner of the

  Bureau, Oliver Otis Howard, stated why he resisted “one minute system of

  rules”: he wanted subordinates to improvise and adapt. A very decentralized

  and fl uid system was created so that how orders would be interpreted, imple-

  mented, and enforced generally fell to the men in the fi eld. Th

  ese men literally

  dictated the agency’s policy. As noted by historians Eileen Boris and Peter

  Bardaglio, “ultimately public policy is forged in the minute regulations, and in

  the interpreting them on a daily basis.” Decentralization allowed for quick,

  decisive moves as well as ingenuity. Yet it also created much indecision and

  confusion. Such a framework resulted in fi eld agents’ truly becoming “Th

  e

  Bureau” within their respective areas.

  In its brief seven- year existence, the Freedmen’s Bureau became the epicen-

  ter of the debate about Reconstruction. Cognizant of its responsibilities, Repub-

  licans and Democrats fi ercely debated its necessity. Th

  roughout the years,

  students have highlighted the agency’s features. One facet, however, has been

  neglected until recently: the subassistant commissioners (SACs), the men in

  direct contact with Southern civilians. Scholars have begun recently to focus on

  the men historian Barry Crouch termed the “hearts of Reconstruction,” but a

  number have examined only individual experiences, oft en neglecting other

  signifi cant questions. 

  Not ignoring individual experiences and attitudes, this work will go fur-

  ther, focusing on the agents at a more personal level. Were they Southern or

  Northern born? Could they be considered poor, middle- class, or wealthy?

  Were they married or single? Did the agency prefer young, middle- age, or

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  Introduction 3

  older men as agents? Did these men have military experience or were they

  civilians? What occupations did the Bureau draw from? Th

  e answers to these

  questions will help us understand the type of man Bureau offi

  cials believed

  qualifi ed—or not qualifi ed—to oversee the freedpeople’s transition to free-

  dom. A brief chronicling of the image of the Bureau agent is in order. During

  their time in offi

  ce, these men elicited varied reactions from the public. Where

  contemporaries left off , the academic community picked up, and the discus-

  sion of the SAC’s role and eff ect, at times, became very heated. For nearly a

  century, the dominant view of the Bureau man was of occupier—one who

  descended on the prostrate South to meddle with race relations by fi lling

  freedpeople’s heads with wild ideas contrary to their natural state in life and

  enriching himself at the expense of white Southerners, and to brutalize the

  former Confederate populace. Th

  ese avaricious “carpetbaggers” unnecessarily

  antagonized the emancipated against their former masters, all the while ben-

  efi ting from this tumult politically and fi nancially.  Infl uenced by the events

  unfolding across the South during the 1960s, historians revisited the role of the

  Freedmen’s Bureau in Reconstruction. Such works revised the agent as a prod-

  uct of his time, who was subject to the whole gamut of human characteristics,

  from honesty and compassion to greed and nefariousness, and whose eff orts,

  for the most part, failed to live up to its promises. At the same time, others

  were a little more critical. To them, they represented not a vehicle of liberation,

  but an instrument for oppression. Th

  eir lack of commitment to the needs of

  the freedmen, racial and gender predispositions, and desire for order and prof-

  itability at all costs “banked the fi res of freedom.” Th

  ey achieved this by collud-

  ing with white Southern planters essentially to re- enslave the freedpeople.

  Since the 1980s, however, a “new” image of the Bureau agent has appeared, one

  more balanced than previous interpretations. Appreciating the enormity of

  the task, contemporary historians “go beyond [their] limitations, weaknesses,

  and failures to underscore the signifi cant role [these men] played in the former

  slaves’ lives. . . . ”

  A close examination reveals the typical SAC in Texas (with exceptions of

  course) was a well- intentioned, honest man toward the freedpeople. Although

  infl uenced by contemporary attitudes toward labor, dependency, and gender,

  for his time he engaged in work seen as quite philanthropic. Th

  e country asked

  them to do the unprecedented, and, despite falling short of some expectations

  (including some of their own), they achieved more than many thought possible.

  Sacrifi cing to help the former slaves, some men paid fi nancially, some paid

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  4 Introduction

  socially, and others paid with their lives. Whatever their motives and the

  obstacles placed before them, their attempts and sacrifi ces, in the words of

  Bureau historian Paul A. Cimbala, deserve “better than a summary dismissal

  . . . as being no more than the eff ort of a racist society attempting to defi ne a

  subordi
nate kind of freedom for the ex- slaves.” 

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  “A Stranger

  1

  Amongst Strangers”

  Who Were the Subassistant

  Commissioners?

  Congress charged the Freedmen’s Bureau with a multipurpose task. Th is

  task fell specifi cally to the subassistant commissioners, who were directly

  in contact with Southern whites and former slaves. Few subjects in

  Reconstruction history have more diff ering interpretations than of these men,

  considered everything from “avaricious harpies” and “honest and genuine vehi-

  cles of change” to “racist paternalists.” Later scholars would credit SACs with

  transitioning, to a small extent, the former slave into postwar American society,

  while simultaneously indicting them for everything from stifl ing poverty and

  racial segregation to black degradation during Hurricane Katrina.  By doing so,

  their identities become more than faceless, abstract entities to be either loathed or

  applauded. Lost is the fact that a Texas Bureau man went on to lead United States

  military forces in Cuba in 1898 against the Spanish; or that one fi red the fi rst

  Union shots in defense at Fort Sumter; or that military offi

  cials initially had

  another tentatively scheduled to lead the expedition into Montana where he

  would have met his fate at the Little Big Horn; or that many others went on to

  productive (if less spectacular) lives. Was the “avaricious harpy” a wealthy man or

  from more common stock? Was he a Yankee or did he hail from Dixie? Did that

  “honest and genuine vehicle of change” have a family or was he single? What

  occupations were those “racist paternalists” drawn from? Was it from the civilian

  sector or the military? By focusing on such matters, interested readers can address

  the very important question of who were the agents of the Freedmen’s Bureau.

  Th

  e answers will suggest the type of man high Bureau offi

  cials believed most

  qualifi ed (or not) to guide the freedmen’s journey from bondage to freedom.

  Th

  e Bureau operated within all eleven former Confederate states as well as

  Maryland, Missouri, Kentucky, West Virginia, and the District of Columbia.

 

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