Karim, King of England

by Baz Wade

  Both Levy and Said broadly welcomed the blueprint in their final conference speeches. Levy quoted Rabin as follows:-

  “We who have fought against you, the Palestinians, we say to you today, in a loud and clear voice, enough of blood and tears… enough!”

  This drew rousing applause from most of the delegates in the hall.

  The final vote to approve the blueprint in principle was carried by 90 votes in favour to 20 against, with 15 abstentions.

  “Yes, the conference was a success, but much work still needs to be done,” said the Foreign Secretary.

  Karim had called a meeting in his office at Buckingham Palace – those present with him were David Rosenthal, Richard, Ross Clarke and Ibrahim.

  “Richard, please update us on the fundraising,” requested Karim.

  “The good news is that, on the back of the conference, two large charitable Foundations have each donated $25 billion, so on the basis of 200 billion being the global target, then everyone else can reduce their targets and commitments by 25 per cent.”

  “Is there now a consensus that $60,000 in compensation for three million disappointed refugees and Israeli settlers will be enough?” asked Ibrahim.

  “Obviously it won’t go as far in Israel as elsewhere due to property prices and so on, but it’s really the best deal that can reasonably be expected.” David Rosenthal continued “There should be at least 20 billion balance not yet allocated, that can be used additionally to help deserving cases.”

  “Decided by who?” asked Ibrahim.

  “Ultimately the UN Agencies based in Geneva,” said Richard. “They will have reps on the ground to assess need.”

  “Another issue is Hamas in Gaza – Ibrahim, when can you speak to Najib?” asked Karim.

  “Sometime within the next month or so – initial contact needs to be made by the FCO and that’s the Foreign Secretary’s area, obviously.”

  “Agreed, I’ll get my people to start working on it,” said Ross Clarke.

  A month later, Ibrahim found himself on a direct skype link from No. 10 to Abdel Najib in the Hamas HQ in Gaza.

  “Good morning, Prime Minister, how can I help you?” asked Najib in accented but otherwise perfect English.

  Ibrahim was surprised by the affable tone of this so-called firebrand, but quickly recovered his composure.

  “Thank you for offering your co-operation, my friend.

  To get straight to the point, there are many people hoping and praying that you will see fit to approve, at least in principle, the peace deal that was welcomed by most delegates at the Geneva conference.”

  “I’ve got no mandate to agree it, even if I wanted to, and I’m not convinced I do want to either,” replied Najib.

  “Please allow me to try and convince you and we’ll think about the mandate later.”

  “Fine, go ahead.”

  “Firstly, there’s to be a right of return to Israel for about 10 per cent of your people, to be decided by lottery, with compensation to be paid to those who are unlucky in the lottery.”

  “How much compensation?”

  “$60,000 per person – a fund has been started with a target of $200 billion. To participate in the lottery and either have a right of return or compensation, then all participants must recognise the State of Israel’s right to exist in accordance with UN resolutions.”

  “So many will be expected to part with their birthright for filthy lucre,” countered Najib.

  “Israel is here to stay; it’s got nuclear weapons and the unconditional backing of the USA. At the moment, Gaza has neither.”

  “It may have both if it gets annexed to Egypt as proposed at the conference.”

  “Maybe, but I reckon the need to safeguard the existence of Israel trumps just about everything else in US foreign policy. Also, Egypt already has a peace treaty with Israel, signed in 1979.”

  “Let me touch on the emotional content of our politics. My ancestors tended their flocks of sheep for generations on pasture that is now occupied by Israel. When this point was mentioned to one of Levy’s predecessors, Navon – Moshe Navon, all he could say was that Israel had built villas with swimming pools on the land as though it was self evidently a better use of the land. Have you any idea how enraged that makes us feel?”

  There were a few seconds silence while Ibrahim digested this latest salvo.

  “My friend, if it’s any consolation, I would feel the same way as you, but we are where we are. By the way, Navon is awaiting trial for alleged corruption, so not every Israeli politician thinks or acts the same way as him. Another Israeli politician said the problem is that Palestinians never missed an opportunity to miss an opportunity – I suspect that statement may also enrage you?”

  “Kind of, but what is your point please?”

  “This offer, in principle, approved at Geneva represents a once-in-a-lifetime opportunity to get part of what your people want – peacefully – without bloodshed.”

  “But it’s mainly just money – we’ve been struggling for more than just money for decades.”

  “It’s more than just money – it’s a way of no longer being an international pariah – you can re-join the international community with dignity.”

  “And if we turn this down?”

  “Then, none of you will have the right of return and the money allocated for your people will all go to the West Bank Palestinians. My friend – believe me – you would be held up for ridicule – even if not by your own people, certainly by most of the media globally.”

  There was a pause of maybe twenty seconds while Najib digested what Ibrahim was saying.

  “I will consult with my colleagues – we will think about it.”

  “Good, I will contact you again in a couple of weeks’ time.”

  “Agreed.”

  Over the next year, progress was made though it was, unsurprisingly, much slower than Karim would have liked.

  Sometimes it was a case of two steps forward and one step back, as when a Government in financial difficulty went back on the pledge it had made to Richard.

  “We need to tour the areas affected, to meet and greet the people and generate goodwill,” said Karim at a meeting at Buckingham Palace to review progress a year after Ibrahim’s first talk with Najib.

  “Who is ‘we’ in this context?” asked Richard.

  “You, David Rosenthal and myself, plus Kirsty probably – we need a female presence to chat to the leaders’ wives.”

  “I agree – my staff at the FCO can arrange the tour for you,” Ross Clarke continued “may I suggest you take in Cairo, Amman, Gaza, the West Bank, Jerusalem and Tel Aviv, probably in that order. I reckon one day each in Cairo and Amman plus two days each in the other locations, so that makes it a ten-day trip minimum.”

  “If Kirsty goes I expect Sophia will want to go,” said Richard.

  “No problem,” said Karim. “I expect Kirsty would welcome some moral support by way of additional female company.

  “Where does the fund stand at present by the way?”

  “We have around $160 billion in cash and pledges for cash.”

  “That’s marvellous. Ibrahim, what progress if any with Najib?” asked Karim.

  “We’ve spoken maybe twenty times over the last year – it’s all been done on skype and I feel I know the guy quite well – we’ve swapped our life stories and so on. I’ve told him the current draft deal is the only game in town, and I think he now just about accepts that what I say is correct and realistic. It’s still about 50/50 whether or not he can sell the deal to his colleagues and Electorate.”

  “Will he give his Electorate a chance to vote on the deal?” asked Karim.

  “This is what I was getting to – there’s an election in about 3 months’ time in Gaza – he has implied his colleagues are split into hawks and doves –
he’s not yet taken sides as he is seeking unity. If he’s neutral or sides with the doves, then I think we’re in with a chance…”

  “That’s probably the best we could have expected at this stage, so many thanks for your efforts. Foreign Secretary, what feedback have you got on the direct talks between Levy and Said?”

  “The talks are mainly in secret, so not much to report right now, but their spokesmen say they’ve made progress – the boundaries in Jerusalem have been difficult to get to grips with, as you would expect. The same applies to some of the West Bank boundaries, or at least that’s what I’ve heard on the grapevine,” responded Ross Clarke.

  “Our tour should give some momentum to the talks – how quickly can it be arranged?”

  “Probably four to five months time minimum – I’ll treat it as a priority, but people’s diaries often fill up a year in advance – don’t worry, we’ll emphasise the urgency – as if they didn’t know it already!”

  In a downmarket suburb of Tel Aviv, two Israeli friends were discussing the recently publicised plans of Karim to visit Israel to promote his peace plan.

  “I don’t care if he’s King of England and married to the Queen of Sheba, he’s still just another goy,” remarked Uzi Eshkol.

  “Apparently he’s got a Hebrew speaking Jewish adviser called Rosenthal,” commented Baruch Shazar.

  “That’s right – David Rosenthal,” Eshkol continued. “I’ve done some research on him and he publicly condemned the IDF’s Gaza campaign when he was a student in London. You can bet your life they’ll be keen to shaft the likes of you and me – like Rabin did – they’re no better than Nazis,” said Eshkol.

  “I agree,” Shazar continued, “the draft peace plan talks about getting 200K settlers to vacate the West Bank and then expects us to take in 200K Palestinians exercising a so-called right of return.”

  “Anyone would think we lost the 1967 war the way some of these arseholes go on,” remarked Eshkol.

  “Can’t we get the settlers to take a stand against the plan and stop Khaled and Rosenthal in their tracks?” Shazar asked.

  “They’re too timid and image conscious. This is a test for us – for our beliefs – don’t you see it?”

  “What do you mean?”

  “We’re true believers – remember what that Rabbi said – who wrote that book – how a violent act can be evidence of devotion to God – it’s authentic self expression, that’s what he said,” said Eshkol.

  “What do you propose then?” asked his companion.

  “Deal with them – that’s what – deal with them like Rabin was dealt with – the two of us can do it if we work together.”

  “I was neutral during the election on the peace plan issue,” said Najib.

  “Remind me, what percentage did the pro peace plan candidates get?” asked Ibrahim.

  “Around 70 per cent – it seems like the Electorate has grown tired of conflict – I’ve offered to continue as President, which I wanted to do whichever way the vote went.”

  “That’s fine – it was always a key part of the jigsaw to have Gaza on board. The King is delighted and he asked me to say he looks forward to meeting you on his tour in a couple of months time.”

  “I’m sure he will be welcome here,” said Najib.

  “As you know, the main objective now is to build up the momentum towards having final peace talks in London, with a view to the signing of a Treaty.” Karim was talking privately to Richard in the RUK Embassy in Cairo on the first leg of their tour.

  “With regard to the funding, we need to have the cash in place or pledged by the time the final talks take place, so a complete package is on the table.”

  “Quite so,” said Richard. “The total cash fund now stands at $100 billion with 80 billion pledged if a Treaty is signed, so we are 90 per cent there.”

  “That’s marvellous, thanks for all your hard work,” said Karim.

  Karim’s charm offensive went down well in Cairo and Amman, but it was not until the party arrived in Gaza that public enthusiasm went into overdrive.

  “Will we get such a warm welcome as this in Israel? That’s the $60,000 question,” commented Karim.

  “We’ll find out soon enough,” responded David Rosenthal.

  The warm welcome continued on the West Bank – a couple of red carpet receptions, a TV interview and crowds of children waving Palestinian and Cross of St George flags en route from one venue to the next.

  Then came the first of several tests in Israel. First up was Karim’s speech to the Knesset – a virtually unprecedented event – the only foreigners previously to address the Knesset were US Presidents and that was rare enough.

  The text of Karim’s address was as follows:

  I am truly honoured that I am being permitted to address you today.

  This peace initiative would not have happened had it not been for the contributions made by three people in particular. Firstly, my mother, Princess Caroline, whose legacy to me involved my having her example to follow when considering humanitarian problems sometimes thought insoluble by conventional politicians.

  Her campaign on the landmine issue is the best example of her determination and charismatic ability to persuade people to take action.

  Secondly, my half-brother, Prince Richard, who has tirelessly worked over many months to build a fund comprising billions of dollars to compensate those on both sides of the divide whose aspirations cannot be met.

  Lastly, my University friend, David Rosenthal, who has been the main architect of the blueprint for peace that was approved not least by your representatives and diplomats at the Geneva conference.

  Politically, David and I have at least one thing in common – in particular we admire the contribution to peace made by your Prime Minister, Yitzhak Rabin, who was felled by an assassin’s bullets just when the world thought we were on the brink of a lasting peace settlement.

  I like to think he would have fully approved of our efforts. I also hope you agree that myself and my team are carrying on conscientiously from where he left off and also that this peace process has the support of most of the ordinary people on both sides of the conflict. May I say, the views of ordinary people are ignored by politicians at their peril.

  It was once said by an Israeli politician that Israel’s problems only concern Israel and can only be solved by Israel.

  I beg to differ – the problems of Israel, possibly more than any other country on earth, have had truly global repercussions and have been used as an excuse, a pretext or a reason, depending on your viewpoint, by extremists and activists with a global reach to justify their actions.

  Let us finally draw out the sting, let the wound heal and pray for peace.

  Many thanks for your attention, and I wish you well.

  Karim’s speech was intentionally short on detail and it was left to David Rosenthal to be interviewed on the main Israeli TV news channel, in Hebrew. He was asked point blank about his opposition to the IDF Gaza campaign. He justified his view on the basis of humanitarian and world opinion and the statement that bombing someone doesn’t make them agree with you.

  Uzi Eshkol and Baruch Shazar watched Karim’s speech and David Rosenthal’s interview that evening on TV at home in Tel Aviv. Eshkol cradled his namesake, an Uzi sub-machine gun, in his lap while Shazar practised re-loading a Berreta of the same type that had been used to kill Rabin. The weapons had been “liberated” from an Army store several months previously while both were training as Army reservists.

  “That guy just spouts platitudes – he’s hardly said anything and what God does he think he’s praying to – not my God that’s for sure,” said Eshkol.

  “That Rosenthal’s a traitor – he’s a mealy mouthed London liberal and he’s come here to lecture to us – it makes me want to puke,” was Shazar’s contribution.

  “Still th
ere’s no point in getting steamed up right now – we’re on a mission to deal with them – like – tomorrow,” said Eshkol.

  “You can’t take that with you, it’s too bulky,” said Shazar, gesturing at the machine gun.

  “I know, it’s Berettas for both of us plus the car bomb.”

  “The car’s fully primed and ready to go. I checked it an hour ago.”

  The car bomb exploded at 4.37 pm local time, sixty metres away from the Rothschild Boulevard in Tel Aviv while the convoy of Volvo stretch limos was conveying Karim and his party to a reception in Independence Hall.

  The perpetrators could not have parked the car any closer due to the tight security. Their initial objective was to cause chaos and distract the attention of the Police.

  Fifteen people were killed instantly, all Israelis, including five children.

  The limos ground to a halt.

  The second Volvo contained Karim, Kirsty and David Rosenthal. Their bodyguard made the mistake of winding down the bullet proof window to get a better take on what was happening. He was immediately shot dead by Eshkol, who had run out of the crowd, Beretta in hand. Eshkol fired three more shots through the window of the stationary car. One hit Karim in the shoulder, the second hit Kirsty in the abdomen. The final shot hit David Rosenthal in the neck – he died almost instantaneously.

  Meanwhile, from the other side of the road, Shazar had approached the third Volvo containing Richard and Sophia. He also had a Beretta in hand – his first shot shattered the rear side window but did not go through it. He was then felled by a shot from a nearby policeman who then turned his attention and gun on Eshkol, who was trying to re-load. The latter sustained two shots to the shoulder but survived. Shazar died in hospital two hours later from loss of blood.

  After what seemed like an age, but in fact was only a few minutes, ambulances started arriving, sirens wailing. Priority was given to Karim and Kirsty – by this time Kirsty was unconscious and Karim, who was less badly hurt, was attempting to revive her. She and Karim were put on saline drips and taken at speed to the main hospital, the Sourasky, in the city, where both had blood transfusions.