A Historical Grammar of the Maya Language of Yucatan (1557-2000)

Home > Other > A Historical Grammar of the Maya Language of Yucatan (1557-2000) > Page 39
A Historical Grammar of the Maya Language of Yucatan (1557-2000) Page 39

by Victoria R. Bricker


  (ah) çabim=be

  ‘weasel’

  ‘road’

  ‘lookout, sentinel, spy’

  ɔib

  kaba

  ɔib=kaba

  ‘writing’

  ‘name’

  ‘signature’

  hool

  na hol=na

  ‘head, hair, top’

  ‘house’

  ‘ridgepole of thatched house from the outside’

  icham

  beel icham=beel

  ‘husband’

  ‘road, way’

  ‘marital life [with a husband]’

  naa

  cab naa=cab

  ‘mother’

  ‘bee’

  ‘queen bee’

  pec

  chac pec=chac

  ‘sound of moving bell or drum’ ‘rain god’

  ‘thunder’

  tooz

  haa tooz=haa

  ‘powder [soot, dust, grain dust]’ ‘rain, water’

  ‘drizzle’

  Such compounds are also common in the Hocaba dictionary of Modern Yucatec:

  (130) First Noun

  Second Noun

  Compound

  ʔáak’ab’

  ȼ’unúʔun

  ʔáak’ab’=ȼ’unúʔun

  ‘night’

  ‘hummingbird’

  ‘moth’

  b’ùuȼ’

  ʔéek’

  š b’uȼ’=ʔéek’

  ‘smoke’

  ‘star’

  ‘comet’

  228 NOUNS

  ȼíimin

  k’áak’

  ȼíimin=k’áak’

  ‘horse’

  ‘flame, fire’

  ‘train’

  ʔìis

  tuk’

  š ʔìis=tuk’

  ‘sweet potato’

  ‘Acrocomia mexicana

  ‘palm fruit’

   Karw. ex Wart.’

  mayak tùun

  mayak=tùun

  ‘table’

  ‘stone’

  ‘stone table used for slaughtering pigs’

  mùuk’

  yàah

  muk’=yah

  ‘strength’

  ‘pain’

  ‘suffering’

  naʔ

  kéeh

  š naʔ=kéeh

  ‘mother’

  ‘deer’

  ‘doe’

  šìib’

  pàal

  šíʔi=pal

  ‘male, man’

  ‘infant, child, minor’

  ‘boy’

  šùuš

  k’áak’

  šuš=k’áak’

  ‘wasp’

  ‘flame, fire’

  ‘pox’

  The relational noun, et (phonetic [ʔéet]), also served as the first element in nominal compounds in Colo-

  nial Yucatec, where it had the same function as the prefix, “co-,” in English:

  (131) Nominal

  Root

  Gloss

  Compound

  Gloss

  baxal

  toy, game

  et=ah-baxalil

  companion in games or pleasure

  cħup

  woman, female

  et=cħuplalil

  female companion (of a woman)

  kik blood

  et=kikelil consanguine

  uinic

  man, woman

  et=uinicil

  fellow being, neighbor

  xib

  male, man

  et=xibal

  concubine, competitor

  Two of these compounds have cognates in Modern Yucatec:

  (132) Colonial

  Modern

  Yucatec

  Gloss

  Yucatec

  Gloss

  et=cħuplil

  female companion

  ʔéet=š-č’úupil

  female companion

   (of a woman)

  et=xibal

  concubine,

  ʔéet=šìib’il

  companion, friend

   competitor

  3.2. ADJECTIVE-PLUS-NOUN COMPOUNDS. Many nominal compounds in Colonial Yucatec contained an

  adjective followed by a common noun:

  NOUNS

  229

  (133) Adjective

  Noun

  Compound

  çac be

  çac=be

  ‘white’

  ‘road’

  ‘highway’

  çac taau çac=tau

  ‘white’

  ‘lead’

  ‘tin’

  çaç cab

  çaç=cab

  ‘clear’

  ‘land, world; town, region’

  ‘dawn’

  tzolan cuxtal

  tzolan=cuxtal

  ‘in order’

  ‘life’

  ‘way of life’

  chac bac

  chac=bac

  great, very, much’

  ‘bone’

  ‘thigh, long bone’

  kan heel

  kan=heel

  ‘yellow’

  ‘egg’

  ‘egg yolk’

  kux co

  kux=co

  ‘painful’

  ‘tooth’

  ‘toothache’

  mul tumut mul=tumut

  ‘together, communal’

  ‘plan, advice’

  ‘joint agreement, decision’

  pah al

  pah=al

  ‘imagined, presumed’

  ‘woman’s son or daughter’

  ‘fictive son or daughter’

  toh olal

  toh=olal

  ‘straight, direct’

  ‘will, desire’

  ‘health’

  Similar compounds are documented in the Hocaba dictionary of Modern Yucatec:

  (134) Adjective

  Noun

  Compound

  b’ùuy

  b’ak’

  b’uy=b’ak’

  ‘dry, hard’

  ‘meat’

  ‘scar’

  čan

  pàal

  čàam=b’al

  ‘little’

  ‘infant, child, minor’

  ‘baby, child’

  š čukul

  t’àan

  š čukul=t’àan

  ‘rapid’

  ‘speech, word’

  ‘rapid speech’

  č’uhuk

  wìiš

  č’uhuk=wìiš

  ‘sweet’

  ‘urine’

  ‘diabetes’

  230 NOUNS

  mahàan yùum

  mahan=yùum

  ‘borrowed’

  ‘father’

  ‘stepfather’

  noh

  b’eh

  noh=b’eh

  ‘principal’

  ‘road, way’

  ‘main road, highway, avenue’

  p’èeš

  wíinik

  p’eš=wíinik

  ‘small’

  ‘man’

  ‘midget, dwarf’

  sak

  túuš

  sak=tuš

  ‘white; false’

  ‘dimple’

  ‘dent corn’

  sáas tùun

  sáas=tùun

  ‘clear’

  ‘stone’

  ‘crystal ball’

  tòoh

  ʔóolal

  tòoh=ʔóolal

  ‘straight, direct’

  ‘will, desire’

  ‘health’

  yáaš

  k’ìin

  yáaš=k’ìin

  ‘first, prior’

  ‘day, season’

  ‘spring [March, April, May]’

  4. NOMINAL PHRASES

  Nominal p
hrases composed of two nouns can be distinguished from nominal compounds based on the

  same nouns in terms of whether the second noun is inflected for possession with a clitic pronoun. For

  example, the Calepino de Motul contains examples of a nominal compound and a phrase based on the

  nouns, moc ‘knot’ and bac ‘bone,’ which together mean ‘joint’:

  (135a) v moc=bacil in kab y etel voc

  ‘the joints of my hands and my feet’ (Ciudad Real 1600?: fol. 306v)

  (135b) v moc in bacel

  ‘my joints [literally, the knot of my bone]’ (Ciudad Real 1600?: fol. 306v)

  In (135a), the nouns in the compound (moc=bac) are possessed as a unit, with the possessive clitic particle,

  v, and the nominal suffix, -il, referring to the compound as a whole, whereas in (135b), each noun has a

  clitic pronoun, v moc and in bacel, the suffix in bac-el serving as the one appropriate for bac.

  Another minimal pair, contrasting the constituents of a compound with those of a phrase, is based on

  the nouns, chun ‘base, origin’ and tħan ‘word, language, speech,’ which together mean ‘leader, elder, chief,

  prelate’:

  (136a) payal=tetex v chun=tħanob

  ‘invite the elders!’ (Ciudad Real 1600?: fol. 360v)

  (136b) he cuch=teelbil v cahe v nah v tzicib v chun v tħan

  ‘as for the subject town here, it should obey its chief’ (Ciudad Real 1600?: fol. 87v)

  NOUNS 231

  (136c) v chun ca tħan Juan

  ‘John is our leader’ (Ciudad Real 1600?: fol. 149r)

  In (136a), the nouns in the compound (chun=tħan) are possessed as a unit, with the possessive clitic pro-

  noun, v, and the plural suffix, -ob, referring to the compound as a whole. In contrast, in (136b–c), each noun

  in the phrase has a clitic pronoun: v chun and v tħan or ca tħan.

  For the same reason, reflexive and reciprocal constructions, like v bal v ba ‘his possessions’ and v ba tan

  ba ‘each other,’ are also nominal phrases (see 1.2.3. above).

  However, only the first noun in some double-noun phrases is inflected for possession with a clitic

  pronoun:

  (137a) nuppan v mac v cuchil çabac

  ‘the inkwell is covered’ (Ciudad Real 1600?: fol. 339v)

  (137b) y otoch çinic

  ‘the anthill [literally, the home of ants]’ (Ciudad Real 1600?: fol. 352r)

  (137c) y otoch tzimin

  ‘the stable [literally, the home of horses]’ (Ciudad Real 1600?: fol. 352r)

  The second noun is semantically the possessor in these cases, and for this reason the groups of nouns can

  be classified as phrases.

  Comparable examples appear in the Hocaba dictionary of Modern Yucatec. First of all, the nominal

  phrase, k’ìin k’àab’aʔ ‘birthday,’ composed of k’ìin ‘day’ and k’àaab’aʔ ‘name,’ can be compared with the nom-

  inal compound, k’ìin=k’uh ‘principal day of festival,’ composed of k’ìin ‘day’ and k’uh ‘God, saint’:

  (138a) u k’ìin in k’àab’aʔ

  ‘my birthday [literally, the day of my name]’ (V. Bricker et al. 1998;153)

  (138b) u k’ìin=k’uhil

  ‘the holy day’ (V. Bricker et al. 1998:153)

  Other examples of nominal phrases in Modern Yucatec include:

  (139a) máʔ k’oháʔanečiʔ čéen u ȼ’iʔ aw óol

  ‘you’re not sick; it’s only your imagination’ (V. Bricker et al. 1998:50)

  (139b) u b’áʔal u b’ah

  ‘his property’ (V. Bricker et al. 1998:26)

  (139c) t in manah hun p’éel u lèekil wàah

  ‘I bought one tortilla gourd’ (V. Bricker et al. 1998:167)

  It is not clear whether Colonial Yucatec also had adjective-plus-noun phrases because of the difficulty

  of distinguishing them from similarly structured compounds. The Hocaba dictionary contains only one

  possible example of such a nominal phrase, čowak ʔíič’ak ‘thief,’ in the following sentence:

  232 NOUNS

  (140) kaláant a b’ah tíʔ šíipaloʔ čowak uy íič’ak

  ‘look out for that boy! he’s a thief [literally, long are his fingernails]!’ (V. Bricker et al. 1998:11)

  5. SUMMARY OF CHANGES IN NOUNS THROUGH TIME

  Contact with Spanish culture has resulted in a significant loss of Maya kin terms, undoubtedly because of

  the replacement of the original double-descent system by the bilateral descent system of the Spanish con-

  querors. Only for relatives in Ego’s generation is the original set of kin terms still intact.

  The noun classifiers, ah and ix, that also functioned as markers of male (ah) and female (ix) gender

  in Colonial Yucatec, have been reduced to h and š, respectively in Modern Yucatec. Instrumental nouns

  co-occurred with neither classifier in Colonial Yucatec but are now classified by š in Modern Yucatec. On

  the other hand, agentive nouns that were marked by -nal and classified by ah in Colonial Yucatec co-occur

  with neither h nor š in Modern Yucatec.

  Colonial Yucatec used ba ‘self’ in both reflexive and reciprocal constructions. Only the reflexive use

  has survived in Modern Yucatec. The agentive suffix, -yah, in Colonial Yucatec does not occur in Modern

  Yucatec. On the other hand, Modern Yucatec marks abstract and partitive nouns with different suffixes,

  whereas Colonial Yucatec used the same suffix for both.

  NOTES

  1. The intervening consonant is -l-, not -h-, in Mopan (Hofling 2011:26).

  2. When -il is suffixed to the names of domesticated plants in Modern Yucatec, it marks them as cultivated

  in one’s own garden, contrasting with those that are purchased, which take no suffix when they are

  possessed: im p’àakil ‘my tomato (cultivated)’ versus im p’àak ‘my tomato (purchased)’ (V. Bricker et al.

  1998:360).

  3. The parentheses around a classifier in this and other examples in this chapter indicate that its use is

  optional.

  4. According to Hofling (2008:4–6), the use of ah and ix as noun classifiers with faunal and botanical terms

  is much more robust in Mopan than in the other Yucatecan languages, suggesting that the use of these

  classifiers may have been more widespread in Proto-Yucatecan than it was in Colonial Yucatec.

  CHAPTER 9

  NUMBERS AND NUMERAL CLASSIFIERS

  The Precolumbian Maya had a vigesimal number system that was used in a sophisticated system of time

  reckoning extending thousands of years into the future and millions of years into the past (V. Bricker and

  H. Bricker 2015; Stuart 2011), significant elements of which were still in use during the first half of the six-

  teenth century, when the Spaniards arrived in the Yucatan peninsula. Numbers could not be used alone

  for quantifying nouns; another word known as a “numeral classifier” was placed between the two words

  (or substituted for the noun altogether). A number of numeral classifier phrases served as temporal and

  spatial adverbs in Colonial Yucatec, thereby compensating for the lack of an adverbial form class in this

  language.

  1. NUMBER WORDS

  The words for the number from one to eleven were monomorphemic in Colonial Yucatec:

  (1)

  hun ‘one’

  ca ~ caa ~ cab ‘two’

  ox ‘three’

  can ‘four’

  ho ‘five’

  vac ~ uac ‘six’

  vuc ~ uuc ‘seven’

  vaxac ~ uaxac ‘eight’

  bolon ‘nine’

  lahun ‘ten’

  buluc ‘eleven’

  The numbers from twel
ve through nineteen were formed by combining all or part of lahun ‘ten’ with the

  words for the numbers from two through nine:

  (2)

  lah=ca ~ lah=cab ‘twelve’

  ox=lahun ‘thirteen’

  can=lahun ‘fourteen’

  ho=lahun ~ ho=lhun ‘fifteen’

  233

  234

  NUMBERS AND NUMERAL CLASSIFIERS

  vac=lahun ~ uac=lahun ‘sixteen’

  vuc=lahun ~ uuc=lahun ‘seventeen’

  vaxac=lahun ~ uaxac=lahun ‘eighteen’

  bolon=lahun ~ bolon=hun ‘nineteen’

  All of the numbers from one to nineteen are well represented in Colonial documents.

  The vigesimal element in the Yucatecan number system begins with the name for twenty, hun kal (lit-

  erally, ‘one twenty’). Multiples of this number were formed by combining the words for the numbers from

  two through nineteen with kal:

  (3)

  hun kal ‘twenty’

  ca kal ‘forty’

  ox kal ‘sixty’

  can kal ‘eighty’

  ho kal ‘one hundred’

  et cetera

  The next higher-order number in this system was hun bak (literally, ‘one 400’). And hun pic referred to ‘eight

  thousand’ (20 x 400). Both bak and pic appear in Colonial documents.

  The words for the numbers from twenty one through thirty are well represented in Colonial documents

  (except for the accidental gap of the missing twenty seven):

  (4)

  hun tu kal ‘twenty one’

  ca tu kal ‘twenty two’

  ox tu kal ‘twenty three’

  can tu kal ‘twenty four’

  ho tu kal ~ ho tuc kal ‘twenty five’

  vac tu kal ~ uac tu kal ‘twenty six’

  *vuc tu kal ~ *uuc tu kal ‘twenty seven’

  vaxac tu kal ~ uaxac tu kal ‘twenty eight’

  bolon tu kal ‘twenty nine’

  lahun ca kal ‘thirty’

  The status of tu in hun tu kal and the other numbers below thirty is unclear. It could represent t u ‘in its,’

  implying that the numbers from one through nine are “in twenty,” that is, in the first score. On the other

  hand, the presence of tuc in ho tuc kal suggests that what lies between the first and the third number is a

  particle whose final consonant has been deleted in the other number terms in order to reduce the conso-

  nant cluster resulting from the juxtaposition of tuc and kal.

  It should be noted that tu was the element of choice in hieroglyphic spellings of the numbers between

  twenty and forty on pages D.25 to D. 28 of the Dresden Codex, a Precolumbian Maya manuscript (Figure

  9-1). But there, too, the presence of tu instead of tuc could have represented the implementation of a

  phono logical process for reducing a cluster of two velar consonants to one.

  Another seeming anomaly in the data set in (4) is that “thirty” is represented by lahun cakal, instead of

 

‹ Prev