Microsoft Word - front-1-4438-1743-0.rtf
Page 47
Moreover, he was planning to draw Alexander deeper into the country and
weaken his forces through scorched earth tactics. But none of the expected
reinforcements came. In Ecbatana Darius was left with merely 3,000
cavalry and 30,000 infantry, of which only some 2,000 Greek mercenaries
were of substantial military value. This was much too little to fight another
battle against such a formidable enemy. Darius therefore dispatched his
baggage train towards the so-called Caspian Gate, usually associated with
today’s Sar-i Darreh pass in the southern part of the Elburz Mountain
Range. He himself remained at Ecbatana for a while but then also began a
retreat. It was during this retreat that a dispute began which the ancient
authors call a conspiracy. The disagreement was between Darius and three
of the highest Persian officials in his camp: Bessus, the satrap of Bactria
and Sogdiana, Barsaentes, the satrap of Arachosia (Haruvatiš) and
Drangiana, and the chiliarch Nabarzanes. These officials interpreted
Darius’s successive defeats as a sign that he no longer had the support of
the gods. They therefore suggested that he should temporarily hand over
his authority to someone else, a ‘substitute king,’ and thus remove the bad
omens that were currently imposed on the Great King. Darius flatly
rejected this idea. The conspirators therefore decided to isolate their king
from his loyal Greek mercenaries and effectively took over control of the
army. Patron, the commander of the Greek mercenaries, contacted Darius
and offered to have his men guard him. But the Great King rejected this
offer for he did not wish his subjects to think he did not trust them.
Therefore the mercenaries and Persians who, like the loyal Artabazus, did
not wish to side with the conspirators now just tried to save themselves. At
a village called Thara Bessus, Nabarzanes and Barsaentes arrested Darius
and, bound in chains of gold – for this was after all still the Great King,
transported him in a carriage towards the eastern satrapies. Bessus, who
was most probably a member of the Achaemenid dynasty, symbolically
donned the tiara and proclaimed himself king assuming the dynastic name
of Artaxerxes (V).78
Meanwhile the Macedonian army was still marching to Ecbatana. On
the 12th day a Persian aristocrat called Bisthanes – apparently the son of
Artaxerxes III – surrendered to Alexander and informed him that Darius
had left Ecbatana five days earlier. Finally realising that Darius was
78 Curt., 5.8.1-12.20; Arr., An. , 3.19.2, 3.21.1, 3.25.3; Diod., 17.73.2; Plu., Alex. , 42.5; Just., 11.15.1; Ps.-Callisth., 2.20; ME, 3; It. Alex. , 68-69. Bosworth 1980, pp.
333-334, 340-342; Seibert 1985, p. 112; Holt 1988, pp. 45-46; Nylander 1993, pp.
151-153.
King of Asia
257
militarily weak, Alexander changed his plans. He decided that continuing
the march to Ecbatana was no longer necessary, so he entrusted the
capture of that city to Parmenion. As the Great King had left the last
capital of his empire, Alexander considered the Panhellenic war ended. It
was then or after Darius’s death that he relieved the Greek allies and
Thessalians of military duty. Apart from the normal soldier’s pay they
were given bonus, the sum total of which amounted to 12,000 talents. At
same time it was declared that any soldier who wished to continue serving
Alexander could do so as a mercenary. Many took up that offer.
Parmenion duly captured Ecbatana and deposited there the transported
treasure, which was now put under the charge of Harpalus and a powerful
garrison of 6,000 Macedonian soldiers and mercenaries. Next Parmenion
was to subjugate Hyrcania by the Caspian Sea, but these instructions were
changed as Alexander and two other Macedonian commanders had already
conquered that land.79
Alexander set himself the task of capturing Darius. The objective was
to force the Great King to hand over the crown to the Macedonian
conqueror and thus legitimise his rule in Persian eyes. So began the
wildest chase in Alexander’s career, especially as the Persian conspirators
were also aware of the political dangers they faced if Darius were captured
by the Macedonians. The difficulties were compounded by the time of
year, the start of a scorching summer, and the terrain, mountains and arid
desert. The ancient authors relate an anecdote about how one hot day when
everyone was suffering from thirst the soldiers, out of concern for the
king’s health and therefore also their own safety, brought Alexander a
helmet full of water. But the king, as always eager to demonstrate his
heroic character, of course refused because there was not enough water to
be shared with the other soldiers. Alexander was able to keep track of
where his quarry was heading on account of Persian desertions: dignitaries
and ordinary soldiers who disapproved of Darius’s arrest successively
abandoned Bessus and Nabarzanes’s camp. The best detachments had
been selected for this mission: hetairoi, mounted scouts, mercenary
cavalry, Agrianians, archers and some phalangites. On the 11th day of a
murderous march the Macedonians reached Rhagae (today Rey, in the
Greater Teheran metropolitan area), some 80 km from the Caspian Gate,
which the Persians had already crossed. Once the Macedonians reached
the Caspian Gate, Alexander had to allow his men to rest – for five days
according to Arrian. It was at this time that Alexander nominated
Oxydates satrap of Media. Previously Darius had imprisoned this Persian
79 Arr., An. , 3.19.2-8; Diod., 17.74.2-5; Curt., 5.13.1, 6.2.17; Plu., Alex. , 42.5.
Bosworth 1976, pp. 132-136; Bosworth 1980, pp. 334-338; Heckel 2006, p. 72.
258
Chapter V
in Susa for some disloyalty and that made him seem more trustworthy in
the eyes of the new ruler. Beyond the Caspian Gate Alexander received a
Babylonian called Bagistanes and Mazaeus’s son, Antibelos (Ardu-Bel?),
who informed him of Darius’s arrest. After two nights of forced marching
the Macedonians reached yet another abandoned Persian campsite.
Alexander learned that the Greek mercenaries had also left the Persians
and that was when he decided to change his tactic. He continued the
pursuit with only 300-500 of his best foot soldiers, who were now
mounted on horses for the sake of speed. The success of this improvisation
incidentally led Alexander to later create a new military formation called
the dimachae, who were trained to fight both on foot and on horseback.
But instead of following their tracks Alexander chose to intercept the
fleeing Persians by taking a shortcut across the Great Salt Desert (Dasht-e
Kavir). Most of the horses failed to complete the arduous trek, which
according to our sources covered a distance of 400 stades (72 km), so that
Alexander was eventually left with only 60 soldiers. This detachment
finally managed to intercept the Persian column not far from the town of
Hecatompylos (today Shahr-i Qumis). Though numerically superior, the
Persians panicked when they saw the Macedonians personally commanded
by Ale
xander. Bessus tried to persuade Darius to leave the carriage, mount
a horse and flee with the rest of them. But when Darius refused,
Barsaentes and the satrap of Areia Satibarzanes stabbed him with their
spears and fled, leaving the Great King to suffer his fate. Though legend
would have us believe that Alexander found Darius while he was still alive,
it is almost certain that the Great King was dead by the time the victor
reached him. All the new king of Asia could do was to cover his body with
his cloak.80 According to Arrian, Darius died in the Athenian month of
Hekatombaion, i.e. in July 330. This date is confirmed by the Paros’
Chronicle, where Darius’s death is the first recorded event in the Athenian
year 330/329, which began in July. During the spring-summer campaign
Alexander’s army covered the over 900-km distance from Persepolis to
Hecatompylos in just two months, as usual surprising his enemy with
sheer speed.81
80 Arr., An. , 3.20-21; Curt., 5.12.18-13.25; Plu., Alex. , 42.6-43.5; Plu., mor. , 332f; Diod., 17.73.2-4; Just., 11.15; Polyaen., 4.3.25; Ael., NA, 6.25; Ps.-Callisth., 2.20;
It. Alex. , 69; Poll., 1.132. Green 1974, pp. 321-322, 325-329; Bosworth 1980, pp.
338-345; Bosworth 1988, pp. 95-96; Badian 1985, pp. 448-449; Badian 1996, pp.
20-21; Nylander 1993, p. 151; Hammond 1996, pp. 171-173; Heckel 2006, pp. 30,
188.
81 Arr., An. , 3.22; Marmor Parium: FGrH, 239 F107. Bosworth 1980, p. 346.
King of Asia
259
The treasure that had been taken from Ecbatana by Darius was duly
found by Alexander’s men in Persian camp – Arrian’s figure of 7,000
talents is probably closer to the truth that Curtius’s 26,000. The new king
of Asia ordered the body of Darius to be taken to Persepolis. It was buried
in one of the royal graves at Naqsh-e Rustam – presumably not the one
with unfinished sculptures that Darius had started having built in his
lifetime. Concern over providing a royal burial for Darius and the later
pursuit of the Great King’s murderer, Bessus, shows that Alexander was
clearly taking his role as successor to the Achaemenids on the Asian
throne seriously. At Hecatompylos Alexander had to wait for the rest of
his detachments to catch up and it is probably there that he made further
official nominations. He appointed Amminapes, a member of his retinue,
satrap of the as yet unconquered Parthia and Hyrcania. One of Alexander’s
hetairoi, Tlepolemus, was appointed commander of a garrison of
mercenaries. Of greater importance was the inclusion of Darius’s younger
brother, Oxyathres, among Alexander’s hetairoi. This was the only
instance recorded in the sources of an Iranian being bestowed such an
honour at this time. Darius’s death, the stay at Hecatompylos and the
release from service of the Greek allies were all interpreted by the
Macedonian troops as signs the campaign was drawing to a close and that
soon they would be heading home, especially as they had recently crossed
the Caspian Gate, which the Greeks considered the end of the inhabited
world. In this instance Alexander easily managed to persuade his soldiers
of the necessity to continue the war by stressing that Bessus was still
putting up resistance, which could eventually lead to a counteroffensive or
even another invasion of Europe. But this was nonetheless the first clear
signal of diverging views between Alexander and his men regarding the
war. It was no doubt as consequence of this experience that during his stay
in Hyrcania Alexander imposed a censorship policy regarding the
correspondence of Macedonian and mercenary soldiers, whose letters were
now secretly opened in search of politically incorrect opinions.82
The king did not immediately start the expedition against Bessus but as
usual first made sure the territories behind him were secure. His army
turned back from the road to Bactria and instead invaded the fertile
agricultural land of Hyrcania by the Caspian Sea. There it divided into
three groups commanded by Alexander, Craterus and Erigyios.
Alexander’s corps occupied the satrapy’s capital, Zadracarta, and there he
82 Aeschin., 3.165; Arr., An. , 3.22.1, 3.22.6; Diod., 17.73.3; Curt., 6.2.1-4.1; Plin., Nat. , 36.132; Plu., Alex. , 43.7; Polyaen., 4.3.19; Just., 11.15. Wilcken 1967, pp.
149-151; Bosworth 1980, p. 345; Stoneman 1994, p. 95; Briant 2003, pp. 45-52;
Heckel 2006, p. 188.
260
Chapter V
received Persian officials successively surrendering to him after Darius’s
demise: the satrap of Hyrcania, Phrataphernes, the chiliarch Nabarzanes
and the satrap of the Tapuri, Autophradates (or Phradates), alone among
them allowed to keep his position. Artabazus and his sons were accepted
into the king’s entourage partly as reward for the father’s loyalty to Darius
even in the hardest of times and partly because his daughter Barsine had
been Alexander’s lover for two and a half years (see Chapter IV.5).
Alexander initially refused to make any deals with the Greek mercenaries
who had served Darius but eventually he relented and promised to forgive
them on condition that they now entered his service. Also some
ambassadors from Greek states were taken into Macedonian captivity.
Alexander, however, released Sinope’s envoys as that state had not been
included in the universal peace and therefore had had a right to collaborate
with Darius. The subjugation of Hyrcania was ended with a short, five-day
campaign against the Mardi, who inhabited the south west part of that
country. Alexander’s ire was raised when this tribe audaciously captured
his favourite steed Bucephalus. Threatened with total annihilation, the
Mardi returned the horse, submitted hostages and promised obedience to
the satrap Autophradates. In Hyrcania Alexander was also reportedly met
by the Queen of the Amazons, Thalestris, who came to Macedonian camp
for the express purpose of having the greatest war leader father a child by
her and it was for this reason that she remained in the camp for thirteen
days. If she gave birth to a girl, she intended to keep her, but if she gave
birth to a boy, she would have the child sent to Alexander. This tale set in
the most distant of imaginable lands was already controversial in ancient
times and rejected by more sober minded authors. Plutarch even cites an
anecdote about how Onesicritus read the tale of Alexander and Thalestris
to Lysimachus and his companions. The king’s former bodyguard who had
always been at hand suddenly interrupted Onesicritus and sarcastically
asked: ‘And where was I at that time?’83 Some modern historians believe
that the historic part of this tale refers to a genuine encounter with a
princess of an Iranian nomadic people called the Dahae.84
A less sensational but much more important development that would
influence Alexander’s future policies regarding conquered nations was the
mass capitulation of Iranian aristocrats, who now formed a sizable group
in his entourage. Alexander received them willingly for by then he was
83 Arr., An. , 3.23.1-24.1; Curt., 6.4.1-5.32; Diod., 17.75.1-77.3; Str., 11.5.4 (after
&
nbsp; Cleitarchus); Plu., Alex. , 44-46; Just., 12.3; It. Alex. , 70-72. Plutarch ( Alex. , 46) lists now lost sources to the alleged encounter between Alexander and Thalestris.
Engels 1978, pp. 83-84; Atkinson 1994, pp. 192-200; Bosworth 1995, pp. 121-122.
84 Lane Fox 1973, p. 276; Bosworth 1995, pp. 102-103.
King of Asia
261
well aware of the essential role played by aristocrats in the running of this
vast empire. This also probably explains why the king was usually
merciful to those who had previously held important positions in the
Achaemenid state, including the conspirators Nabarzanes and Satibarzanes
who had been involved in overthrowing Darius. Their high status and the
speed with which they surrendered saved them from the punishment that
would eventually be imposed on Bessus. Such a large presence of well-
born Persians in Alexander’s circle naturally enhanced the process of
‘orientalization’ in his policies, which began soon after his first victories in
Asia. This was given even greater impetus after news of Bessus’s
usurpation, for now Alexander very much wanted to show the Iranian
aristocrats that he was the real Great King by adhering to the traditions of
the Achaemenid court. A turning point in the ‘orientalization’ of
Alexander’s policies occurred during his stay in Zadracarta from August to
September 330. Apart from the Persian dress he himself had been wearing
for some time when in court, Alexander now persuaded some of his
hetairoi to wear certain elements of this attire as well. Henceforth he had
two chancelleries: one for documents concerning European affairs, which
Alexander sealed with his original signet and a chancellery for royal
Persian affairs where Alexander used a signet captured from Darius. At the
time Alexander also at least partly adopted the Achaemenid court’s
hierarchical system and gave Macedonians and Greeks in his retinue
Persian court titles. People wishing to speak to Alexander were now
ushered in by his chamberlain ( eisangeleus), Chares, in command of a