Delphi Complete Works of Tibullus
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cuius me fatear paenituisse magis,
hesterna quam te solum quod nocte reliqui, 5
ardorem cupiens dissimulare meum.
Incerti Auctoris
1 MY life, let me be no more to thee so hot a passion as few days ago methinks I was, if in my whole youth I have done any deed of folly of which I would own I have repented more, than leaving thee yesternight alone, through desire to hide the fire within me.
XIX
To his Mistress
Nulla tuum nobis subducet femina lectum:
hoc primum iuncta est foedere nostra uenus.
Tu mihi sola places, nec iam te praeter in urbe
formosa est oculis ulla puella meis.
Atque utinam posses uni mihi bella uideri! 5
Displiceas aliis: sic ego tutus ero.
Nil opus inuidia est, procul absit gloria uulgi:
qui sapit, in tacito gaudeat ille sinu.
Sic ego secretis possum bene uiuere siluis,
qua nulla humano sit uia trita pede. 10
Tu mihi curarum requies, tu nocte uel atra
lumen, et in solis tu mihi turba locis.
Nunc licet e caelo mittatur amica Tibullo,
mittetur frustra deficietque Venus;
hoc tibi sancta tuae Iunonis numina iuro, 15
quae sola ante alios est mihi magna deos.
Quid facio demens? Heu! heu! mea pignora cedo;
iuraui stulte: proderat iste timor.
Nunc tu fortis eris, nunc tu me audacius ures:
hoc peperit misero garrula lingua malum. 20
Iam faciam quodcumque uoles, tuus usque manebo,
nec fugiam notae seruitium dominae,
sed Veneris sanctae considam uinctus ad aras:
haec notat iniustos supplicibusque fauet.
1 No woman shall filch thy place of love with me such our covenant when first the love-tie joined us: Only thou dost please me; save thee no girl in the city is beauteous to my eyes. And, oh, might I be the only one to think thee fair! Mayst thou be unpleasing to all besides. So shall I be safe. No need for envy here; far from me be the vaunts of the common herd; let the wise man keep his joy hushed up within his bosom. Thus shall I live happily in forest depths where foot of man has never worn a path. For me thou art repose from cares, light even in night’s darkness, a throng amid the solitudes. Now, though a mistress be sent to Tibullus from the skies, she will be sent in vain, and desire be extinguished This I swear to thee by thy Juno’s holy power; for to me is she great above all gods beside. What mad thing am I doing? Alas! surrendering my hostages. That was an oath of folly. Thy fears were my gain. Now wilt thou take heart, now fan my flames more boldly. This, alas! is the mischief brought me by my chattering tongue. Now, do what thou wilt, I will remain thine always, nor flee from bondage to a mistress that I know, but will sit in my chains at the altar of holy Venus. She brands law-breakers and befriends the suppliant.
XX
Unkind Rumour
Rumor ait crebro nostram peccare puellam
nunc ego me surdis auribus esse uelim.
Crimina non haec sunt nostro sine facta dolore:
quid miserum torques, rumor acerbe? Tace.
1 RUMOUR says that my girl is oft unfaithful. Now could I wish my ears were deaf. These charges are not made without suffering for me. Why dost thou torture thus thy victim, bitter Rumour? Peace!
DOMITI MARSI - DOMITIUS MARSUS
On the Death of Tibullus
Te quoque Vergilio comitem non aequa, Tibulle,
Mors iuvenem campos misit ad Elysios
ne foret aut elegis molles qui fleret amores
aut caneret forti regia bella pede.
1 THEE too, Tibullus, ere thy time hath Death’s unfeeling hand
Despatched to fare by Vergil’s side to dim Elysium’s land,
That none should be to plain of love in elegy’s soft lay
Or in heroic numbers sweep with princes to the fray.
The Biographies
Site of the Battle of Alesia, a key conflict of the Aquitanian War, 52 BC — Tibullus’ birthplace. It is thought Tibullus may have been Messalla’s contubernalis in the Aquitanian War.
THE ELEGIAC POETS by Charles Thomas Cruttwell
The short artificial elegy of Callimachus and Philetas had, as we have seen, found an imitator in Catullus. But that poet, when he addressed to Lesbia the language of true passion, wrote for the most part in lyric verse. The Augustan age furnishes a series of brilliant poets who united the artificial elegiac with the expression of real feeling; and one of them, Ovid, has by his exquisite formal polish raised the Latin elegiac couplet to a popularity unparalleled in imitative literature. The metre had at first been adapted to short epigrams modelled on the Greek, e.g., triumphal inscriptions, epitaphs, jeux d’esprit, &c., several examples of which have been quoted in these pages. Catullus and his contemporaries first treated it at greater length, and paved the way for the highly specialised form in which it appears in Tibullus, the earliest Augustan author that has come down to us.
There are indications that Roman elegy, like heroic verse, had two separate tendencies. There was the comparatively simple continuous treatment of the metre seen in Catullus and Virgil, who are content to follow the Greek rhythm, and there was the more rhetorical and pointed style first beginning to appear in Tibullus, carried a step further in Propertius, and culminating in the epigrammatic couplet of Ovid. This last is a peculiarly Latin development, unsuited to the Greek, and too elaborately artificial to be the vehicle for the highest poetry, but, when treated by one who is master of his method, admitting of a facility, fluency, and incomparable elegance, which perhaps no other rhythm combines in an equal degree. In almost all its features it may be illustrated by the heroic couplet of Pope. The elegiac line is in the strictest sense a pendant to the hexameter; only rarely does it introduce a new element of thought, and perhaps never a new commencement in narration. It is for the most part an iteration, variation, enlargement, condensation or antithesis of the idea embodied in its predecessor. In the most highly finished of Ovid’s compositions this structure is carried to such a point that the syntax is rarely altogether continuous throughout the couplet; there is generally a break either natural or rhetorical at the conclusion of the hexameter or within the first few syllables of the pentameter. The rhetorical as distinct from the natural period, which appears, though veiled with great skill, in the Virgilian hexameter, is in Ovid’s verse made the key to the whole rhythmical structure, and by its restriction within the minimum space of two lines offers a tempting field to the various tricks of composition, the turn, the point, the climax, &c. in all of which Ovid, as the typical elegist, luxuriates, though he applies such elegant manipulation as rarely to over-stimulate and scarcely ever to offend the reader’s attention. The criticism that such a system cannot fail to awaken is that of want of variety; and in spite of the diverse modes of producing effect which these accomplished writers, and above all Ovid, well knew how to use, one cannot read them long without a sense of monotony, which never attends on the far less ambitious elegies of Catullus, and probably would have been equally absent from those of CORNELIUS GALLUS.
This ill-starred poet, whose life is the subject of Bekker’s admirable sketch, was born at Forum Julii (Fréjus) 69 B.C., and is celebrated as the friend of Virgil’s youth. Full of ambition and endowed with talent to command or conciliate, he speedily rose in Augustus’s service, and was the first to introduce Virgil to his notice. For a time all prospered; he was appointed the first prefect of Egypt, then recently annexed as a province, but his haughtiness and success had made him many enemies; he was accused of treasonable conversation, and interdicted the palace of the emperor. To avoid further disgrace he committed suicide, in the 43d year of his age (27 B.C.). His poetry was entirely taken from Alexandria; he translated Euphorion and wrote four books of love-elegies to Cytheris. Whether she is the same as the Lycoris mentioned by Virgil, whose faithlessness he bewails, we cannot t
ell. No fragments of his remain, but the passionate nature of the man, and the epithet durior applied to his verse by Quintilian, makes it probable that he followed the older and more vigorous style of elegiac writing.
Somewhat junior to him was DOMITIUS MARSUS who followed in the same track. He was a member of the circle of Maecenas, though, strangely enough, never mentioned by Horace, and exercised his varied talents in epic poetry, in which he met with no great success, for Martial says —
“Saepius in libro memoratur Persius uno
Quam levis in toto Marsus Amazonide.”
From this we gather that Amazonis was the name of his poem. In erotic poetry he held a high place, though not of the first rank. His Fabellae and treatise on Urbanitas, both probably poetical productions, are referred to by Quintilian, and Martial mentions him as his own precursor in treating the short epigram. From another passage of Martial,
“Et Maecenati Maro cum cantaret Alexin
Nota tamen Marsi fusca Melaenis erat,”
we infer that he began his career early; for he was certainly younger than Horace, though probably only by a few years, as he also received instruction from Orbilius. There is a fine epigram by Marsus lamenting the death of his two brother-poets and friends:
“Te quoque Virgilio comitem non aequa, Tibulle,
Mors invenem campos misit ad Elysios.
Ne foret aut molles elegis qui fleret amores,
Aut caneret forti regia bella pede.”
ALBIUS TIBULLUS, to whom Quintilian adjudges the palm of Latin elegy, was born probably about the same time as Horace (65 B.C.), though others place the date of his birth as late as that of Messala (59 B.C.). In the fifth Elegy of the third book occur the words —
“Natalem nostri primum videre parentes
Cum cecidit fato consul uterque pari.”
As these words nearly reappear in Ovid, fixing the date of his own birth, some critics have supposed them to be spurious here. But there is no occasion for this. The elegy in which they occur is certainly not by Tibullus, and may well be the work of some contemporary of Ovid. They point to the battle of Mutina, 43 B.C., in which Hirtius and Pansa lost their lives. The poet’s death is fixed to 19 B.C. by the epigram of Domitius just quoted.
Tibullus was a Roman knight, and inherited a large fortune. This, however, he lost by the triumviral proscriptions, excepting a poor remnant of his estate near Pedum which, small as it was, seems to have sufficed for his moderate wants. At a later period Horace, writing to him in retirement, speaks as though he were possessed of considerable wealth —
“Di tibi divitias dederunt artemque fruendi.”
It is possible that Augustus, at the intercession of Messala, restored the poet’s patrimony. It was as much the fashion among the Augustan writers to affect a humble but contented poverty, as it had been among the libertines of the Caesarean age to pretend to sanctity of life — another form of that unreality which, after all, is ineradicable from Latin poetry. Ovid is far more unaffected. He asserts plainly that the pleasures and refinements of his time were altogether to his taste, and that no other age would have suited him half so well. Tibullus is a melancholy effeminate spirit. Horace exactly hits him when he bids him “chant no more woeful elegies,” because a young and perjured rival has been preferred to him. He seems to have had no ambition and no energy, but his position obliged him to see some military service, and we find that he went on no less than three expeditions with his patron. This patron, or rather friend, for he was above needing a patron, was the great Messala, whom the poet loved with a warmth and constancy testified by some beautiful elegies, the finest perhaps being those where the general’s victories are celebrated. But the chief theme of his verse is the love, ill-requited it would seem, which he lavished first on Delia and afterwards on Nemesis. Each mistress gives the subject to a book. Delia’s real name as we learn from Apuleius was Plania, and we gather from more than one notice in the poems that she was married when Tibullus paid his addresses to her. If the form of these poems is borrowed from Alexandria, the gentle pathos and gushing feeling redeem them from all taint of artificiality. In no poet, not even in Burns, is simple, natural emotion more naturally expressed. If we cannot praise the character of the man, we must admire the graceful poet. Nothing can give a truer picture of affection than the following tender and exquisitely musical lines:
“Non ego laudari curo: mea Delia, tecum
Dummodo sim quaeso segnis inersque vocer.
Te spectem suprema mihi cum venerit hora:
Te teneam moriens deficiente manu.”
Here is the same “linked sweetness long drawn out” which gives such a charm to Gray’s elegy. In other elegies, particularly those which take the form of idylls, giving images of rural peace and plenty, we see the quiet retiring nature that will not be drawn into the glare of Rome. Tibullus is described as of great personal beauty, and of a candid and affectionate disposition. Notwithstanding his devotion Delia was faithless, and the poet sought distraction in surrendering to the charms of another mistress. Horace speaks of a lady named Glycera in this connection; it is probable that she is the same as Nemesis; the custom of erotic poetry being to substitute a Greek name of similar scansion for the original Latin one; if the original name were Greek the change was still made, hence Glycera might well stand for Nemesis. The third book was first seen by Niebuhr to be from another and much inferior poet. It is devoted to the praises of Neaera, and imitates the manner of Tibullus with not a little of his sweetness but with much less power. Who the author was it is impossible to say, but though he had little genius he was a man of feeling and taste, and the six elegies are a pleasing relic of this active and yet melancholy time. The fourth book begins with a short epic on Messala, the work of a poetaster, extending over 200 lines. It is followed by thirteen most graceful elegidia ascribed to the lovers Cerinthus and Sulpicia of which one only is by Cerinthus. It is not certain whether this ascription is genuine, or whether, as the ancient life of Tibullus in the Parisian codex asserts, the poems were written by him under the title of Epistolae amatoriae. Their finished elegance and purity of diction are easily reconcilable with the view that they are the work of Tibullus. They abound in allusions to Virgil’s poetry. At the same time the description of Sulpicia as a poetess seems to point to her as authoress of the pieces that bear her name, and from one or two allusions we gather that Messala was paying her attentions that were distasteful but hard to refuse. The materials for coming to a decision are so scanty, that it seems best to leave the authorship an open question.
The rhythm of Tibullus is smooth, easy, and graceful, but tame. He generally concludes his period at the end of the couplet, and closes the couplet with a dissyllable; but he does not like Ovid make it an invariable rule. The diction is severely classical, free from Greek constructions and antiquated harshness. In elision he stands midway between Catullus and Ovid, inclining, however, more nearly to the latter.
SEX. AURELIUS PROPERTIUS, an Umbrian, from Mevania, Ameria, Assisi, or Hispellum, it is not certain which, was born 58 B.C. or according to others 49 B.C., and lost his father and his estate in the same year (41 B.C.) under Octavius’s second assignation of land to the soldiers. He seems to have begun life at the bar, which he soon deserted to play the cavalier to Hostia (whom he celebrates under the name Cynthia), a lady endowed with learning and wit as well as beauty, to whom our poet remained constant for five years. The chronology of his love-quarrels and reconciliations has been the subject of warm disputes between Nobbe, Jacob, and Lachmann; but even if it were of any importance, it is impossible to ascertain it with certainty.
He unquestionably belonged to Maecenas’s following, but was not admitted into the inner circle of his intimates. Some have thought that the troublesome acquaintance who besought Horace to introduce him was no other than Propertius. The man, it will be remembered, expresses himself willing to take a humble place:
“Haberes
Magnum adiutorem posset qui ferre secun
das
Hunc hominem velles si tradere. Dispeream ni
Submosses omnes.”
And as Propertius speaks of himself as living on the Esquiliae, some have, in conformity with this view, imagined him to have held some domestic post under Maecenas’s roof. A careful reader can detect in Propertius a far less well-bred tone than is apparent in Tibullus or Horace. He has the air of a parvenu, parading his intellectual wares, and lacking the courteous self-restraint which dignifies their style. But he is a genuine poet, and a generous, warm-hearted man, and in our opinion by far the greatest master of the pentameter that Rome ever produced. Its rhythm in his hands rises at times almost into grandeur. There are passages in the elegy on Cornelia (which concludes the series) whose noble naturalness and stirring emphasis bespeak a great and patriotic inspiration; and no small part of this effect is due to his vigorous handling of a somewhat feeble metre. Mechanically speaking, he is a disciple in the same school as Ovid, but his success in the Ovidian distich is insignificant; for he has nothing of the epigrammatist in him, and his finest lines all seem to have come by accident, or at any rate without effort. His excessive reverence for the Alexandrines Callimachus and Philetas, has cramped his muse. With infinitely more poetic fervour than either, he has made them his only models, and to attain their reputation is the summit of his ambition. It is from respect to their practice that he has loaded his poems with pedantic erudition; in the very midst of passionate pleading he will turn abruptly into the mazes of some obscure myth, often unintelligible to the modern reader, whose patience he sorely tries. There is no good poet so difficult to read through; his faults are not such as “plead sweetly for pardon;” they are obtrusive and repelling, and have been more in the way of his fame than those of any extant writer of equal genius. He was a devoted admirer of Virgil, whose poems he sketches in the following graceful lines: —