Delphi Complete Works of Cornelius Nepos

by Cornelius Nepos

  VIII. Yet he could not give up his affection for his country; for when Philocles, the commander of the Athenians, had stationed his fleet at Aegospotamos, and Lysander, the captain of the Lacedaemonians (who was intent upon protracting the war as long as possible, because money was supplied to the Lacedaemonians by the king, while to the exhausted Athenians, on the other hand, nothing was left but their arms and their ships) was not far distant, Alcibiades came to the army of the Athenians, and there, in the presence of the common soldiers, began to assert, that “if they pleased, he would force Lysander either to fight or beg peace; that the Lacedaemonians were unwilling to engage by sea, because they were stronger in land-forces than in ships; but that it would be easy for him to bring down Seuthes, king of the Thracians, to drive them from the land, and that, when this was done, they would of necessity either come to an engagement with their fleet, or put an end to the war.” Philocles, though he saw that this statement was true, would not yet do what was desired, for he knew that he himself, if Alcibiades were restored to the command, would be of no account with the army; and that, if any success resulted, his share in the matter would amount to nothing, while, on the other hand, if any ill-fortune occurred, he alone would be called to account for the miscarriage. Alcibiades, on taking leave of him, said, “As you hinder your country’s success, I advise you to keep your sailors’ camp near the enemy; for there is danger that, through the insubordination of our men, an opportunity may be afforded to Lysander of cutting off our army.” Nor did his apprehension deceive him; for Lysander, having learned from his scouts that the body of the Athenian force was gone on shore to seek for plunder, and that the ships were left almost empty, did not neglect the opportunity of making an attack, and by that single effort put an end to the whole war.

  9. At Alcibiades, victis Atheniensibus non satis tuta eadem loca sibi arbitrans, penitus in Thraeciam se supra Propontidem abdidit, sperans ibi facillime suam fortunam occuli posse. falso. [2] nam Thraeces, postquam eum cum magna pecunia venisse senserunt, insidias fecerunt eaque quae apportarat abstulerunt, ipsum capere non potuerunt. [3] ille cernens nullum locum sibi tutum in Graecia propter potentiam Lacedaemoniorum ad Pharnabazum in Asiam transiit, quem quidem adeo sua cepit humanitate, ut eum nemo in amicitia antecederet. namque ei Grynium dederat, in Phrygia castrum, ex quo quinquagena talenta vectigalis capiebat. [4] qua fortuna Alcibiades non erat contentus neque Athenas victas Lacedaemoniis servire poterat pati. itaque ad patriam liberandam omni ferebatur cogitatione. [5] sed videbat id sine rege Perse non posse fieri, ideoque eum amicum sibi cupiebat adiungi neque dubitabat facile se consecuturum, si modo eius conveniundi habuisset potestatem. nam Cyrum fratrem ei bellum clam parare Lacedaemoniis adiuvantibus sciebat: id si aperuisset, magnam se initurum gratiam videbat

  IX. Alcibiades, after the Athenians were defeated, not thinking those parts sufficiently safe for him, concealed himself in the inland parts of Thrace above the Propontis, trusting that his wealth would most easily escape notice there, But he was disappointed; for the Thracians, when they learned that he had come with a great sum of money, formed a plot against him, and robbed him of what he had brought, but were unable to secure his person. Perceiving that no place was safe for him in Greece, on account of the power of the Lacedemonians, he went over into Asia to Pharnabazus, whom he so charmed, indeed, by his courtesy, that no man had a higher place in his favour; for he gave him Grunium, a strong-hold in Phrygia, from which he annually received fifty talents’ revenue.

  But with this good fortune Alcibiades was not content, not could endure that Athens, conquered as she was, should continue subject to the Lacedaemonians. He was accordingly bent, with his whole force of thought, on delivering his country, but saw that that object could not be effected without the aid of the king of Persia, and therefore desired that he should be attached to him as a friend; nor did he doubt that he should easily accomplish his wish, if he had but an opportunity for an interview with him; for he knew that his brother Cyrus was secretly preparing war against him, with the aid of the Lacedaemonians, and foresaw that, if he gave him information of this design, he would find great favour at his hands.

  10. Hoc cum moliretur peteretque a Pharnabazo, ut ad regem mitteretur, eodem tempore Critias ceterique tyranni Atheniensium certos homines ad Lysandrum in Asiam miserant, qui eum certiorem facerent, nisi Alcibiadem sustulisset, nihil earum rerum fore ratum, quas ipse Athenis constituisset: quare, si suas res gestas manere vellet, illum persequeretur. [2] his Laco rebus commotas statuit accuratius sibi agendum cum Pharnabazo, huic ergo renuntiat quae regi cum Lacedaemoniis convenissent, nisi Alcibiadem vivum aut mortuum sibi tradidisset. [3] non tulit hoc satrapes et violare clementiam quam regis opes minui maluit. itaque misit Susamithren et Bagaeum ad Alcibiadem interficiendum, cum ille esset in Phrygia iterque ad regem compararet. [4] missi clam vicinitati, in qua tum Alcibiades erat, dant negotium ut eum interficiant. illi cum ferro aggredi non auderent, noctu ligna contulerunt circa casam eam, in qua quiescebat, eaque succenderunt, ut incendio conficerent, quem manu superari posse diffidebant. [5] ille autem ut sonitu flammae est excitatus, etsi gladius ei erat subductus, familiaris sui subalare telum eripuit. namque erat cum eo quidam ex Arcadia hospes, qui numquam discedere voluerat. hunc sequi se iubet et id quod in praesentia vestimentorum fuit arripit. his in ignem coniectis flammae vim transiit. [6] quem ut barbari incendium effugisse viderunt, telis eminus missis interfecerunt caputque eius ad Pharnabazum rettulerunt. at mulier, quae cum eo vivere consuerat, muliebri sua veste contectum aedificii incendio mortuum cremavit, quod ad vivum interimendum erat comparatum. sic Alcibiades annos circiter quadraginta natus diem obiit supremum.

  X. While he was trying to effect this object, and entreating Pharnabazus that he might be sent to the king, Critias, and the other tyrants of the Athenians, despatched at the same time persons in their confidence into Asia to Lysander, to acquaint him, that, “unless he cut off Alcibiades, none of those arrangements which he had made at Athens would stand; and therefore, if he wished his acts to remain unaltered, he must pursue him to death.” The Lacedaemonian, roused by this message, concluded that he must act in a more decided manner with Pharnabazus. He therefore announced to him, that “the relations which the king had formed with the Lacedaemonians would be of no effect, unless he delivered up Alcibiades alive or dead.” The satrap could not withstand this menace, and chose rather to violate the claims of humanity than that the king’s interest should suffer. He accordingly sent Sysamithres and Bagaeus to kill Alcibiades, while he was still in Phrygia, and preparing for his journey to the king. The persons sent gave secret orders to the neighbourhood, in which Alcibiades then was, to put him to death. They, not daring to attack him with the sword, collected wood during the night round the cottage in which he was sleeping, and set light to it, that they might despatch by fire him whom they despaired of conquering hand to hand. Alcibiades, having been awakened by the crackling of the flames, snatched up (as his word had been secretly taken away from him) the side-weapon of a friend of his; for there was with him a certain associate from Arcadia, who would never leave him. This man he desired to follow him, and caught up whatever garments he had at hand, and throwing them out upon the fire, passed through the violence of the flames. When the barbarians saw that he had escaped the conflagration, they killed him by discharging darts at him from a distance, and carried his head to Pharnabazus.

  A woman, who had been accustomed to live with him, burned his dead body, covered with her own female garments, in the fire of the house which had been prepared to burn him alive. Thus Alcibiades, at the age of about forty, came to his end.

  11. Hunc infamatum a plerisque tres gravissimi historici summis laudibus extulerunt: Thucydides, qui eiusdem aetatis fuit, Theopompus, post aliquanto natus, et Timaeus: qui quidem duo maledicentissimi nescio quo modo in illo uno laudando consentiunt. [2] namque ea, quae supra scripsimus, de eo praedicarunt atque hoc amplius: cum Athenis, splendidissima civitate, natus esset, omnes splendore ac dignitate superass
e vitae; [3] postquam inde expulsus Thebas venerit, adeo studiis eorum inservisse, ut nemo eum labore corporisque viribus posset aequiperare (omnes enim Boeoti magis firmitati corporis quam ingenii acumini serviunt); [4] eundem apud Lacedaemonios, quorum moribus summa virtus in patientia ponebatur, sic duritiae se dedisse, ut parsimonia victus atque cultus omnes Lacedaemonios vinceret; fuisse apud Thraecas, homines vinolentos rebusque veneriis deditos: hos quoque in his rebus antecessisse; [5] venisse ad Persas, apud quos summa laus esset fortiter venari, luxuriose vivere: horum sic imitatum consuetudinem, ut illi ipsi eum in his maxime admirarentur. [6] quibus rebus effecisse ut, apud quoscumque esset, princeps poneretur habereturque carissimus. sed satis de hoc: reliquos ordiamur.

  XI. This man, defamed by most writers, three historians of very high authority have extolled with the greatest praises; Thucydides, who was of the same age with him; Theopompus, who was born some time after; and Timaeus; the two latter, though much addicted to censure, have, I know not how, concurred in praising him only; for they have related of him what we have stated above, and this besides, that though he was born in Athens, the most splendid of cities, he surpassed all the Athenians in grandeur and magnificence of living; that when, on being banished from thence, he went to Thebes, he so devoted himself to the pursuits of the Thebans, that no man could match him in laborious exercises and vigour of body, for all the Bœotians cultivate corporeal strength more than mental power; that when he was among the Lacedaemonians, in whose estimation the highest virtue is placed in endurance, he so resigned himself to a hardy way of life, that he surpassed all the Lacedaemonians in the frugality of his diet and living; that when he was among the Thracians, who are hard drinkers and given to lewdness, he surpassed them also in these practices; that when he came among the Persians, with whom it was the chief praise to hunt hard and live high, he so imitated their mode of life, that they themselves greatly admired him in these respects; and that by such conduct, he occasioned that, with whatever people he was, he was regarded as a leading man, and held in the utmost esteem. But we have said enough of him; let us proceed to speak of others.

  VIII. THRASYBULUS.

  Character of Thrasybulus; he proceeds to deliver his country from the Thirty Tyrants, I. His success and conduct in the enterprise, II. His act of oblivion, III. He is honoured with an olive crown; is killed on the coast of Sicily, IV.

  1. Thrasybulus, Lyci filius, Atheniensis. si per se virtus sine fortuna ponderanda est, dubito an hunc primum omnium ponam. illud sine dubio: neminem huic praefero fide, constantia, magnitudine animi, in patriam amore. [2] nam quod multi voluerunt paucique potuerunt, ab uno tyranno patriam liberare, huic contigit ut a triginta oppressam tyrannis e servitute in libertatem vindicaret. [3] sed nescio quo modo, cum eum nemo anteiret his virtutibus, multi nobilitate praecucurrerunt. primum Peloponnesio bello multa hic sine Alcibiade gessit, ille nullam rem sine hoc: quae ille universa naturali quodam bono fecit lucri. [4] sed illa tamen omnia communia imperatoribus cum militibus et fortuna, quod in proelii concursu abit res a consilio ad vices rerum virtutemque pugnantium. itaque iure suo nonnulla ab imperatore miles, plurima vero fortuna vindicat seque his plus valuisse vere potest praedicare. [5] verum illud magnificentissimum factum proprium est Thrasybuli. nam cum triginta tyranni praepositi a Lacedaemoniis servitute oppressas tenerent Athenas, plurimos cives, quibus in bello parserat fortuna, partim patria expulissent partim interfecissent, plurimorum bona publicata inter se divisissent, non solum princeps, sed etiam solus initio bellum iis indixit.

  I. THRASYBULUS, the son of Lycus, was a native of Athens. If merit is to be valued by itself, without regard to fortune, I doubt whether I ought not to place him first of all the Greek commanders. This I can say without hesitation, that I set no man above him in integrity, firmness, greatness of mind, and love for his country; for while many have wished, and few have been able, to deliver their country from one tyrant, it was his lot to restore his country, oppressed by thirty tyrants, from slavery to freedom. But though no man excelled him in these virtues, many, I know not how, surpassed him in fame.

  First of all, in the Peloponnesian war, he accomplished many undertakings without Alcibiades, while Alcibiades did nothing without him; of all which successes Alcibiades, from certain natural advantages, got the credit. All such actions, however, are common to commanders with their soldiers and with fortune; for, in the shock of battle, the issue is transferred from generalship to the strength and fury of the combatants. The soldier, therefore, of his own right, takes something from the general, and fortune a great deal, and may truly say that she has had more influence on the event than the skill of the commander. This most noble action, then, is entirely Thrasybulus’s; for when the Thirty Tyrants, appointed by the Lacedaemonians, kept Athens oppressed in a state of slavery, and had partly banished from their country, and partly put to death, a great number of the citizens whom fortune had spared in the war, and had divided their confiscated property among themselves, he was not only the first, but the only man at the commencement, to declare war against them.

  2. Hic enim cum Phylen confugisset, quod est castellum in Attica munitissimum, non plus habuit secum triginta de suis. hoc initium fuit salutis Atticorum, hoc robur libertatis clarissimae civitatis. [2] neque vero hic non contemptus est primo a tyrannis atque eius solitudo. quae quidem res et illis contemnentibus perniciei et huic despecto saluti fuit: etenim illos segnes ad persequendum, hos autem tempore ad comparandum dato fecit robustiores. [3] quo magis praeceptum illud omnium in animis esse debet, nihil in bello oportere contemni, neque sine causa dicitur matrem timidi flere non solere. [4] neque tamen pro opinione Thrasybuli auctae sunt opes: nam iam tum illis temporibus fortius boni pro libertate loquebantur quam pugnabant. [5] hinc in Piraeum transiit Munichiamque munivit. hanc bis tyranni oppugnare sunt adorti, ab eaque turpiter repulsi protinus in urbem armis impedimentisque amissis refugerunt. [6] usus est Thrasybulus non minus prudentia quam fortitudine. nam cedentes violari vetuit (cives enim civibus parcere aequum censebat), neque quisquam est vulneratus nisi qui prior impugnare voluit. neminem iacentem veste spoliavit, nil attigit nisi arma, quorum indigebat, quaeque ad victum pertinebant. [7] in secundo proelio cecidit Critias, dux tyrannorum, cum quidem adversus Thrasybulum fortissime pugnaret.

  II. When he fled to Phyle, which is a very strong fortress in Attica, he had not more than thirty of his countrymen with him; such was the origin of the deliverance of the Athenians, such the dependence of the liberty of that most famous city. He was at first, indeed, despised by the tyrants, as well as the small number of his followers; which circumstance proved both the ruin of those that despised him, and the security of him that was despised, for it rendered the one party slow to attack, and the other stronger by giving them time for preparation. The maxim, therefore, that “nothing should be despised in war,” ought the more deeply to be fixed in the minds of all; and we should remember that it is not said without reason, that “the mother of a cautious person is not accustomed to weep.” The force of Thrasybulus, however, was not increased in proportion to his expectations; for even in those times good men spoke for liberty with more spirit than they fought for it.

  Hence he went to the Piraeeus, and fortified the Munychia, which the tyrants twice attempted to storm, but being disgracefully repulsed, and having lost their arms and baggage, they immediately fled back to the city. Thrasybulus, on this occasion, exercised not less prudence than valour; for he forbade those that fled to be injured, thinking it just that “countrymen should spare countrymen;” nor was any one wounded except such as would attack him first. He spoiled no one, as he lay, of his clothes; he laid hands on nothing but arms, of which he was in want, and provisions. In the second battle Critias, the leader of the tyrants, was killed, after having, indeed, fought with great bravery against Thrasybulus.

  3. Hoc deiecto Pausanias venit Atticis auxilio, rex Lacedaemoniorum. is inter Thrasybulum et eos, qui urbem tenebant, fecit pacem his condicionibus: ne qui praeter triginta tyrannos et decem, qui po
stea praetores creati superioris more crudelitatis erant usi, afficerentur exilio neve bona publicarentur: rei publicae procuratio populo redderetur. [2] praeclarum hoc quoque Thrasybuli, quod reconciliata pace, cum plurimum in civitate posset, legem tulit, ne quis ante actarum rerum accusaretur neve multaretur, eamque illi oblivionis appellarunt. [3] neque vero hanc tantum ferendam curavit, sed etiam ut valeret effecit. nam cum quidam ex iis, qui simul cum eo in exilio fuerant, caedem facere eorum vellent, cum quibus in gratiam reditum erat publice, prohibuit et id quod pollicitus erat praestitit.

  III. Critias being overthrown, Pausanias, king of the Lacedaemonians, came to the support of the Athenians. He made peace between Thrasybulus and those who held the town, on these conditions: “That none should be banished except the Thirty Tyrants, and the Ten, who, having been afterwards made governors, had followed the example of their predecessors in cruelty; that no property should be confiscated; and that the government of the republic should be restored to the hands of the people.” It was an honourable act of Thrasybulus, that, when peace was settled, and he had become the most powerful person in the state, he made a law, “that no one should be brought to trial, or punished, for things done previously;” and this they called “the act of oblivion.” Nor did he only cause this law to be passed, but also took care that it should be of effect; for when some of them who had been with him in exile, wished to put to death those with whom they had returned to a good understanding, he openly prevented it, and adhered to what he had promised.