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by Bean, Christopher B.


  work uncompleted. Many of the same problems that had plagued his predeces-

  sors were still unresolved. Th

  e transition from slave to free labor was still an

  ongoing process with many kinks yet unresolved. Although Griffi

  n’s labor

  measures, such as the no- lien policy, were to protect the freedpeople’s wages,

  whites still found ways to evade payment. Evasion of payment coupled with the

  confusion agents had with the no- lien policy helped to limit the eff ectiveness of

  Griffi

  n’s policies. Further hindrance was increased violence. In the fi rst half of

  1867 white violence had abated in much of the state, attributed to the “new

  attitude” from headquarters and Congress. In the latter half of 1867, however,

  this respite ended. Violence increased to levels not seen since late 1866, espe-

  cially as registration commenced. Failure to win political favor with the freed-

  men caused white Texans to focus their frustration on fi eld agents. Several were

  assaulted and others murdered. Increasing the organization’s death toll in the

  latter half of 1867 was the yellow fever epidemic. Brevet Major General (and

  former Bureau agent in Brownsville) Joseph J. Reynolds would replace Griffi

  n.

  He not only would have his opportunity to solve these problems that bedev-

  iled his predecessors, but he would also oversee the Bureau’s end in the Lone

  Star State. 

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  General Orders No. 40

  8

  and the Freedmen’s

  Bureau’s End

  Th

  e J. J. Reynolds Era,

  September 1867–December 1868

  Shortly before Griffi n’s death, the Freedmen’s Bureau had the highest num-

  ber of agents and subdistricts it would have in its more than three years in

  the state. From then on, however, it gradually lessened operations, trans-

  ferring authority to civil authorities until it ceased operations (except for educa-

  tional programs) at the end of 1868. While SACs wound down their operations,

  preparing the emancipated for life “aft er the Bureau,” events beyond their con-

  trol aff ected the process. Some military offi

  cials, particularly the commander of

  the Fift h Military District, Winfi eld Scott Hancock, preferred civil control with

  little interference. In General Orders No. 40, he transferred the main responsi-

  bility for protecting the freedpeople to local offi

  cials. Nearing the agency’s end,

  whites resisted in intensity not seen since the Bureau entered the state in 1865.

  Most whites saw a fi nal opportunity to strike at this most despised symbol of

  defeat. In the Bureau’s last year, Reynolds still held subordinates to high stan-

  dards, not hesitating to dismiss any for dereliction. Reynolds worked diligently

  to ensure the agency and its personnel remained professional. If the Bureau was

  to “be crushed down by the weight of public opinion,” it would at least go out

  dignifi ed and honorable.

  Born in Kentucky in 1822, Brevet Major General Joseph Jones Reynolds was

  graduated from West Point in 1843. He served in Texas prior to the Mexican

  War. Aft er the war, he was an instructor at West Point, before returning to duty

  in Indian Territory. Reynolds resigned from the military to accept a teaching

  position at a university in St. Louis in 1857. When the Civil War started, he was

  appointed colonel of an Indiana militia unit. Within months, he reached briga-

  dier general of U.S. Volunteers. He participated in the major battles of Chicka-

  mauga and Chattanooga in 1863 before being appointed commander of the

  New Orleans defenses in early 1864 and later that year to the command of the

  Department of Arkansas. He remained there until the army’s reorganization in

  July 1866, when he took command of the 26th Infantry Regiment. Th

  e following

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  The J. J. Reynolds Era, Sept. 1867–Dec. 1868

  149

  year, Reynolds was brevetted brigadier and then major general in the U.S. Army.

  He served for a short time as U.S. senator from Texas. He lost the seat aft er the

  election was challenged. Following his tenure as AC in Texas, Reynolds was

  reassigned to frontier duty in Montana, commanding forces against the Arap-

  aho and Northern Cheyenne. Having captured Crazy Horse’s “winter hideout

  and pony herd,” Reynolds prematurely retreated without engaging the warriors.

  His oversight contributed to General George A. Custer’s defeat months later.

  Superiors, in fact, off ered him command of Custer’s ill- fated expedition. He

  declined because of poor health. Reynolds was court- martialed for actions dur-

  ing another Indian campaign (subsequently found guilty, receiving a suspended

  sentence) and retired shortly aft erward in 1877. He died in 1899 and is buried in

  Arlington National Cemetery. 

  Meanwhile, Reynolds immediately made his mark on Bureau operations. He

  relocated agency headquarters from Galveston, where it had been since Septem-

  ber 1865, to Austin. Better climate dictated the move. He also appointed men of

  his own choosing as his headquarters staff , even as Griffi

  n’s staff remained in

  Galveston and still functioned as a headquarters staff . He also began appointing

  his own fi eld personnel. At the time of Reynolds’s appointment in Texas in Sep-

  tember 1867, there were 57 SACs, 15 ASACs, and 1 traveling agent. In all, the new

  assistant commissioner appointed 62 agents, with more than 70 percent with

  military service. Table 8- 1 shows the length of service for agents appointed by

  Reynolds.

  Like Kiddoo, Reynolds had few terminated for malfeasance, as shown in

  Table 8- 2. Surprisingly, none of Reynolds’s appointees voluntarily quit their

  positions. Even with the problems ceasing operation, the number and percent-

  age who died in service was lower than all, except Gregory’s.

  Military offi

  cials in Washington wanted to muster out all remaining mili-

  tary men, especially those VRC offi

  cers still in Bureau service. By late 1867, only

  four served in Texas. Th

  ey, according to Reynolds, were superb agents. He

  greatly desired their retention since they “proved themselves able and effi

  cient.”

  Commissioner Howard agreed and off ered each a civilian appointment aft er

  Table 8- 1 Length of Service for Agents Appointed by Reynolds

  Type of Bureau Agent

  Number

  Average Length of Service (Months)

  Civilian  .

  Military  .

  Note: Dates came from the Freedmen’s Bureau Roster of Offi

  cers and Civilians.

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  150

  The Freedmen’s Bureau’s End

  Table 8- 2 Reasons Agents Appointed by Reynolds Left Bureau Service

&nbs
p; Reason Number

  Percentage

  Bureau Operations: Bureau ended, consolidation, and

  

  .

  transferal or reassignment within the agency

  Military Operations: Mustered out or ordered to

  

  .

  new

  assignment

  Dropped on Request: Agent resigned appointment

  

  

  Terminated: Dismissed for criminality, cruelty, Confederate

  

  .

  service, or appointment revoked

  N/A: Reason for leaving undetermined

  

  .

  Died: murdered, disease, or accidents

  

  .

  Total: All Reynolds’s Agents

  n=

  

  Note: Th

  e information came from various sources, but much of it came from the U.S. Census and

  the Freedmen’s Bureau’s Special Orders and Correspondences.

  their muster out. Of these (Edward Miller, Charles F. Rand, N. H. Randlett, and

  Albert A. Metzner), all but Miller accepted. Although overseeing the agency’s

  contraction, Reynolds still needed men for an orderly delegation of its control.

  When it ceased operations, fi ft y- seven men were still in the fi eld. Only twenty-

  one were offi

  cers in the military.

  Many of Reynolds’s policies were to prepare the freedpeople for the day with-

  out the agency. In General Orders No. 17 he ordered subordinates to allow the

  freedpeople to “dispose of their crops as other people dispose of their own

  property—without restraint from anyone.” Reynolds thought they had come to

  rely too heavily on the government (because of Griffi

  n’s orders) and less “on

  themselves.” Agents could advise but “are not directed to recommend certain

  commission houses for purchase to the exclusion of others.” Reynolds also can-

  celed the no- lien policy, believing it unfair to planters and quite confusing.

  Liens now could be placed on the worker’s shares but only with the approval of

  a SAC, who was to enforce all fair debts.

  Reynolds realized the agency’s temporariness and proposed a plan to Com-

  missioner Howard to “replace Sub Asst throughout the state” with “county

  offi

  cers.” Th

  is plan, he argued, would ease the transfer of responsibilities and

  help to “secure a more harmonious and satisfactory administration of the

  Bureau than can be attained under the present system.” Reynolds sent a copy

  for Howard’s approval. As he waited, the military command made Reynolds’s

  plan unnecessary. In New Orleans Winfi eld Scott Hancock, the new com-

  mander of the Fift h Military District, “reconfi rmed” his preference for civil

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  The J. J. Reynolds Era, Sept. 1867–Dec. 1868

  151

  rather than federal control of state matters. He did this by revoking Griffi

  n’s

  Circular Order No. 13 (jury order) and removing Reynolds’s ability to make

  political appointments, a power Hancock believed Bureau offi

  cials had abused.

  Going even further, Hancock issued General Orders No. 40 in late 1867. Th

  is

  greatly circumscribed military interference with civic duties. In other words,

  the “right of trial by jury, habeas corpus . . . [and] freedom of speech . . . must be

  preserved.” Hancock believed the “maintenance of the civil authorities in the

  faithful execution of the laws as the most effi

  cient [approach] under existing

  circumstances.” He based the order on the powers as district commander in the

  Reconstruction Act of 1867, which “exempt[ed] no class of persons” from civil

  tribunals and required him to protect “all persons in their rights of person and

  property. ”

  According to Hancock, the Bureau was too meddlesome and abusive. His

  idea of the proper relationship between SACs and state offi

  cials matched that of

  the society at large: the government’s recent actions threatened federalism.

  Hancock wanted that “proper” relationship reestablished, intended “to confi ne

  Agents . . . [to] their legitimate authority,” and determined to lessen the unnec-

  essary disputes between agents and civil authorities about jurisdiction, disputes

  he believed contrary to the military’s role to preserve the peace. Although Han-

  cock appeared to make jarring changes, much of what he implemented was

  already in place. He, in fact, did not “make any extraordinary change in policy,”

  but simply “spell[ed] out the conditions that [had already] legally existed” under

  his predecessors. To be sure, he “instituted a change in attitude.” 

  Th

  is “change in attitude” was not well received by fi eld personnel. Th

  ey

  believed it contradicted the Reconstruction Act’s intent and inhibited their per-

  formance. Of particular concern was G. O. No. 40, which they reported greatly

  hindered their attempts to protect the freedpeople. Th

  eir letters expressed their

  frustration. Some whites now believed the Bureau “played out.” Th

  ere was an

  impression “the offi

  cers of the Bureau have no power to take action in any case

  wherein the parties litigating are White & Black that all such cases must be

  referred to the Civil Courts,” reported A. H. Mayer from Austin. “Th

  e only

  power vested in the S.A. Comm. is to arbitrate cases wherein both parties litigat-

  ing are freedmen.” Mayer further described “a bitter feeling” between white

  employers and their employees. Whites now viewed the agency as “a thing that

  was” and dared agents to sue in the civil courts and “be d- d.” James P. Butler at

  Huntsville complained civil offi

  cers have “become . . . elated with the idea of

  ‘Civil law in Texas.’ ” From Richmond, William H. Rock informed whites were

  “being infl uenced” by the recent order. Th

  ey even threatened to arrest him. It “is

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  152

  The Freedmen’s Bureau’s End

  beginning to become adverse,” he continued, “and in every way very unfair [for]

  the [freed] people under Genl. Hancock’s orders,” for the whites “refuse to them

  (the f. m.) their wages & tell them to ‘sue in court.’ ” A frustrated Rock wanted

  advice about how to proceed if “I meet with the reply that [the Bureau agent]

  must now sue me at the Civil Courts [because] General Hancock orders you to

  refer all cases to the civil authorities except cases between the niggers and you

  have no authority over me.” One local white C. C. Clark wrote to D. F. Stiles, the

  agent at McLennan County. “Allow me Sir to remind you,” he mockingly stated,

  “one Bell Co. has civil offi

  cers and if you will get some competent man to read the

  order of Gen Hancock you will fi
nd out that you have no business with me. ”

  Hancock’s general order also made it more diffi

  cult to regulate labor. A freed-

  man complained to John H. Morrison that his employer had won a judgment

  against him in civil court. He discovered the two had a verbal contract for fi f-

  teen dollars a month, and the planter had actually broken the contract. Morri-

  son thought a “great injustice” had occurred and nullifi ed the judgment. Th

  e

  planter appealed to Bureau headquarters. Superiors contacted Morrison for a

  report. “I hope you [sustain] my action in the case,” he responded. In the end,

  superiors ordered Morrison to allow a new trial in civil courts, but he was to

  “supervise it.” And “if they [civil authorities] fail to render a decision according

  to law and evidence,” Morrison was to “report . . . the case . . . to this offi

  ce for

  action.” Another had similar problems with civil authorities in Huntsville, as

  they had “the idea that General Hancock has taken away all authority and power

  from the Bureau and its offi

  cers.” James P. Butler reiterated his displeasure with

  Hancock’s course when he wrote that “every civil offi

  cer in the Town & County

  is a rampant, notorious rebel, and they adhere to the old principles of Democ-

  racy and Slavery with a tenacity that would shame Napoleon.” Butler asked,

  “Now upon what grounds were such men elected to offi

  ce?” 

  Although agents were no longer to adjudicate disputes, numerous letters from

  white Texans detailing agents adjudicating and punishing them still arrived at

  Fift h Military District headquarters in New Orleans. Th

  ey claimed SACs had

  “been in the habit of sitting as Judges, holding Court, and adjudicating upon

  complaints and cases brought before them. . . .” Hancock asked Reynolds for an

  explanation since such actions violated General Orders No. 40. “Such being the

  fact, many . . . seem not to be aware of it,” he told his subordinate in Texas. “In

  Texas some are yet holding Courts, trying cases, imposing fi nes, taking fees for

  services and arresting citizens for off enses over which the Bureau is not intended

  by law to have jurisdiction.” Reynolds responded that Hancock had been mis-

  led. Agents were not “ ‘judges’ in the legal sense.” He stated white Texans adopted

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