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  The Macedonian defeat of Porus did not escape the notice of the

  neighbouring rajahs. Taxiles must have been somewhat disappointed with

  the way things turned out: it was quite paradoxical that Porus had received

  greater rewards than he. However, Alexander persuaded the two rajahs to

  make peace. Granted extra territories and the victor’s trust, Porus soon

  became Alexander’s chief ally in the Punjab. The changeable Abisares,

  who had already formally surrendered to Alexander once before but

  apparently intended to come to Porus’ assistance, now sent gifts to his

  brother’s victor, including 40 elephants. Tributes also came from Punjabi

  tribes that were subjects of none of the Indian monarchs.32 However, the

  other Porus whose domain lay to the east of Acesines and who had before

  the battle supported Alexander against his western neighbour and

  namesake now feared this recently vanquished namesake on account of the

  favours Alexander had bestowed upon him and so fled from his own

  kingdom. This action gave Alexander a convenient pretext to wage war.

  He personally commanded his fastest units and led it across the Acesines,

  which during the rainy season was up to 3 km wide, to its eastern bank.

  Alexander instructed the Porus who was now his ally to muster his army

  and elephants, while Coenus was to lead the rest of the Macedonian army

  across the Acesines. Alexander marched post-haste across the other Porus’

  kingdom reaching the river Hydraotes, while his generals Craterus and

  Coenus foraged the land for food and fodder. Hephaestion completed the

  conquest of this land, which was subsequently attached to the realm of the

  Porus who was Alexander’s ally.33 It was in this land that the Macedonians

  saw one of the most amazing trees in India: the Indian fig tree called the

  banyan. The Western world learned of this peculiar tree thanks to

  information gathered during the expedition and related by Theophrastus.

  The feature that surprised the Western observers most were its branches,

  which sprang roots; new trunks grew from these branch roots and thus an

  entire forest could spread from a single tree. The largest banyan known to

  modern science covers an area of 1.5 ha and has c. 300 trunks. The

  32 Arr., An. , 5.20.4-6; Diod., 17.90.4; Curt., 9.1.7-8; ME, 65. Bosworth 1995, pp.

  319-320.

  33 Str., 15.1.8 (quoting Nearchus = FGrH, 133 F18 and Aristobulus = FGrH, 139

  F35); Arr., An. , 5.20.8-21.6; Diod., 17.91.1-2; Curt., 9.1.35. Seibert 1985, p. 158;

  Bosworth 1995, pp. 322-327.

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  somewhat exaggerated descriptions of Alexander’s expedition state that as

  many as 10,000 people could hide beneath this tree.34

  The people living beyond the Hydraotes did not surrender to Alexander.

  By that time he considered himself to be the lord of this part of India and

  therefore those who did not surrender were branded rebels. A tribe the

  sources call the Cathaeans had great faith in their fortified capital, Sangala,

  which was located somewhere three days’ march from the Hydraotes. It

  was from behind this city’s fortifications that they decided to resist

  Alexander. They arranged three rows of wagons in front of their town and

  it was from behind these wagons that they decided to face the enemy.

  Naturally such primitive obstacles were easily overcome by Alexander’s

  soldiers. The barbarians soon became disheartened and at night tried to

  escape from their city. They were stopped from doing so by the

  Macedonian cavalry and so a regular siege began. The Cathaeans once

  more tried to break out of the city but were again driven back. Once Porus’

  army had arrived and the Macedonian engineers set up the siege engines,

  the storming of the city began. Sangala was captured. The sources claim

  that 17,000 Indians were slain, whereas on the Macedonian side only 100

  soldiers were killed and 1,200 wounded. This example of Macedonian

  military efficiency and ruthlessness impressed the region’s remaining

  inhabitants, who now prudently volunteered to submit to Alexander. The

  greatest beneficiary of this war was Porus, to whom Alexander granted the

  conquered territories. Such an exceptional success in terms of territorial

  expansion suggests that Porus not only accompanied Alexander during the

  summer of 326, but also encouraged him to march on towards the

  southeast.35 The land of the Cathaeans lay next to the kingdom of a ruler

  the Greeks called Sopeithes. The rivers Acesines and Hydraotes cut

  through this realm, which stretched all the way to the Hydaspes and may

  have also included territories to the west of this river bordering Porus’

  kingdom from the south. According to one of the participants of the

  expedition, Onesicritus, this state practiced an extreme form of eugenics.

  Physically impaired or just not beautiful enough infants were killed for the

  sake of creating a nation of people with exceptional physical qualities.

  Sopeithes, who was naturally also of exceptional physical beauty, accepted

  Alexander’s suzerainty without putting up any resistance. He also hosted

  the Macedonian army for seven days. The ancient authors mention that

  34 Thphr., HP, 1.7.3, 4.4.4; Str., 15.1.21 (quoting Onesicritus = FGrH, 134 F22 and Aristobulus = FGrH, 139 F36); Nearchus, ap. Arr., Ind. , 11.7 (= FGrH, 133 F6); Diod., 17.90.5; Plin., Nat. , 12.22-23. Karttunen 1997, pp. 131-132.

  35 Arr., An. , 5.22-24; Diod., 17.91.2-4; Str., 15.1.30; Curt., 9.1.14-23; Polyaen.,

  4.3.30; Just., 12.8. Goukowsky 1975, p. 297; Bosworth 1995, pp. 327-337.

  Expedition to India

  315

  Sopeithes gave Alexander extremely fierce and vicious hunting dogs used

  in show fights with lions.36

  Now, on the way to Hyphasis (today Beas), which was the penultimate

  river in eastern Punjab, the Macedonian army only had to cross the

  kingdom of a king the Greeks called Phegeus. This rajah immediately

  presented Alexander with gifts and acknowledged him as his suzerain. The

  army stayed in this kingdom for two days. Then at dawn they marched off

  for the Hyphasis, which they reached within a day’s march. Beyond that

  river they were convinced they would reach the Ocean. It was only then

  that Phegeus disclosed to Alexander and his men the truth about this part

  of India. This revelation was confirmed by the trusted Porus. The sources

  state that the next great river, the Ganges, was a twelve days’ march away.

  This seems plausible, as the Hyphasis at the point which Macedonians are

  said to have reached is 250 km from the Yamuna, only a tributary of the

  Ganges but one generally not distinguished from Ganges in Antiquity.

  Other information which the Macedonians now learned was less close to

  the truth, namely, that they would have to cross a desert to reach the

  Ganges. Alexander also learned that the Ganges region was occupied by a

  powerful state (the Nanda Empire) which allegedly had at its disposal

  200,000 foot soldiers, 20,000 horsemen, 2,000 chariots and 4,000

  elephants. These figures are without doubt exaggerated, but such rumours

  may well have been heard in the Punjab at the time. According to Western

  sources the basic p
lausibility of Phegeus’ revelation regarding the military

  strength of the Nanda state was additional information regarding the low

  origins of the Nandas, which was also confirmed by independent Indian

  sources. Even Porus, the greatest beneficiary of Alexander’s expedition

  further east, supposedly expressed the opinion that the army should

  proceed no further and instead consolidate its control over territories

  already conquered.37

  For Alexander, who wanted to continue the march, all this news came

  as a great shock. But the soldiers were even more disappointed. For more

  than four of the preceding months (from May to September 326) they had

  fought a difficult campaign and the most difficult of conditions, including

  70 days of continual monsoon rain. Moreover, so far they had covered on

  horse or on foot 18,000 km and the prospect of a further march seemed

  36 Str., 15.1.30-31 (quoting Onesicritus); Diod., 17.91.4-92.3; Curt., 9.1.24-35;

  Plin., Nat. , 8.148-149; Ael., NA, 4.19, 8.1; ME, 66-68. Eggermont 1993, pp. 14-20; Karttunen 1997, pp. 52-53, 174-175.

  37 Diod., 17.93; Curt., 9.1.36-2.7; Plu., Alex. , 62.2-5; Plin., Nat. , 6.68; ME, 68-69; Just., 12.8. Bosworth 1996a, pp. 74-80; Karttunen 1997, pp. 35-37; Hamilton 1999,

  pp. 170-174.

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  quite unbearable. Alexander was aware of murmured complaints in the

  ranks and so tried to appease the soldiers by allowing them to plunder the

  surrounding areas. But this failed to noticeably improve the mood. The

  king therefore summoned his officers hoping to get them to convince the

  soldiers that continuing the expedition until they reached the ocean was

  essential. Alexander’s speech presented in the works of Arrian and Curtius

  Rufus is (as is usual in the works of ancient authors) obviously fiction.

  The officers are said to have listened to their monarch in silence and only

  after some time did he manage to persuade anyone to speak out. The first

  to pluck up the courage was Coenus – one of the most senior officers in

  both age and rank who was greatly trusted by Alexander. Although the

  actual words recorded by the same two authors were also the work of their

  imaginations, the arguments Coenus is said to have put forward are in all

  probability the ones the soldiers really used. He drew the king’s attention

  to how tired his army was, to the feeling that marching on was pointless

  and the longing to return home. Coenus’ speech was met with a loud

  chorus of approval among those gathered. Alexander could therefore

  clearly see who represented the views of the officers and soldiers. He

  broke up the conference but the following day he announced that he would

  go on regardless and whoever wished to follow him could choose to do so.

  Alexander, convinced that his soldiers would never desert him, retired to

  his tent and for three days waited for his army’s spontaneous declaration

  of solidarity. But it did not happen. Alexander lost this battle of wills and

  ordered a retreat. This was probably the most painful decision in his life.38

  The court historiography presented by Ptolemy states that Alexander

  had sacrifices offered for a successful expedition but, despite several

  attempts, none was accepted by the gods. This was no doubt intended as

  an explanation for posterity of why the great conqueror on this one

  occasion decided to turn back. Yet already Arrian relates this account with

  evident incredulity. In Arrian’s narrative it was at most an excuse the

  heavens conveniently provided for Alexander to save face. Whatever the

  case, the change of plan was eventually announced to the soldiers, who

  greeted it with an explosion of joy; many were said to have tears in their

  38 Arr., An. , 5.25-28; Diod., 17.94; Curt., 9.2.8-3.19; Plu., Alex. , 62.6-7; Just., 12.8.

  Tarn 1948, i, pp. 98-100; Wilcken 1967, pp. 185-187; Schachermeyr 1973, pp.

  433-442; Hamilton 1973, pp. 116-118; Lane Fox 1973, pp. 367-371; Green 1974,

  pp. 407-411; Bosworth 1988, p. 133; Bosworth 1996a, pp. 186-200; Hammond

  1996, pp. 218-219; Hahn 2000, p. 19; Worthington 2004, pp. 159-160.

  Disregarding ancient sources some scholars deny that Alexander really wanted to

  continue with his expedition: Badian 1985, pp. 46-467; Spann 1999; Heckel 2007,

  pp. 120-125; Heckel 2009a, pp. 80-81.

  Expedition to India

  317

  eyes.39 Before the return march began Alexander ordered twelve alters to

  be erected. No doubt these twelve altars were erected to the twelve gods of

  Olympus to thank them for the victories won so far. But they also marked

  the eastern perimeter of Alexander’s expedition into Asia, just as the altars

  to the north of the Jaxartes marked the northern border of his conquests. In

  marking out the extremities of his domain Alexander was imitating his

  mythological ancestor Heracles, who had also left monumental Pillars of

  Heralces (Gibraltar) at the western end of the known world. Plutarch

  relates what is perhaps just a legend that kings of the Maurya dynasty

  sacrificed on these altars and among those who did so was the dynasty’s

  founder, Chandragupta, who had allegedly met Alexander in India and

  honoured his memory. We do not know how long Alexander’s altars

  survived but the claim Nero’s contemporary Apollonius of Tyana offered

  sacrifices there is generally considered to be entirely made up by the

  wandering philosopher’s biographer, Flavius Philostratus. The ‘Vulgate’

  narrative of these altars as much as 50 cubits (25 m) high appears in the

  context of a bogus fortified camp established on Alexander’s orders. Beds

  measuring 5 cubits (2.5 m) and oversize stables were put inside this camp

  to give the impression to potential enemies that the Hyphasis was reached

  by an army of super-humans. If this story is true, the supposed objective

  would have been to secure a safe retreat for the Macedonian army.40

  Before setting off, Alexander offered sacrifices on the giant altars and

  ordered gymnastic contests. He also decided to grant the territories

  conquered up to the Hyphasis to Porus. According to Plutarch, the Indian

  received the title of satrap.41

  4. Towards the Ocean

  The march began in the early autumn of 326, most probably in September.

  The army next set up camp somewhere on the Acesines. There

  Hephaestion was instructed to found a town and populate it with natives

  and mercenaries, but, apart from this snippet of information from Arrian,

  nothing is known about this settlement. It was there that envoys arrived

  39 Arr., An. , 5.28.4-29.1 (quoting Ptolemy = FGrH, 138 F23); Str., 15.1.27.

  Bosworth 1995, pp. 355-356.

  40 Arr., An. , 5.29.1; Diod., 17.95.1-2; Str., 3.5.5; Curt., 9.3.19; Plin., Nat. , 6.62; Plu., Alex. , 62.6-9; Plu., mor. , 542d; ME, 69; Philostr., VA, 2.43; Orosius, 1.2.5.

  Tarn 1940, pp. 91-92; Eggermont 1975, pp. 26-27; Oikonomides 1988, pp. 31-32;

  Bosworth 1995, pp. 356-357; Karttunen 1997, pp. 53-54, 257-258; Huttner 1997,

  pp. 102-106; Hamilton 1999, pp. 174-175; Pushkas 2001.

  41 Arr., An. , 5.29.2, 6.2.1; Plu., Alex. , 60.15.

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  with gifts from Abisares. Among them was a prince called Arsaces.
r />   Abisares was again confirmed in his position as monarch and Alexander

  also acknowledged his rule over Arsaces’ statelet. Alexander left northern

  Punjab under the de facto control of tribute paying rajahs and the only

  considerable Macedonian military presence left in Taxila. To a degree, this

  resembles the policy practiced later by the Romans of relying on client

  states in the East in non-Hellenised areas not imbued with urban culture.42

  By the time the Macedonian army reached the Hydaspes the monsoon

  rains had ended. The now weathered fortifications of Nicaea and

  Bucephala were repaired and ships were built from timber collected earlier

  to sail down the Hydaspes. Certain similarities between the Punjab and

  Egypt, particularly the appearance of crocodiles (though the Nile crocodile

  was decidedly larger) led Alexander’s companions to for believe that the

  Indus was an upper part of the Nile. By the autumn of 326, however, the

  Macedonians were informed by the natives that the Indus flowed into the

  Ocean. To reach the Indus they had to travel down successive Punjabi

  rivers.43

  Exhausted by a long campaign and the continual dampness after

  months of monsoon rain, many Macedonian soldiers succumbed to

  diseases, others suffered from snake bites. Therefore it must have been

  with a considerable sense of relief that the army received a shipment of

  medicines that had no doubt been ordered before the Indian campaign and

  now arrived from Greece. The medicines, 300 talents in weight, were

  immediately distributed among the ailing. The sources remain silent as to

  the effectiveness of these medicines. They had been sent by Harpalus

  together with a detachment of 5,000 Thracian horsemen and 7,000 infantry.

  This detachment also delivered 25,000 panoplias for the foot soldiers; the

  rainy season had rotted and rusted their original armour to such an extent

  that it was rendered useless. It was also on the banks of the Hydaspes that

  Coenus passed away. The sources unanimously state that he died of a

  disease, but that has not stopped modern historians from speculating that