šóot’-en-šóot’
cut here and there (several objects)
The -maN- examples emphasize measurement, whereas the -VN- examples stress that more than one
object has been affected by the action expressed by the participle.
However, there is no apparent difference in meaning when these two kinds of stems are based on
other roots:
(50)
CVVC-maN-CVVC
CVVC-VN-CVVC
Gloss
ʔúuč’-man-ʔúuč’
ʔúuč’-en-ʔúuč’
dented here and there (several objects)
sóop’-man-sóop’
sóop’-en-sóop’
piled here and there (hair on head)
tíik-man-tíik
tíik-en-tíik
unravelled here and there (several objects)
t’áal-man-t’áal
t’áal-en-t’áal
worn here and there (trails worn by ants)
t’ées-man-t’ées
t’ées-un-t’ées
warped here and there (several objects)
REDUPLICATION
349
wéek’-man-wéek’
wéek’-un-wéek’
smashed here and there (eggs, fruit on ground)
wóol-man-wóol
wóol-en-wóol
bulging here and there (several objects)
2.3. REDUPLICATED PARTICIPLES DERIVED FROM VERBAL ROOTS WITHOUT AFFIXES. The Calepino de Motul
contains examples of reduplicated participles derived from both intransitive and transitive roots without
either suffixes or infixes.
2.3.1. REDUPLICATED PARTICIPLES DERIVED FROM INTRANSITIVE ROOTS WITHOUT AFFIXES. Only three
examples of reduplicated participles derived from intranisitive roots without either suffixes or infixes are
listed in the Calepino de Motul. One of them is completely reduplicated (cim-cim), and the others are only
partially reduplicated (nu-mum, ta-tal):
(51) Intransitive
Reduplicated
Root
Gloss
Stem
Gloss
cim
die, expire, faint,
cim-cim
dying
be sick
num
pass
nu-num
roaming, roving
tal
come, be about to ta-tal
frequent, constant
The sample of reduplicated participles derived from intransitive roots without suffixes or infixes in
Modern Yucatec is limited to a single example that is partially reduplicated: líʔi-líʔik’ ‘raised in several places’
< líik’ ‘rise, ascend.’5
2.3.2. REDUPLICATED PARTICIPLES DERIVED FROM TRANSITIVE ROOTS WITHOUT AFFIXES. A much larger
number of reduplicated participles derived from transitive roots without suffixes or infixes is listed in the
Calepino de Motul. Five fully reduplicated participles of this kind appear below:
(52) Transitive
Reduplicated
Root
Gloss
Stem
Gloss
ɔon
shoot straight
ɔon-ɔon
somewhat straight
hel
change, exchange,
hel-hel
at times, alternatively
return, recompense
ipp
crumble, chip, indent, ipp-ipp
crumbled, chipped,
notch
notched, indented
loch
twist, bend
loch-loch
twisted, bent like a bugle
vuɔ
fold, bend, wrinkle
vuɔ-vuɔ
very wrinkled
Seven partially reduplicated participles based on transitive roots without suffixes or infixes appear in
the Calepino de Motul:
(53) Transitive
Reduplicated
Root
Gloss
Stem
Gloss
cel
grind corn hurriedly
ce-cel
unevenly ground, masticated
and unevenly
cop
fold, bend, seize, twist co-cop
arched, bent, folded
/rope, cord, vine/
ɔip
flay, skin, scrape
ɔi-ɔip
flayed, skinned, scraped, injured,
wounded
350 REDUPLICATION
het
split, crack, break,
he-het
split, broken in many places
burst
(ceramic objects)
nol
gnaw /bones/, eat by no-nol
loose (stone)
moving around in
mouth /fruit with
large seed/
tol
spin /rough thread/
to-tol
coarse (cloth)
xach
thin out
xa-xach
separated slightly
Of the more than 200 reduplicated participles without affixes derived from transitive roots in the
Hocaba dictionary of Modern Yucatec, only those based on nasal-final roots are fully reduplicated:6
(54)
Transitive
Full
Root
Gloss
Reduplication
Gloss
č’am
bruise, dent, flatten
č’áʔan-č’áʔam
dented in several places
č’an
bruise, dent, flatten
č’áʔan-č’áʔan
dented in several places
č’in
throw, hurl
č’íʔin-č’íʔin
hit in several places
k’em
twist
k’èen-k’em
twisted in several places
k’em
twist
k’éʔen-k’éʔen
twisted in several places
t’on
bend
t’óʔon-t’on
bowed [avoiding people]
However, not all nasal-final stems of this kind are fully reduplicated in Modern Yucatec:
(55) Transitive
Partial
Root
Gloss
Reduplication
Gloss
hen
demolish, tear down
heʔe_-héʔen
torn down in several places
lem
insert, sink
léʔe_-léʔem
inserted in several places
lom
puncture, stab
lóʔo_-lóʔom
punctured in several places
The Modern cognates of the fully reduplicated examples in (52) that did not end in a nasal, as well as
the partially reduplicated examples in (53), are all partially reduplicated:
(56)
Transitive
Partial
Root
Gloss
Reduplication
Gloss
ȼ’ip
scrape, flay, skin
ȼ’íʔi-ȼ’íʔip
scraped in several places
het
split, break /tree,
héʔe-héʔet
split in several places
coconut, head/
loč
twist, bend
lóʔo-lóʔoč
windy (road)
šač
separate, spread
šáʔa-šáʔač
spread, separated in several places
(teeth)
wuȼ’
fold, bend
wúʔu-wúʔuȼ’
&nb
sp; folded in several places
Note that the examples in (56) have infixed glottal stops, in addition to vowel length and tone (e.g.,
héʔe-héʔet), which is a general characteristic of such reduplicated participles in Modern Yucatec. The only
exceptions are derived from transitive roots with long vowels and high tone, in which neither syllable has
an infixed glottal stop:
REDUPLICATION 351
(57) Transitive
Partial
Root
Gloss
Reduplication
Gloss
ȼ’íil
peel, skin, husk
ȼ’íi-ȼ’íil
peeled in several places
č’úuy
raise, lift
č’úu-č’úuy
lifted in several places
Another exception is derived from a mediopassive stem: kée-kéel grainy’ (< kéel ‘to grind’).
3. VERBAL REDUPLICATION
Verbal reduplication is limited to transitive stems in the Calepino de Motul. One kind is derived from transi-
tive roots without suffixes or infixes. Another involves compounding such reduplicated stems with another
transitive root or noun incorporation. And the third is derived by infixing -Vl- or -VN- between the redupli-
cated elements.
3.1. VERBAL REDUPLICATION WITHOUT AFFIXES. This kind of reduplication is the verbal counterpart of the
reduplicated participles described in 2.3.2. above. Six examples of reduplicated transitive stems derived
from transitive roots without suffixes or infixes appear in the Calepino de Motul, of which four are fully
reduplicated:
(58) Transitive
Partial
Root
Gloss
Reduplication
Gloss
çij
give, make offering
çi-çi
offer quickly
tzak
beat, strike
tzak-tzak
ring one after another
cħin
throw, hurl /stones/
cħin-cħin
pelt with stones, oranges
ye
threaten, pretend;
ye-ye
threaten, pretend; show, present,
show, present, offer
offer
The other two examples are only partially reduplicated:
(59)
Transitive
Partial
Root
Gloss
Reduplication
Gloss
kat
ask, request, inquire, ka-kat
want
investigate,
interrogate
ppiz
measure, weigh
ppi-ppiz
threaten
Of the ca. 250 reduplicated transitive stems derived from transitive roots in the Hocaba dictionary of
Modern Yucatec, only those with root-final nasals are fully reduplicated:
(60)
Transitive
Full
Root
Gloss
Reduplication
Gloss
ȼ’on
shoot, hunt
ȼ’óʔon-ȼ’on
shoot several times
č’am
bruise, dent, flatten
č’áʔan-č’am
dent several times
č’an
bruise, dent, flatten
č’áʔan-č’an
dent several times
č’in
throw, hurl
č’íʔin-č’in
throw several times
t’on
bend
t’óʔon-t’on
bend several times
352 REDUPLICATION
However, not all reduplicated transitive stems derived from nasal-final roots are fully reduplicated:
(61)
Transitive
Partial
Root
Gloss
Reduplication
Gloss
ȼ’an
compress, reduce
ȼ’áʔa_-ȼ’an
compress several times
ȼ’um
deflate, shrink
ȼ’úʔu_-ȼ’um
deflate, shrink
čin
bend
číʔi_-čin
bend several times
kum
overfill, brake, pull on kúʔu_-kum
brake several times
reins, beat down
k’em
twist
k’éʔe_-k’em
twisted several times
lem
insert, sink
léʔe_-lem
insert several times
lom
puncture, stab
lóʔo_-lom
stab several times
sin
stretch out, extend,
síʔi_-sin
stretch several times
tighten, spread out
Other partially reduplicated transitive stems derived from CVC transitive roots behave in the same way in
Modern Yucatec:
(62)
Transitive
Partial
Root
Gloss
Reduplication
Gloss
ʔop’
burst, break into
ʔóʔo-ʔop’
break several times
pieces
č’eh
extinguish, break up
čéʔe-č’eh
extinguish several times
coals
hit’
braid, weave
híʔi-hit’
braid several times
kuč
carry on back
kúʔu-kuč
carry several times
pot
perforate
póʔo-pot
perforate several times
šač
separate, spread
šáʔa-šač
spread several times
tak’
stick, adhere
táʔa-tak’
stick several times
wuȼ’
fold, bend
wúʔu-wuȼ’
fold several times
The structure of these reduplicated transitive stems resembles the structure of the reduplicated participial
stems in (56) with one exception, namely that only the first syllable in these stems has an infixed glot-
tal stop, whereas both syllables in the reduplicated participal stems have infixed glottal stops (compare
šáʔa-šač ‘to spread several times’ with šáʔa-šáʔač ‘spread, separated in several places’ and wúʔu-wuȼ’ ‘to
fold, bend’ with wúʔu-wúʔuȼ’ ‘folded in several places’ in [56] and [62]).
The only exceptions to this pattern are reduplicated transitive stems that are derived from transitive
roots with long vowels and rising or high tone, in which neither syllable has an infixed glottal stop (com-
pare with [56]):
(63)
Transitive
Partial
Root
Gloss
Reduplication
Gloss
č’úuy
raise, lift
č’úu-č’u-y
lift several times7
kóol
pull, tug
kóo-ko-l
pull, tug along several times
líil
shake
líi-li-l
shake several times
méek’
embrace /child,
mée-me-k’
embrace several times
bundle, person/
REDUPLICATION 353
túub’
spit at
túu-tu-b’
spit several times
t’óoh
strike, hit
t’óo-t’o-h
strike several times
t’úuy
lift /by strap on
t’úu-t’u-y
lift several times
handle/
3.2. REDUPLICATED TRANSITIVE VERBS IN COMPOUND STEMS. Reduplicated verbs of the kind described in
3.1. above may also appear in transitive compounds, in which a reduplicated transitive stem is combined
with a transitive root or noun. For example, the reduplicated verb, ppi-ppiz ‘to threaten,’ was combined
with the transitive roots, bax ‘to hammer,’ cħin ‘to hurl /stone/,’ haɔ ‘to whip,’ and lah ‘to slap,’ yielding the
following compounds in Colonial Yucatec (Ciudad Real 1600?: fol. 390v):
(64)
Compound Stem
Gloss
ppi-ppiz=bax-t
threaten to hammer
ppi-ppiz=cħin-t
threaten to hurl /stone/
ppi-ppiz=haɔ-t
threaten to whip
ppi-ppiz=lah-t
threaten to slap
Similar constructions can be found in the Hocaba dictionary of Modern Yucatec. For example, the tran-
sitive root, č’in ‘to hurl,’ co-occurs with reduplicatd transitive stems derived from hul ‘to thread /needle/,’
nok ‘to bend over,’ tul ‘to make overflow, gush,’ and wek ‘to spill, shed /coffee, water, gruel, oil/’ (V. Bricker
et al. 1998:84–85):
(65)
Compound Stem
Gloss
húu-hu-l=č’in-t
thread suddenly several times
nóo-no-k=č’in-t
turn face down suddenly one after another
túu-tu-l=č’in-t
push several times
wée-we-k=č’in-t
hurl one after another /buckets of water/
The transitive root, lah ‘to slap, strike with flat side of two or three fingers,’ when reduplicated, appeared
in transitive expressions that incorporated the nouns, kab ‘hand, arm, lower forearm, finger’ and tan ‘front,
presence, breast,’ in the Calepino de Motul (Ciudad Real 1600?: fol. 261v):
(66)
Compound Stem
Gloss
la-lah=kab-t
knock, clap
la-lah=tan-t
pat child so that he sleeps and is calm
In another construction of this kind, the noun, kab, appeared with the reduplicated form of bal ‘to hide,
cover, protect,’ in ba-bal-kab-t ‘to keep hiding in fist, stealing what can be carried in hands; keep concealing
what one will say’ (Ciudad Real 1600?: fol. 39r).
The Hocaba dialect of Modern Yucatec has cognates of both constructions with kab (Bricker et al.
A Historical Grammar of the Maya Language of Yucatan (1557-2000) Page 58