one after the other
ɔac-al-ɔac
added, knotted here and there (cane, reed); running one above the other (steps)
ɔap-al-ɔap
stacked here and there
ɔoc-ol-ɔoc
worn out, in pieces
cħa-al-cħa
weary, overworked
cħah-al-cħah
drop by drop
cħic-il-cħic
silent, hushed
cħul-ul-cħul
very wet, humid
eb-el-eb
stepped, uneven
ek-el-ek
completely black
em-el-em
downhill
et-el-et
from hand to hand
haɔ-al-haɔ
be whipped, wounded one after another
ham-al-han
chipped, notched, dented in many places
hat-al-hat
torn, ripped, split in many places
hel-el-hel
different, varying; alternatively, at times
het-el-het
split, cracked, broken, burst
hom-ol-hom
very rapidly
hutħ-ul-hutħ
narrow
yac-al-yac
somewhat, nearly, scarcely, hardly; from time to time
ik-il-ik
restless, anxious, uneasy, boisterous, lively, turbulent
kam-al-kam
hand to hand
kech-el-kech
twisting, deviating
lab-al-lab
slightly spoiled or damaged
laac-al-laac
so it is
lak-a(l)-lak
accompanied
lam-al-lam
distant, far away; very deep, high, large, wide, broad, or spacious
loch-o(l)-loch
bent, twisted
lotħ-ol-lotħ
very thin (bones)
mac-al-mac
divided into compartments (cells of friars, nests of bumblebees called holon)
REDUPLICATION
343
Table 13-5. (cont’d) Reduplicated adjectives with -Vl- infix in the Calepino de Motul.
Adjective
Gloss
man-al-man
far, distant, audible from a great distance
mec-el-mec
twisted, bent
mech-el-mech
twisted, bent
moc-ol-moc
knotty, full of knots
muk-ul-muk
long suffering
natħ-al-natħ
squeezed here and there
nipp-il-nipp
stony, full of stones
nup-ul-nup
opposing, hostile, resistant
oɔ-ol-oɔ
covered with wrinkles
opp-ol-opp
very ripe, mature; almost dried out from cooking
pac-al-pac
folded here and there
pac-al-pac
reciprocal
pak-al-pak
stuck, patched, mended, soldered here and there
pet-el-pet
round, circular
pot-ol-pot
perforated here and there
pul-ul-pul
excusing one another
ppit-il-ppit
persistent, insistent
ppuy-ul-ppuy
crumbled (bread, fruit)
tom-ol-tom
disorganized, incoherent
tħoy-ol-tħoy
hanging, dangling (plural)
uac-al-uac
extruded
vuɔ-ul-vuɔ
folded, bent, wrinkled
ucħ-ul-ucħ
frequently narrowed, constricted
uec-el-uec
spilled, scattered, shed here and there
uel-el-uel
striped with colors
xab-al-xab
thinned out (cabbages)
xay-al-xay
divided, separated, forked
xetħ-el-xetħ
torn, broken apart in several places
xoh-ol-xoh
damaged, rotten
(30)
CoC-eN-CoC
Gloss
hok-en-hok
adjoining, linked, chained here and there
loch-en-loch
bent and unequal, twisted, crooked
mol-en-mol
piled here and there
poɔ-en-poɔ
very slippery, enmired
tom-en-tom
giddy, unsteady
tħol-en-tħol
furrowed
xot-en-xot
spotted, fragmented here and there
344 REDUPLICATION
The examples in (31) document the use of -eN- with /u/-roots:
(31)
CuC-eN-CuC
Gloss
tzuc-en-tzuc
divided in parts here and there
cħuc-en-cħuc
spying, scouting here and there
cħuy-en-cħuy
hanging, dangling here and there
muɔ-en-muɔ
withered, wilted, faded
much-en-much
withering, fading, decaying, curling, ruffling
nup-en-nup
opposing, hostile, resistant
ppul-en-ppul
wide, swollen
pput-en-pput
mounded up here and there
tuc-en-tuc
piled here and there
tuɔ-en-tuɔ
long
tħun-en-tħun
drop by drop, spattered
And the examples in (32) indicate that roots with the front vowel, /e/, co-occurred with -uN-:
(32)
CeC-uN-CeC
Gloss
chek-un-chek
at every step, frequently
cħeh-un-cħeh
drop by drop
hel-un-hel alternative
ppel-un-ppel
scarcely, hardly, limited
xetħ-un-xetħ
torn, broken apart in several places
On the other hand, roots with the mid-vowels, /a/ and /ə/, could co-occur with either -eN- or -uN-, as shown
in (33) and (34):
(33)
CaC-uN-CaC
Gloss
cal-um-cal
remote, thin, sparse
cħah-un-cħah
drop by drop
taz-un-taz
stacked one above the other (heavens)
xach-un-xach
spaced out
(34)
CaC-eN-CaC
Gloss
mac-en-mac
divided into compartments
mal-e(m)-mal intermittent
The only reduplicated stem based on a CiC root that co-occurred with one of these infixes was nic-en-nic
‘heaped, piled up,’ which is not an example of vowel disharmony.
There are, in addition, some examples of vowel copying in such reduplicated stems:
(35)
CVC-VN-CVC
Gloss
muɔ-um-muɔ
withered, wilted, faded
titz-im-titz
at each corner
xay-am-xay
divided, separated, forked
xel-em-xel
cut into many bits
REDUPLICATION
345
And in three cases, there are alternative forms of the reduplicated stems, in which one of the infixes is -iN-:
(36)
CVC-eN-CVC
CVC-iN-CVC
Gloss
cħuc-en-cħuc
cħuc-in-cħuc
spying, scouting here and there
mol-en-mol mol-in-mol
piled here and there
—
tuy-in-tuy
bearded, hairy
There are many examples of the same vowel co-occurrence restrictions with -eN- and
-uN- in the
Hocaba dicionary of Modern Yucatec. As in Colonial Yucatec, the 43 reduplicated participles based on CoC
roots co-occur only with the -eN- infixes shown in the following examples:
(37)
CóoC-eN-CóoC
Gloss
ʔóoč-en-ʔóoč
stooped here and there
čóok’-en-čóok’
crammed here and there
hóol-en-hóol
perforated here and there
k’óop-en-k’óop
immersed here and there
lóot’-en-lóot’
joined here and there
móok-en-móok
knotted here and there
šóol-en-šóol
kneeling here and there
tóok-en-tóok
leaning here and there
So, also, do the 43 reduplicated participles based on CuC roots:
(38)
CúuC-eN-CúuC
Gloss
b’úuh-em-b’úuh
split here and there
čúul-en-čúul
blistered here and there
húup’-en-húup’
pricked here and there
k’úuy-en-k’úuy
twisted here and there
múuč-en-múuč
grouped here and there
p’úuy-en-p’úuy
snapped off here and there
súul-en-súul
soaked here and there
túup’-en-túup’
broken here and there
And, as in Colonial Yucatec, representative examples of the 39 reduplicated participles based on CeC roots
co-occur only with the -uN- infix:
(39)
CéeC-uN-CéeC
Gloss
ʔéeč-un-ʔéeč
slumpled here and there
b’éeč’-um-b’éeč’
sprawled here and there
čéeh-un-čéeh
sticking out here and there
héek-un-héek
mounted here and there
k’éeč-un-k’éeč
tilted here and there
méet-un-méet
arched here and there
péet-um-péet
blemished here and there
šéel-un-šéel
open here and there
téep’-un-téep’
wrapped here and there
346 REDUPLICATION
Although the reduplicated participles based on CaC roots have continued the pattern of co-occurring
with either -eN- or -uN-, only three of the 48 examples of such participles in the Hocaba dictionary still
co-occur with -uN-:
(40)
CáaC-uN-CáaC
Gloss
ȼ’áan-un-ȼ’áan
lying down here and there
káač-un-káač
split here and there
táak’-un-táak’
stuck here and there
The remaining 45 participles co-occur only with -eN-, as shown in the representative examples below:
(41)
CáaC-eN-CáaC
Gloss
ʔáak-en-ʔáak
settled here and there
čáaw-en-čáaw
dangling here and there
k’áaš-en-k’áaš
tied here and there
máan-en-máan
passing here and there
páak-em-páak
leaning here and there
táab’-en-táab’
grafted here and there
wáah-en-wáah
sifted here and there
yáal-en-yáal
melted here and there
Apparent cognates in the Hocaba dictionary of four reduplicated participles derived from CaC roots
with -eN- or -uN- echo the shift from CaC-un-CaC to CaC-en-Cac participles over time:
(42)
Colonial
Modern
Yucatec
Gloss
Yucatec
Gloss
cħah-un-cħah
drop by drop
č’áah-en-č’áah
dripping here and there
mac-en-mac
divided into
máak-en-máak
covered here and there
compartments
taz-un-taz
stacked one
táas-en-táas
extending here and there
above the other
xach-un-xach
spaced out
šáač-en-šáač
separated here and there (people
with legs apart)
On the other hand, the reduplicated participles based on CiC roots seem to have become more dis-
harmonic over time. Only nine reduplicated participles derived from such roots in the Hocaba dictionary
co-occur with the -eN- infix:
(43)
CíiC-eN-CíiC
Gloss
číil-en-číil
lying down here and there
híil-en-híil
lying here and there
níiš-en-níiš
tilted here and there
píič’-en-píič’
protruding here and there
p’íič-en-p’íič
positioned at edge here and there
šíil-en-šíil
uncovered here and there
REDUPLICATION
347
wíiȼ’-en-wíiȼ’
sprinkled here and there
wíis-en-wíis
grooved here and there
wíiš-en-wíiš
spattered with urine here and there (several objects)
Instead, 25 reduplicated participles based on such roots co-occur with the -uN- infix in the Hocaba dictio-
nary, of which the following is a representative sample:
(44)
CíiC-uN-CíiC
Gloss
číin-un-číin
bowed here and there
k’íis-un-k’íis
swollen here and there
líik’-un-líik’
raised here and there
níič’-un-níič’
bared here and there (teeth)
píiš-un-píiš
covered here and there
šíil-un-šíil
bristling here and there
t’íin-un-t’íin
extended here and there
wíil-un-wíil
tied loosely here and there
They include the one example of a participle derived from a CiC root in the Calepino de Motul that has a
cognate in the Hocaba dictionary, which now has a disharmonic infix:
(45)
Colonial
Modern
Yucatec
Gloss
Yucatec
Gloss
nic-en-nic
heaped, piled up
níik-un-níik
piled here and there
2.2.3. REDUPLICATED PARTICIPLES MARKED BY -MAN-. The third infix that co-occurred with reduplicated
participles in Colonial Yucatec was -maN-, of which there are 13 examples in the Calepino de Motul:
(46)
CVC-maN-CVC
Gloss
cal-man-cal
pierced, perforated all over
cop-man-cop
twisted, coiled
çuɔ-man-çuɔ
thrown, stretched, spread out, extended (several objects)
tzay-man-tzay
stuck together (several objects)
cħul-man-cħul
very wet, humid
kok-man-kok
piled up in no particular order
kok-man-kok
often, frequently, quickly, rapidly
loch-man-loch
twisted in multiple places (tree, board)
lotħ-man
-lotħ
shrunken, wrinkled (leather, parchment)
mec-ma(n)-mec
twisted, bent
oɔ-man-oɔ
wrinkling all over
poɔ-man-poɔ
very slippery, enmired
tħoy-man-tħoy
hanging, dangling (several objects)
They are also well represented in Modern Yucatec, with 40 examples in the Hocaba dictionary, of which
the following are illustrative:
348 REDUPLICATION
(47)
CVVC-maN-CVVC
Gloss
ʔúuč’-man-ʔúuč’
dented here and there (several objects)
ȼ’íip-man-ȼ’íip
scraped here and there (several objects)
č’éet-man-č’éet
twisted here and there (several objects)
háač’-man-háač’
chewed here and there (several objects)
kúul-man-kúul
one by one (dispersed)
p’éel-man-p’éel
one by one (dispersed)
p’íik-man-p’íik
joint by joint (of finger), floor by floor, vertebra by vertebra
t’óol-man-t’óol
widely spaced (lines)
Nine of the 40 examples of reduplicated participles that co-occur with -maN- in the Hocaba dictionary have
a close semantic relationship with numeral classifiers:
(48)
Numeral
Classifier
Gloss
CVVC-maN-CVVC
Gloss
ȼ’íit
long, thin things
ȼ’íit-man-ȼ’íit
one by one
káač
sliver, splinter
káač-man-káač
piece by piece
kóoȼ
piece (of rope)
kóoȼ-man-kóoȼ
piece by piece
kúul
plant
kúul-man-kúul
one by one (dispersed)
p’éel
thing
p’éel-man-p’éel
one by one (dispersed)
p’íik
joint (finger),
p’íik-man-p’íik
joint by joint (finger), floor by floor,
addition, storey
vertebra by vertebra
šéet’
piece
šéet’-man-šéet’
piece by piece
šóot’
chunk
šóot’-man-šóot’
chunk by chunk
túul
animate (person,
túul-man-túul
one by one (dispersed)
animal)
This relationship distinguishes them from semantically related reduplicated participles marked by -VN-:
(49)
CVVC-maN-CVVC
Gloss
CVVC-VN-CVVC
Gloss
káač-man-káač
piece by piece
káač-en-káač
fractured here and there (several
objects)
kóoȼ-man-kóoȼ
piece by piece
kóoȼ-en-kóoȼ
burst here and there (several
objects)
šóot’-man-šóot’
chunk by chunk
A Historical Grammar of the Maya Language of Yucatan (1557-2000) Page 57