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A Historical Grammar of the Maya Language of Yucatan (1557-2000)

Page 41

by Victoria R. Bricker


  ‘one house lot here belongs to my son, Juan Ek’ (TK661-048-049)

  (19c) bay xan hun ppel solar y u cħenil yn matan t in yum lae

  ‘thus also, one house lot with its well is my gift from my father’ (IXL766Z)

  2.2. NUMERAL CLASSIFIERS AS SURROGATE ADVERBS IN COLONIAL YUCATEC. An unusual characteristic of

  a number of numeral classifiers is that they can only co-occur with the number, hun ‘one.’ This is the reason

  why so many numeral classifiers are listed only as part of compound expressions with hun ‘one’ on the

  thirteen pages running from folio 196r through 202r in the Calepino de Motul. And the reason why their

  use with numbers is limited to hun ‘one’ is that they have a special idiomatic function as temporal adverbs

  that other numeral classifiers lack. Some examples of these special-purpose numeral classifier expressions

  are listed in (20) below:

  (20)

  hun=bak ‘jointly, together’

  hun=bel ‘increasing day by day; while’

  hun=bul ‘continuously’

  hun=cet ‘equal, jointly, together, equally’

  hun=çut ‘at one point, in one moment or instant, immediately’

  hun=tzol ‘in order, in a row’

  hun=tzac ‘apart, aside’

  hun=hol ‘straight, directly, without deviating to one side or the other’

  hun=hom ‘on the dot, very promptly’

  hun=yalili ‘superficial, skin deep’

  hun=yuk ‘general, universal; generally, universally’

  hun=kalab ‘all, entire’

  hun=kub ‘alone [without companions]; fitting exactly [without room for anything else]’

  hun=kul ‘perpetual, eternal, everlasting, forever’

  hun=mac ‘full’

  hun=moçonili ‘rapidly [like a whirlwind passes]’

  hun=mol ‘together, joined, accumulated, near’

  hun=tacil ‘apart, aside, alone’

  hun=taɔ ‘straight, direct, directly without stopping’

  hun=tach ‘exactly, promptly, at once’

  hun=tanil ‘carefully, diligently’

  hun=tħul ‘direct, straight, directly’

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  NUMBERS AND NUMERAL CLASSIFIERS

  hun=xicnal ‘exactly, promptly, at once’

  ti hun=lukul ‘forever’

  Some examples of their use as temporal adverbs appear below:

  (21a) hun=bak v tħanob

  ‘they speak with one voice’ (Ciudad Real 1600?: fol. 196r)

  (21b) hun=cet v benelob

  ‘they go together’ (Ciudad Real 1600?: fol. 197r)

  (21c) hun=çut a talel vaye

  ‘in one moment you will arrive here’ (Ciudad Real 1600?: fol. 197v)

  (21d) hun=hol a benel t u beel a col

  ‘directly you go on the road to your field’ (Ciudad Real 1600?: fol. 197v)

  (21e) hun=kul puɔi

  ‘he fled forever’ (Ciudad Real 1600?: fol. 199r)

  (21f) hun=mol v benelob

  ‘they go together’ (Ciudad Real 1600?: fol. 199v)

  (21g) hun=tħul v benel ti y otoch

  ‘he goes straight home’ (Ciudad Real 1600?: fol. 201v)

  (21h) ti

  hun=lukul v ppatah

  ‘he left it forever’ (Ciudad Real 1600?: fol. 422r)

  An interesting characteristic of the numeral classifier phrases in (21a–h) is that, in every case, they

  occupy the initial position in the clause. As such, they function as focused adverbials, and, according to

  Yasugi (2005:65–66), the verbs that follow them should be marked accordingly. That is indeed the case with

  hun=taɔ ‘straight, direct, directly without stopping’ and binel (imperfective), binic (perfective), and binebal

  in the following sentences drawn from the Chronicle of Cħac Xulub Cħen and the Documentos de Tabi:

  (22a) ti sutpahaan ti likin

  ‘it turned to the east;

  hun=taɔ v binel ti noh be

  it goes straight to the highway’ (OX697-015-016)

  (22b) hun=taɔ binicon ti kax

  ‘we went directly to the forest’ (CHX-587)

  (22c) hun=taɔ binebal latulah t u hol noh laam ti chikin lae

  ‘it will go straight until the end of the big depression in the west’ (OX683-043A-044B)

  NUMBERS AND NUMERAL CLASSIFIERS

  243

  As further evidence of their adverbial status, the numeral classifiers in (21a–h) and (22a–c) are not

  immediately followed by nouns. This is also true of numeral classifiers with temporal and spatial mean-

  ings, such as ten ‘time(s)’ and lub ‘league.’ ca=ten ‘twice’ also means ‘again,’ a common adverb in Yucatecan

  Maya, as in:

  (23a) ma bay=kin in beeltic t u ca=ten

  ‘I will never do it again’ (Ciudad Real 1600?: fol. 279r)

  (23b) babahel in mal vay t u ca=ten

  ‘a little while from now I will pass by again’ (Ciudad Real 1600?: fol. 38v)

  Units of time like kin ‘day’ and haab ‘year’ could also serve as numeral classifiers without a following noun:

  (24a) hun=kin ca sihi

  ‘on one day he was born’ (Bacabs 1779?:83)

  (24b) hun=kin c u chibal u uich u

  ‘for one day the face of the moon is bitten’ (Bacabs 1779?:87)

  (24c) hun=hab kalan ti mascab t u menob

  ‘for one year he was locked up in jail by them’ (CHX-295A-B)

  (24d) ox=haab in culic y icnal

  I lived with him for three years’ (Ciudad Real 1600?: fol. 202v)

  So also could numeral classifiers that referred to distance:

  (25a) vai ti kuchion t u chun v mulil Tabi

  ‘here we arrived at the base of the wall of Tabi,

  ca=lub y okol ca cahal loe

  two leagues above our town’ (YT718B-104A-C)

  (25b) hun=auat hun=lub u talel

  ‘for one shout, one league he comes’ (Gordon 1913:87)

  In other words, although many numeral classifiers directly preceded nouns, those that functioned as tem-

  poral or spatial adverbs did not.

  On the other hand, when kin ‘day’ appeared in a numeral classifier phrase before a noun, it had an

  adjectival function, as in:

  (26)

  lay u chun ca kin xec ca kin ahaulil

  ‘this is the reason for the two-day seat, the two-day reign’ (Gordon 1913:20)

  And, of course, kin ‘day’ was also a noun that could itself be quantified with the numeral classifiers, piz and

  ppel, in dates, as in (6a–d).

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  NUMBERS AND NUMERAL CLASSIFIERS

  2.3. HISTORICAL CHANGE IN NUMERAL CLASSIFIERS. A comparison of the number of numeral classifiers

  that are mentioned in the Calepino de Motul (166) with the number of numeral classifiers that were still in

  use during the 1970s and 1980s in Hocaba (230) and Pixoy (225) gives the false impression that they have

  actually increased in number over time. That is because, unlike modern lexicographers, the compilers of

  the Calepino made no effort to elicit all the numeral classifiers in the Maya lexicon of the late sixteenth

  century. Most of those that were mentioned do not appear as head words, but show up accidentally in

  example sentences under other head words.

  Many of the numeral classifiers for which evidence is lacking in the Calepino de Motul show up in

  notarial documents and the Books of Chilam Balam of Chumayel and Tizimin, as well as the manuscript

  known as “The Ritual of the Bacabs.” The Chumayel mentions 88 numeral classifiers, of which 41 are not

  shared with the Calepino de Motul. The Tizimin mentions 62 numeral classifiers, of which 18 are not shared

  with either the Calepino or the Chumaye
l. And “The Ritual of the Bacabs” refers to 99 numeral classifiers,

  of which 52 are not shared with the Calepino or the two Books of Chilam Balam. There are also 12 numeral

  classifiers in notarial documents that do not appear in the other Colonial sources. Therefore, to the 166

  numeral classifiers that are documented in the Calepino de Motul may be added 123 numeral classifiers

  from these other sources (41 + 18 + 52 +12), for a grand total of 289 numeral classifiers in Colonial sources.

  But these numbers do not tell the whole story of what happened to numeral classifiers in Yucatecan

  Maya over time. Only 103 of the 289 classifiers in the Colonial sources, or ca 36 percent, have been docu-

  mented in the Modern dialects of Hocaba and Pixoy. This means that 186 numeral classifiers in the Colonial

  sources, or ca. 64 percent, were lost over time. Furthermore, 233 numeral classifiers in Hocaba and Pixoy

  are not shared with each other, nor with Colonial sources. Assuming that the numeral classifiers in Modern

  Yucatec that are not also attested in Colonial sources were originally present at the beginning of the Colo-

  nial period, Colonial Yucatec must have had at least 233 more numeral classifiers than the 289 numeral

  classifiers that are actually documented in Colonial sources, for a total of 522 numeral classifiers:

  (27)

  166 in Calepino de Motul

  123 in other Colonial sources

  233 only in Modern Yucatec5

  522 in Colonial Yucatec (hypothetical)

  It should be noted that this figure —  522 numeral classifiers —  is similar to the 528 numeral classifiers

  elicited by Brent Berlin (1968) for the dialect of Tzeltal spoken in Tenejapa in highland Chiapas, Mexico,

  during the 1960s. What is different is the number of numeral classifiers in the two regions that have sur-

  vived into recent times: 230 in Hocaba and 225 in Pixoy versus 528 in Tenejapa. Clearly, the rate of loss of

  numeral classifiers in Yucatecan Maya has been much greater than in Tzeltal.

  This discrepancy can be traced to the differential exposure of the two languages to Spanish loan vocab-

  ulary. In the 1960s, most of the population of Tenejapa spoke no Spanish (Berlin 1968:19), whereas by

  1970, Yucatecan Maya had been heavily influenced by Spanish. In the Tzeltal region, the number system

  was robust, and it was still possible to count up to 800 in Tzeltal (Kaufman 1971:91–96), whereas in the

  Yucatan peninsula, only the numbers from one to three or, at most four, or five were still in use (Romero

  Castillo 1961:658).

  Speakers of Yucatecan Maya normally do not use numeral classifiers with Spanish numbers (Blair and

  Vermont-Salas 1965:61; but see Lucy 1992:51). Therefore, as Spanish loans replaced the Maya terms for

  numbers, the number of opportunities for using numeral classifiers in the language must have declined.

  And because numeral classifiers were used less often than in the past, many of them were gradually for-

  gotten and therefore not passed on to the next generation.

  NUMBERS AND NUMERAL CLASSIFIERS

  245

  In my experience, speakers of Yucatecan Maya who were born during the 1930s used numeral classi-

  fiers with great precision, but those born a generation or two later are not able to distinguish šéet’ ‘piece’

  from šóot’ ‘chunk’ and b’áab’ ‘stalk, stem’ from múuč’ ‘group.’ Their Maya vocabulary is less varied than the

  vocabulary of earlier generations, and it lacks some of the nuances of earlier varieties of the language.

  The impact of this change is most noticeable in the way that p’éel has become the dominant numeral

  classifier in the language. At the beginning of the Colonial period, the generic numeral classifiers were tul

  (phonetic [túul]) ‘animate,’ cul (phonetic [kúul]) ‘plant,’ and ppel (phonetic [p’éel]) ‘thing.’ Later in the Colo-

  nial period, ppel became the numeral classifier of choice for quantifying nouns of Spanish origin, including

  those referring to people (see 2.1. above). By the end of the twentieth century, p’éel was competing with

  túul as the animate classifier for people and animals referred to by Maya nouns, and I have also heard it

  used for quantifying plants. It seems that, as the traditional numeral classifiers fall by the wayside, p’éel is

  gradually assuming the role as the all-purpose numeral classifier with the few Maya numbers that are left

  in the language.

  There is one group of numeral classifiers that should have been relatively immune from the losses

  resulting from the replacement of Maya number words by their Spanish equivalents, namely those that

  served as surrogate temporal adverbs after the numbers, hun ‘one’ and ca ‘two.’ But this is not the case.

  The possible examples of such constructions that appear in the Hocaba dictionary (V. Bricker et al. 1998)

  are too few and too heterogeneous in meaning and structure to constitute a coherent semantic class:

  (27) hun=hùul ‘identical’

  hum=pakiliʔ ‘completely’

  hum=pùul ‘all at once, in one motion’

  hum=puliʔ ‘never, ever, forever; at once’

  hum=pùuliliʔ ‘completely’

  hum=p’íit ‘ a little’

  káʔah=téen ‘again’

  They should be compared with the examples in (20), which, because they are far more numerous and

  were grouped together under hun ‘one’ in the Calepino de Motul, were more easily recognized as having

  something in common. The ones in (27) are all that remains of what was once a robust category of numeral

  classifiers that served as temporal adverbs in Colonial Yucatec.

  NOTES

  1. This is similar to the way that speakers of German refer to the half-hour when telling time:

  um halb elf Uhr

  ‘at half-past ten’ [literally, at half eleven hour]’ (Baumann and Klatt 1910:477)

  2. The examples in (6a–e) and (8a–e) are consistent with the Maya numbers from one to forty on pages

  152–153 of Beltrán de Santa Rosa María’s Arte de la lengua maya . . (1746). Therefore, the insertion of

  “ca” before “kal” between angle brackets in the numbers from twenty one through thirty nine on page

  263 of René Acuña’s edition of Beltrán’s grammar (2002) is unlikely to be correct.

  3. An earlier treatment of this topic by Moisés Romero Castillo (1961) is based on only 33 numeral

  classifiers.

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  NUMBERS AND NUMERAL CLASSIFIERS

  4. The interrogative particle, hay ‘how many?’, is also a bound morpheme, replacing the number in

  numeral classifier phrases, such as:

  hay tul a mehenob

  ‘how many sons do you have?’ (Ciudad Real 1600?: fol. 173r)

  5. But assumed to have been present in Colonial Yucatec.

  CHAPTER 10

  ADJECTIVES

  Robert Blair (1965:45–46) called adjectives “attributives” and treated them as a subclass of nouns in his

  grammar of Modern Yucatec. So also did Norman McQuown (1967:242) in his sketch grammar of Colonial

  Yucatec. Adjectives, like nouns, can serve as stative verbs in equational sentences when they co-occur

  with pronominal suffixes (as in [9a–b] in 1.2. in Chapter 4). However, unlike nouns, adjectives cannot be

  inflected for possession with clitic pronouns, and for this reason they are not treated as a subclass of nouns

  in this grammar.

  Adjectives are more difficult to distinguish from adverbial particles in Colonial and Modern Yucatec,

  which can also function as st
ative verbs when followed by pronominal suffixes. The most useful criterion

  for differentiating them is syntactic, not morphological: only adjectives can modify nouns, whereas parti-

  cles can modify adjectives and verbs, but not nouns.

  1. ADJECTIVAL ROOTS

  Colonial and Modern Yucatec have both monosyllabic and disyllabic adjectival roots. Many of the mono-

  syllabic roots in Colonial Yucatec have cognates in Modern Yucatec. Among them are seven color terms:

  (1) Colonial

  Modern

  Adjective

  Gloss

  Adjective

  Gloss

  box

  black

  b’òoš

  black, dirty

  çak

  white, false

  sak

  white, false

  ek

  black

  ʔéek’

  black

  chac

  red

  čak

  red, pink, orange, rust-colored

  kan

  ripe, yellow

  k’an

  ripe

  poz

  pale, discolored

  pos

  pale

  yax

  green

  yáʔaš

  green

  Taste is another semantic category represented by Colonial monosyllabic adjectives and their Modern

  cognates:

  (2) Colonial

  Modern

  Adjective

  Gloss

  Adjective

  Gloss

  cii

  sweet, tasty, delicious,

  kiʔ

  delicious

   pleasant

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  248 ADJECTIVES

  çuuɔ

  sour, acrid, acidic,

  súʔuȼ’

  sour, acrid

   astringent

  cħaah

  sour

  č’áʔah

  alkaline (taste in rainwater)

  cħocħ

  salty, brackish, briny

  č’óoč’

  salty

  pah sour

  pah

  sour

  pap

  spicy, smarting, burning

  páap

  spicy

  yac

  strong like tobacco

  yak

  smelly

   and chili

  A number of monosyllabic adjectives in Colonial and Modern Yucatec are concerned with personal char-

  acteristics, both good and bad:

 

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