Delphi Complete Works of Cornelius Nepos

by Cornelius Nepos

  II. He was brought up in the house of Pericles (for he is said to have been his step-son), and was. taught by Socrates. For his father-in-law he had Hipponicus, the richest man of all that spoke the Greek language; so that, even if he had contrived for himself, he could neither have thought of more advantages, nor have secured greater, than those which fortune or nature had bestowed upon him. At his entrance on manhood he was beloved by many, after the manner of the Greeks, and among them by Socrates, whom Plato mentions in his Symposium; for he introduces Alcibiades, saying that “he had passed the night with Socrates, and had not risen up from him otherwise than a son should rise from a father.” When he was of maturer age, he had himself no fewer objects of affection, his intercourse with whom, as far as was possible, he did many acts of an objectionable character, in a delicate and agreeable manner; which acts we would relate, had we not other things to tell of a higher and better nature.

  3. Bello Peloponnesio huius consilio atque auctoritate Athenienses bellum Syracusanis indixerunt. ad quod gerendum ipse dux delectus est, duo praeterea collegae dati, Nicia et Lamachus. [2] id cum appararetur, prius quam classis exiret, accidit ut una nocte omnes Hermae, qui in oppido erant Athenis, deicerentur praeter unum, qui ante ianuam erat Andocidi (itaque ille postea Mercurius Andocidi vocitatus est). [3] hoc cum appareret non sine magna multorum consensione esse factum, quae non ad privatam, sed ad publicam rem pertineret, magnus multitudini timor est iniectus, ne qua repentina vis in civitate exsisteret, quae libertatem opprimeret populi. [4] hoc maxime convenire in Alcibiadem videbatur, quod et potentior et maior quam privatus existimabatur: multos enim liberalitate devinxerat, plures etiam opera forensi suos reddiderat. [5] qua re fiebat ut omnium oculos, quotienscumque in publicum prodisset, ad se converteret neque ei par quisquam in civitate poneretur. itaque non solum spem in eo habebant maximam, sed etiam timorem, quod et obesse plurimum et prodesse poterat. [6] aspergebatur etiam infamia, quod in domo sua facere mysteria dicebatur (quod nefas erat more Atheniensium) idque non ad religionem, sed ad coniurationem pertinere existimabatur.

  III. In the Peloponnesian war, the Athenians, by his advice and persuasion, declared war against the Syracusans, to conduct which he himself was chosen general. Two colleagues were besides assigned him, Nicias and Lamachus. While the expedition was in preparation, and before the fleet sailed, it happened one night that all the statues of Mercury that were in the city of Athens were thrown down, except one, which was before the gate of Andocides, and which, in consequence, was afterwards generally called the Mercury of Andocides. As it appeared that this could not have been done without a strong confederacy of many persons, since it had respect not to a private but to a public matter, great dread was excited among the multitude, lest some sudden tumult should arise in the city to destroy the people’s liberty. The suspicion of this seemed chiefly to attach to Alcibiades, because he was considered both more influential, and of higher standing, than any private person; for he had secured many adherents by his generosity, and had made still more his friends by assisting them in legal proceedings. Hence it happened, that as often as he appeared in public, he drew the eyes of all people upon him; nor was any man in the whole city thought equal to him. They accordingly had not only the greatest hope of him, but also the greatest fear, because he was able to do much harm as well as much good. He was sullied also by ill report, for it was said that he celebrated the mysteries in his own house, a practice which, according to public opinion among the Athenians, was regarded as impious; and this matter was thought to have reference, not to religion, but to a conspiracy.

  4. Hoc crimine in contione ab inimicis compellabatur. sed instabat tempus ad bellum proficiscendi. id ille intuens neque ignorans civium suorum consuetudinem postulabat, si quid de se agi vellent, potius de praesente quaestio haberetur, quam absens invidiae crimine accusaretur. [2] inimici vero eius quiescenduin in praesenti, quia noceri ei non posse intellegebant, et illud tempus exspectandum decreverunt, quo classis exisset, ut absentem aggrederentur, itaque fecerunt. [3] nam postquam in Siciliam eum pervenisse crediderunt, absentem, quod sacra violasset, reum fecerunt. qua de re cum ei nuntius a magistratu in Siciliam missus esset, ut domum ad causam dicendam rediret, essetque in magna spe provinciae bene administrandae, non parere noluit et in triremem, quae ad eum erat deportandum missa, ascendit. [4] hac Thurios in Italiam pervectus, multa secum reputans de immoderata civium suorum licentia crudelitateque erga nobiles, utilissimum ratus impendentem evitare tempestatem, clam se ab custodibus subduxit et inde primum Elidem, dein Thebas venit. [5] postquam autem se capitis damnatum bonis publicatis audivit, et, id quod numquam antea usu venerat, Eumolpidas sacerdotes a populo coactos ut se devoverent, eiusque devotionis quo testatior esset memoria, exemplum in pila lapidea incisum esse positum in publico, Lacedaemonem demigravit. [6] ibi, ut ipse praedicare consuerat, non adversus patriam, sed inimicos suos bellum gessit, qui eidem hostes essent civitati: nam cum intellegerent se plurimum prodesse posse rei publicae, ex ea eiecisse plusque irae suae quam utilitati communi paruisse. [7] itaque huius consilio Lacedaemonii cum Perse rege amicitiam fecerunt, dein Deceleam in Attica munierunt praesidioque ibi perpetuo posito in obsidione Athenas tenuerunt. eiusdem opera Ioniam a societate averterunt Atheniensium. quo facto multo superiores bello esse coeperunt.

  IV. Of this crime he was accused by his enemies in a public assembly of the people. But the time for him to set out to the war was drawing near; and he considering this, and being aware of the habit of his countrymen, requested that, if they wished anything to be done concerning him, an examination should rather be held upon him while he was pre sent, than that he should be accused in his absence of a crime against which there was a strong public feeling. But his enemies resolved to continue quiet for the present, because they were aware that no hurt could then be done him, and to wait for the time when he should have gone abroad, that they might thus attack him while he was absent. They accordingly did so; for after they supposed that he had reached Sicily, they impeached him, during his absence, of having profaned the sacred rites. In consequence of this affair, a messenger, to desire him to return home to plead his cause, being despatched into Sicily to him by the government, at a time when he had great hopes of managing his province successfully, he yet did not refuse to obey, but went on board a trireme which had been sent to convey him. Arriving in this vessel at Thurii in Italy, and reflecting much with himself on the ungovernable license of his countrymen, and their violent feelings towards the aristocracy, and deeming it most advantageous to avoid the impending storm, he secretly withdrew from his guards, and went from thence first to Elis, and afterwards to Thebes. But when he heard that he was condemned to death, his property having been confiscated, and as had been usual, that the priests called Eumolpidae had been obliged by the people to curse him, and that a copy of the curse, engraven on a stone pillar, had been set up in a public place, in order that the memory of it might be better attested, he removed to Lacedaemon. There, as he was accustomed to declare, he carried on a war, not against his country, but against his enemies, because the same persons were enemies to their own city; for though they knew that he could be of the greatest service to the republic, they had expelled him from it, and consulted their own animosity more than the common advantage. By his advice, in consequence, the Lacedaemonians made an alliance with the king of Persia, and afterwards fortified Deceleia in Attica, and having placed a constant garrison there, kept Athens in a state of blockade. By his means, also, they detached Ionia from its alliance with the Athenians, and after this was done, they began to have greatly the advantage in the contest.

  5. Neque vero his rebus tam amici Alcibiadi sunt facti quam timore ab eo alienati. nam cum acerrimi viri praestantem prudentiam in omnibus rebus cognoscerent, pertimuerunt ne caritate patriae ductus aliquando ab ipsis descisceret et cum suis in gratiam rediret. itaque tempus eius interficiundi quaerere instituerunt. [2] id Alcibiades diutius celari non potuit: erat enim ea sagacitate, ut decipi non posset, praesertim cum animum at
tendisset ad cavendum. itaque ad Tissaphernem, praefectum regis Darii, se contulit. [3] cuius cum in intimam amicitiam pervenisset et Atheniensium male gestis in Sicilia rebus opes senescere, contra Lacedaemoniorum crescere videret, initio cum Pisandro praetore, qui apud Samum exercitum habebat, per internuntios colloquitur et de reditu suo facit mentionem. is erat enim eodem quo Alcibiades sensu, populi potentiae non amicus et optimatium fautor. [4] ab hoc destitutus primum per Thrasybulum, Lyci filium, ab exercitu recipitur praetorque fit apud Samum, post suffragante Theramene populi scito restituitur parique absens imperio praeficitur simul cum Thrasybulo et Theramene. [5] horum in imperio tanta commutatio rerum facta est, ut Lacedaemonii, qui paulo ante victores viguerant, perterriti pacem peterent. victi enim erant quinque proeliis terrestribus, tribus navalibus, in quibus ducentas naves triremes amiserant, quae captae in hostium venerant potestatem. [6] Alcibiades simul cum collegis receperat Ioniam, Hellespontum, multas praeterea urbes Graecas, quae in ora sitae sunt Thraeciae, quarum expugnarant complures, in eis Byzantium, neque minus multas consilio ad amicitiam adiunxerant, quod in captos clementia fuerant usi. [7] ita praeda onusti, locupletato exercitu, maximis rebus gestis Athenas venerunt.

  V. Yet by these proceedings they were not so much rendered friends to Alcibiades, as alienated from him by fear; for when they saw the singular intelligence of this most active-minded man in every way, they were afraid that, being moved by love for his country, he might at some time revolt from them, and return into favour with his countrymen. They therefore determined to seek an opportunity for killing him. But this determination could not long be concealed from Alcibiades; for he was a man of such sagacity that he could not be deceived, especially when he turned his attention to putting himself on his guard. He in consequence betook himself to Tissaphernes, a satrap of King Darius; and having gained a way to an intimate friendship with him, and seeing that the power of the Athenians, from the ill success of their attempts in Sicily, was on the decline, while that of the Lacedaemonians, on the other hand, was increasing, he first of all conferred, through messengers, with Pisander the Athenian commander, who had a force at Samos, and made some mention concerning his return; for Pisander, with the same feelings as Alcibiades, was no friend to the power of the people, but a favourer of the aristocracy. Though deserted by him, he was received at first, through the agency of Thrasybulus the son of Lycus, by the army, and made commander at Samos; and afterwards, from Theramenes making interest for him, he was recalled by a decree of the people, and, while still absent, was appointed to equal command with Thrasybulus and Theramenes. Under the influence of these leaders, so great a change in affairs took place, that the Lacedaemonians, who had just before flourished as conquerors, were struck with fear and sued for peace; for they had been defeated in five battles by land, and three by sea, in which they had lost two hundred triremes, that had been captured and had fallen into the possession of their enemies. Alcibiades, with his colleagues, had recovered Ionia, the Hellespont, and many Greek cities besides, situated on the coast of Asia, of which they had taken several by storm, and among them Byzantium. Nor had they attached fewer to their interest by policy, as they had exercised clemency towards those who were taken prisoners; and then, laden with spoil, and having enriched the troops and achieved very great exploits, they returned to Athens.

  6. His cum obviam universa civitas in Piraeum descendisset, tanta fuit omnium exspectatio visendi Alcibiadis, ut ad eius triremem vulgus conflueret, proinde ac si solus advenisset. [2] sic enim populo erat persuasum, et adversas superiores et praesentes secundas res accidisse eius opera. itaque et exercitum in Sicilia amissum et Lacedaemoniorum victorias culpae suae tribuebant, quod talem virum e civitate expulissent. neque id sine causa arbitrari videbantur. nam postquam exercitui praeesse coeperat, neque terra neque mari hostes pares esse potuerant. [3] hic ut e navi egressus est, quamquam Theramenes et Thrasybulus eisdem rebus praefuerant simulque venerant in Piraeum, tamen unum omnes illum prosequebantur, et, id quod numquam antea usu venerat nisi Olympiae victoribus, coronis laureis taeniisque vulgo donabatur. ille lacrimans talem benivolentiam civium suorum accipiebat, reminiscens pristini temporis acerbitatem. [4] postquam in astu venit, contione advocata sic verba fecit, ut nemo tam ferus fuerit, quin eius casui illacrimarit inimicumque iis se ostenderit, quorum opera patria pulsus fuerat, proinde ac si alius populus, non ille ipse qui tum flebat, eum sacrilegii damnasset. [5] restituta ergo huic sunt publice bona, eidemque illi Eumolpidae sacerdotes rursus resacrare sunt coacti, qui eum devoverant, pilaeque illae, in quibus devotio fuerat scripta, in mare praecipitatae.

  VI. The whole city having gone down to the Piraeeus to meet them, there was such a longing among them all to see Alcibiades, that the multitude flocked to his galley as if he had come alone; for the people were fully persuaded of this, that both their former ill success, and their present good fortune, had happened through his means. They therefore attributed the loss of Sicily, and the victories of the Lacedemonians, to their own fault, in having banished such a man from the country. Nor did they seem to entertain this opinion without reason; for after Alcibiades had begun to command the army, the enemies could withstand them neither by land nor by sea. As soon as he came out of his ship, though Theramenes and Thrasybulus had commanded in the same enterprises, and came into the Piraeeus at the same time with him, yet the people all followed him alone, and (what had never happened before, except in the case of conquerors at Olympia) he was publicly presented with golden and brazen crowns. Such kindness from his countrymen he received with tears, remembering their severity in past times. When he arrived at the city, and an assembly of the people had been called, he addressed them in such a manner, that no one was so unfeeling as not to lament his ill-treatment, and declare himself an enemy to those by whose agency he had been driven from his country, just as if some other people, and not the same people that was then weeping, had sentenced him to suffer for sacrilege. His property was in consequence good to him at the public cost, and the same priests, the Eumolpidae, who had cursed him, were obliged to recall their curses; and the pillars, on which the curse had been written, were thrown into the sea.

  7. Haec Alcibiadi laetitia non nimis fuit diuturna. nam cum ei omnes essent honores decreti totaque res publica domi bellique tradita, ut unius arbitrio gereretur, et ipse postulasset ut duo sibi collegae darentur, Thrasybulus et Adimantus, neque id negatum esset, classe in Asiam profectus, quod apud Cymen minus ex sententia rem gesserat, in invidiam recidit: nihil enim eum non efficere posse ducebant. [2] ex quo fiebat ut omnia minus prospere gesta culpae tribuerent, cum aut eum neglegenter aut malitiose fecisse loquerentur, sicut tum accidit: nam corruptum a rege capere Cymen noluisse arguebant. [3] itaque huic maxime putamus malo fuisse nimiam opinionem ingenii atque virtutis: timebatur enim non minus quam diligebatur, ne secunda fortuna magnisque opibus elatus tyrannidem concupisceret. quibus rebus factum est ut absenti magistratum abrogarent et alium in eius locum substituerent. [4] id ille ut audivit, domum reverti noluit et se Pactyen contulit ibique tria castella communiit, Ornos, Bizanthen, Neontichos, manuque collecta primus Graecae civitatis in Thraeciam introiit, gloriosius existimans barbarorum praeda locupletari quam Graiorum. [5] qua ex re creverat cum fama tum opibus, magnamque amicitiam sibi cum quibusdam regibus Thraeciae pepererat.

  VII. This happiness of Alcibiades proved by no means lasting; for after all manner of honours had been decreed him, and the whole management of the state, both at home and in the field, had been committed to him, to be regulated at his sole pleasure, and he had requested that two colleagues, Thrasybulus and Adimantus, should be assigned him (a request which was not refused), proceeding with the fleet to Asia, he fell again under the displeasure of his countrymen, because he did not manage affairs at Cyme to their wish; for they thought that he could do every thing. Hence it happened that they imputed whatever was done unsuccessfully to his misconduct, saying that he acted either carelessly or treacherously, as it fell out on this occasion, for they alleged that he would not take Cy
me, because he had been bribed by the king. We consider, therefore, that their extravagant opinion of his abilities and valour was his chief misfortune; since he was dreaded no less than he was loved, lest, elated by good fortune and great power, he should conceive a desire to become a tyrant. From these feelings it resulted, that they took his commission from him in his absence, and put another commander in his place. When he heard of this proceeding, he would not return home, but betook himself to Pactye, and there established three fortresses, Borni, Bisanthe, and Neontichos, and having collected a body of troops, was the first man of any Grecian state that penetrated into Thrace, thinking it more glorious to enrich himself with spoils from barbarians than from Greeks. In consequence his fame increased with his power, and he secured to himself a strong alliance with some of the kings of Thrace.

  8. Neque tamen a caritate patriae potuit recedere. nam cum apud Aegos flumen Philocles, praetor Atheniensium, classem constituisset suam neque longe abesset Lysander, praetor Lacedaemoniorum, qui in eo erat occupatus ut bellum quam diutissime duceret, quod ipsis pecunia a rege suppeditabatur, contra Atheniensibus exhaustis praeter arma et naves nihil erat super, [2] Alcibiades ad exercitum venit Atheniensium ibique praesente vulgo agere coepit: si vellent, se coacturum Lysandrum dimicare aut pacem petere spopondit; Lacedaemonios eo nolle classe confligere, quod pedestribus copiis plus quam navibus valerent; [3] sibi autem esse facile Seuthem, regem Thraecum, adducere ut eum terra depelleret: quo facto necessario aut classe conflicturum aut bellum compositurum. [4] id etsi vere dictum Philocles animadvertebat, tamen postulata facere noluit, quod sentiebat se Alcibiade recepto nullius momenti apud exercitum futurum et, si quid secundi evenisset, nullam in ea re suam partem fore, contra ea, si quid adversi accidisset, se unum eius delicti futurum reum. [5] ab hoc discedens Alcibiades ‘quoniam’ inquit ‘victoriae patriae repugnas, illud moneo, ne iuxta hostem castra habeas nautica: periculum est enim, ne immodestia militum vestrorum occasio detur Lysandro vestri opprimendi exercitus’. [6] neque ea res illum fefellit. nam Lysander, cum per speculatores comperisset vulgum Atheniensium in terram praedatum exisse navesque paene inanes relictas, tempus rei gerendae non dimisit eoque impetu bellum totum delevit.