Possession, Demoniacal And Other

by T K Oesterreich

  This is the only case known to me of plural possession amongst primitive peoples. During possession the mediums are inaccessible to the strongest sensations of heat and taste (e.g., live coals, pepper). Their social function consists in providing a means of questioning the spirits as to the future, asking their advice and imploring their protection direct. Moreover, the whole Batak repertory of ideas concerning the divine world of the hereafter and the destiny of men after death is bound to repose on the communications which the spirits make by the mouths of the mediums. The many narratives of the natives are interesting, inasmuch as they show how strongly the mediums are gripped by their state and also the fact that they die early, particularly when chosen by spirits who hold high rank in the Beyond. Possession is preceded by a vision of the spirit which is about to enter into the medium.

  Accounts of the parapsychic performances of the mediums are not susceptible of subsequent proof. In certain cases mediums must copy the dead very exactly in all their gestures without having known them, and must in addition possess intimate knowledge of them which could not have been acquired in a normal manner. Finally, they must give proof of capacities which they do not possess in the waking state, such as ability to read.

  The statements of the natives are naturally insufficient to demonstrate the actual occurrence of parapsychic phenomena. In certain cases their non-existence is practically certain, as, for instance, when a native writes that the medium reads, although he has never learnt to read, a magic book just as the possessing spirit had been accustomed to do in his lifetime. This must naturally refer to somnambulistic hypermnesia of things which the possessed has often heard read. A native also states that the words of the possessed are sometimes true and sometimes false. It cannot for the moment be said whether there is a residuum of objective parapsychic phenomena, but given the frequency with which they are mentioned an examination on the spot is much to be desired.

  Finally, it is also interesting to know that autosuggestive measures are used against possession when it comes on undesired.

  In order to afford the reader a first-hand glimpse into this curious world I shall now give a series of quotations from Warneck.1 It is first necessary to explain the meaning of certain words used in them. Begu means spirits in general, sumangot the spirit of an ancestor who has attained high rank in the spirit world through the worship rendered to him by his descendants. If he mounts a degree higher he is called a sombaon. The possessed are called hasandaran; not everyone can attain this condition. The datu are wizards.

  By way of introduction, here are some observations by Warneck:

  The begu invoked (that of a person recently dead) often descends upon a medium and says: “Oh, poor mother, I have received your offering and heard your wish. But what is to be done? Men are wholly dependent on him who has sent them. But only take good care of this our child and all will be well with him.”

  The begu … have a need to communicate with the world of men. With this object they choose a man or woman as medium. In the ancestral ceremonies or family festivals the ancestor descends on the medium whom he has chosen. This is called siarsiaran or hasandaran. Shamanism is an essential part of the Batak spiritualist civilization. Generally, but not always, the music of the five Batak drums, with their five different tones, must resound, whereby the transformation will be provoked not by particular melodies but by different rhythms. Then the spirit suddenly seizes his medium whose personal consciousness disappears, as the Bataks say, and is replaced by that of the deceased. Those present seek to assure themselves that they are not dealing with an impostor, and he is therefore subjected to a severe cross-examination. When he has established his authenticity, the deceased says what is in his mind or answers the questions of his descendants. In all circumstances the offerings demanded by the begu through his medium must be brought. The person who serves as medium is much fatigued by the paroxysm, and not seldom falls ill after the performance; it is said that such people do not make old bones. They are, however, held in high esteem. It is not possible to become a hasandaran of one’s own initiative nor through study, as the datu can, but the spirit himself seeks out his medium and his choice is unpredictable. Whereas the datu (wizard) charges dearly for his skill, the medium receives nothing. In so far as this puzzling manifestation can be explained it is certain that apart from an element of trickery the possessed man finds himself in a state of insensibility and eclipse of personal consciousness. The Batak Christians who were formerly mediums return to this state in certain cases against their will, which renders them profoundly unhappy afterwards. The inner life of the possessed is invaded by forces which he cannot control, which suspend both will and thought and replace them by an extraneous power. This state in a person otherwise completely sane has nothing to do with epilepsy or other nervous affections, for those who suffer from mental troubles are well known and clearly distinguished from the shamans; no one of the diseases of the mind found amongst the Bataks presents the same symptoms. The incarnated spirit uses a peculiar language the vocabulary of which is partly periphrastic and partly archaic. Sometimes the state of ecstasy takes possession of a man when no one has given it a thought, not even himself.

  It is generally ancestors who thus enter into communication with their descendants. Nevertheless, the begu of a … murdered man sometimes sets forth, much against the will of his assassins, to seek a medium and then to make himself exceedingly unpleasant. Here at least the wish is not father to the thought.1

  The following testimonies are of particular value as having been written down at Warneck’s instigation not by foreign observers but by the christianized natives:

  The begu of a dead person cannot converse directly with the living because he has no body. This is why he must borrow the body of a living person when he desires to converse with his descendants. He therefore chooses for the purpose someone according to his liking. The begu who is incarnated borrows, as it were, the body and voice of the human medium. In this medium he reproduces exactly his own manner while living, as well as his mode of dress and deportment. This is why the relations are often unable to restrain their tears when the deceased is recalled so vividly to their memory, when they hear his voice without, nevertheless, seeing his face. The medium excites belief by reason of the likeness in behaviour.

  The medium sees the face of the begu when the latter descends upon him. The begu mentions his name, all his family relationships and the occupation followed in his lifetime. He makes known hidden details of his past life, and when these show verisimilitude the relations believe that they are really dealing with the begu of the deceased. He elucidates secret family affairs. When someone is ill the possessing begu is asked whether he will live or die. In times of epidemic, when death is all around, the begu is invoked and offerings brought to him so that he may afford protection. In cases of childlessness, the begu is questioned through his medium to know whether this will be a permanent condition, and is also consulted as to where lost or stolen things may be found. When anyone is lost the begu is asked in what direction search should be made.

  The begu’s words are sometimes true, sometimes false, “like stones thrown at night” (i.e., they sometimes hit and sometimes miss). True, the heathen say that the mediums are not always genuinely possessed; there are some who simulate possession because they see that mediums are held in esteem and receive offerings.

  When a medium is asked how a begu enters into him, he gives the following account: he sees the begu approach, it feels to him as if his body were dragged away, his feet grow light and begin to jump. He sees men very small and reddish, the houses appear to whirl round. During the trance the begu does not remain continuously in the medium; he sometimes leaves him in order to take a turn. It often happens that after the ending of possession the medium is ill, and sometimes he dies. It is then said that “the begu comes to fetch him.”

  When a medium’s begu is a person of consequence, his fate is a painful one; the mediums and the great datu (w
izards) seldom reach old age.

  Many Bataks converted to Christianity say that it is wrong to regard possession as mere trickery, for if it were how could the possessed know the secret affairs of the deceased, matters often going back three generations? It is true that now when many have become Christians, the begu are afraid to come because of the true word of God which is amongst the Bataks.

  When a begu desires to take possession of someone who is unwilling, the latter seeks to prevent him in the following manner: he burns dung in his vicinity, and when the begu arrives this puts him to flight. When a begu has taken possession of a man but has not yet spoken he is begged with fair words to express himself distinctly. The begu of outcasts or suicides cannot choose a medium, for they are an abomination to men and begu alike. When two or three begu take possession of their mediums at the same time they often quarrel if they were already enemies in their lifetimes. But if they were friends they treat one another amiably and with courtesy.

  A medium is one thing, a person once accidentally possessed by a begu quite another.… This latter may be no matter whom; the former when he has been chosen by a begu, becomes a regular medium as soon as the customary drumming has been executed. When the heathen desire to make a sacrifice to the sumangot of their ancestor because the datu has declared it necessary, the medium first puts his tondi (his soul) into the log, which means that the chosen man avoids all thought of other things; he fasts for some days, he wastes away, for the begu already has him on the hook. Then he grows sick, for the begu is now upon him. Often when the medium is ill this furnishes the occasion for drum-beating owing to the belief that the begu is preparing to come to him: when the drumming has begun the people dance and the medium jumps about. His steps resound, he takes burning coals from the hearth and puts them in his mouth. When he is offered palm wine, ginger or other delicacies, he gulps them down, cries aloud or sings in a nasal voice. But he is not yet trusted; to know whether he is really the grandfather’s sumangot he is asked: “Who are you, grandfather?” Then the medium announces the grandfather’s relationships and his private affairs, and demands the dishes which he preferred in his lifetime. When these things are recognized as true he inspires confidence and is then asked for advice. He announces what people should do in order to win good luck or to get rid of an illness; he also foretells misfortune. So far as the medium’s utterances are concerned, there are some who merely confine themselves to chatter about things which they know; some have a slightly studied language; and yet others really receive their words from the begu. It is through mediums that the Bataks have learnt the manners and customs of the begu; they know that the begu have houses, hold markets, need food and sacrifices, etc.

  Sometimes a man takes a wife from a far country. Then the grandfather of the man who went to seek her takes possession of her without ever having known her. When she has called him by his name she is asked to give proofs. “Who are your relations?” She is also asked to tell things which are only known to the family. The medium makes correct replies, although the woman cannot have known anything about these matters. Sometimes the begu of a datu takes possession of a woman. The latter has never learnt Batak writing, but if she is given a magic book she reads it fluently in a singing voice, exactly as the datu did in his lifetime.

  There was formerly in Silindung a famous datu named Ompu Djarung. After his death none of his descendants were datu for four generations. But someone of his line having learnt magic, the defunct took possession of an ignorant and taciturn woman. When she had become a medium she called the man who had learnt magic and taught him the magic charms, the choice of days and other magic arts. The disciple gave her a book of sorcery in old Batak script, and she was at once able to read and interpret it although she had never been to school and did not know the magic books. Everyone marvelled at this.…

  There are many of them (sombaon—i.e., ancestors who have reached the summit of the hierarchy in the spirit-world); for all the woods and great trees are peopled with sombaon. Every time when another sombaon is invoked he descends upon his own medium. It then sometimes lasts for a month.1

  The begu of a man who has been done to death in a horrible fashion for the purpose of working a certain magic spell sometimes takes possession of a man, but never of a woman. When he descends upon him it is a terrible spectacle. He strips himself of all clothing down to the loin-cloth passing between his legs; crams his mouth with live coals, drinks great quantities of dirty water in which washing has been done, picks up the remains of rice which lie about on the mats and devours them like an animal. As offering he demands dressed meat, palm wine and salted meat. When he has received all this he begins to speak. On entering into the medium he generally cries: “I say it, I say it, I say it!” He announces his name, the way in which he has been killed, together with the name of his murderer. The frightened people reply: “Not that, grandfather! You ought not to say it!” For if he proclaims it his late master or relatives may come to know of the fact that he has been killed with molten lead, and this would arouse strife. Sacrifices are offered to the pangulubang (the murdered man) every year. If this is not regularly done he brings misfortune on those responsible for the arrangements; often the whole family is exterminated or the children born without bones. This begu is a terrible one.2

  When the cult of the sumangot is celebrated there is a feast with music, sacrifice, dances, etc. Warneck says:

  … Thereupon the master of ceremonies begins to dance, then the nearest relatives, then the mediums, male or female. These latter are purified by the usual methods and the people cry: “Visit your host, oh grandfather, so that he may announce prosperity to us, to us your descendants.” Then the sumangot takes possession of his medium. He is given piri (?) to unseal his lips. He gives his name, and asks why the whole orchestra is playing. The master of ceremonies then tells him about the sick man’s malady and the datu’s verdict. The sumangot replies by the medium: “If this is so you have recognized your fault (in having remained for a long time without sacrificing); the sickness of my grandchild will be healed, but you must still do this and that.” Everyone is joyous and relieved because the medium has spoken thus and feels complete faith in his utterances.3

  We will supplement with this passage from another of Warneck’s works:

  This is what happens on the arrival of the spirits. The whole family assembles to honour a great ancestor and question him on a matter of importance. First, music is made for a long time on four different instruments. The monotonous rhythm, the melody based essentially on measure, have a certain fascination. Suddenly a medium dashes forward and becomes another man. He sees the soul of the ancestor coming towards him in its erstwhile form. He no longer has any consciousness of his own body, he feels that he is the deceased whose inner life dominates his own. Those present appear to him small and reddish. He begins to leap and dance convulsively when the rhythm carries him away, always sustained by that muffled music until everything whirls around him and he stops exhausted and flecked with foam. He is given palm wine and betel and interrogated. First of all he asks for a certain kind of drum music which is an indispensable condition to the manifestation of the spirit.… It is characteristic that the medium is terribly exhausted by this agitation. He not seldom falls ill and dies in consequence, and it is said that such people never grow old.1

  It is also significant that the invading spirit uses a particular language which strikingly recalls ancient Batak. The words of this special language are … in part cautious circumlocutions … and in part quite strange words. That a medium should previously have practised this language is generally out of the question. As a rule the drum must be beaten in order that the soul of the deceased may come, but in certain cases it comes spontaneously upon a man at a moment when no one was giving it a thought. While the spirit is in him the possessed loses personal consciousness and behaves exactly like the deceased. Cases exist in which the medium has had no knowledge of the man whose soul entered into him.2

/>   Mediums have often announced things and names which they could not possibly have known of themselves. A short time before the first Europeans arrived in the country various mediums foretold in a circumstantial manner that a new era was opening for the country of the Bataks and what it would mean to them.3

  It is certain that conversion to Christianity cures a number of possessed persons by the feeling which it confers of greater security against the attacks of demoniac powers.

  At Sumatra and Nias the Christians have dared when confronted with the possessed to command the evil spirit to come forth quietly in the name of Jesus, and it was thereupon clear to them that the demon left the unfortunate man.4

  Warneck is of the opinion that this state of possession defies explanation. It must, however, be added that, in so far as there is no question of secondary parapsychic manifestations, these phenomena present no difficulty to the psychologist. They are, as we have seen, completely and even easily explicable.

  From the foregoing accounts it is obvious that possession amongst the Bataks is perfectly consistent with the general picture of the less violent forms. The only thing which is not absolutely clear is whether the possessed really fall into complete somnambulism. It is surprising they that retain a certain memory of their state.

  Of considerable importance are the states of possession artificially induced amongst the inhabitants of the Malay Peninsula (the Bataks of the Island of Sumatra are also Malays).