Delphi Complete Works of Cornelius Nepos

by Cornelius Nepos

  4. Huic pro tantis meritis honoris causa corona a populo data est, facta duabus virgulis oleagineis. quam quod amor civium et non vis expresserat, nullam habuit invidiam magnaque fuit gloria. [2] bene ergo Pittacus ille, qui in septem sapientum numero est habitus, cum Mytilenaei multa milia iugerum agri ei muneri darent, ‘nolite, oro vos,’ inquit ‘id mihi dare, quod multi invideant, plures etiam concupiscant. quare ex istis nolo amplius quam centum iugera, quae et meam animi aequitatem et vestram voluntatem indicent.’ nam parva munera diutina, locupletia non propria esse consuerunt. [3] illa igitur corona contentus Thrasybulus neque amplius requisivit neque quemquam honore se antecessisse existimavit. [4] hic sequenti tempore, cum praetor classem ad Ciliciam appulisset neque satis diligenter in castris eius agerentur vigiliae, a barbaris ex oppido noctu eruptione facta in tabernaculo interfectus est.

  IV. For such merits a crown of honour was presented him by the people, made of two sprigs of olive, which, as the love of his countrymen and not force, had procured it him, excited no envy, but was a great glory to him. The celebrated Pittacus, therefore, who was reckoned in the number of the seven wise men, said well, when the Mitylenaeans offered to give him several thousand acres of land, “Do not, I beseech you, give me what many may envy and more may covet; for which reason I had rather take, out of that number, not more than a hundred acres, which will prove both the moderation of my desires and your good will.” For small gifts are lasting; but valuable presents are not wont to be permanent. Thrasybulus, accordingly, being content with that crown, neither sought for anything more, nor considered that any one had surpassed him in honour.

  Some time after, when, being in command, he had brought up his fleet on the coast of Cilicia, and the watch in his camp was not kept with sufficient care, he was killed in his tent by the barbarians, in a sally made from the town during the night.

  IX. CONON.

  Conon’s services in the Peloponnesian war, I. In his exile he supports Pharnabazus against the Spartans, II. He goes to Artaxerxes to accuse Tissaphernes, and treats with him by letter, III. He defeats the Lacedaemonians at Cnidus; Greece is set free, and the walls of Athens rebuilt, IV. Conon made prisoner by Tiribazus, V.

  1. Conon Atheniensis Peloponnesio bello accessit ad rem publicam, in eoque eius opera magni fuit. nam et praetor pedestribus exercitibus praefuit et praefectus classis magnas mari res gessit. quas ob causas praecipuus ei honos habitus est. namque omnibus unus insulis praefuit, in qua potestate Pheras cepit, coloniam Lacedaemoniorum. [2] fuit etiam extremo Peloponnesio bello praetor, cum apud Aegos flumen copiae Atheniensium ab Lysandro sunt devictae. sed tum afuit, eoque peius res administrata est: nam et prudens rei militaris et diligens erat imperator. [3] itaque nemini erat iis temporibus dubium, si affuisset, illam Athenienses calamitatem accepturos non fuisse.

  I. CONON the Athenian entered upon public life in the Peloponnesian war, and his service in it was of great value; for he was both general of the forces by land, and, as commander of the fleet, performed great exploits by sea; for these reasons particular honour was conferred upon him, for he had the sole authority over all the islands; in which office he took Pherae, a colony of the Lacedaemonians. He was also commander towards the end of the Peloponnesian war, when the forces of the Athenians were defeated by Lysander at Aegospotamos; but he was then absent; and hence the affair was worse managed; for he was both skilled in military matters, and a careful general. It was doubted by nobody, therefore, in those days, that the Athenians, if he had been present, would not have met with that disaster.

  2. Rebus autem afflictis, cum patriam obsideri audisset, non quaesivit, ubi ipse tuto viveret, sed unde praesidio posset esse civibus suis. itaque contulit se ad Pharnabazum, satrapem Ioniae et Lydiae eundemque generum regis et propinquum: apud quem ut multum gratia valeret, multo labore multisque effecit periculis. [2] nam cum Lacedaemonii Atheniensibus devictis in societate non manerent, quam cum Artaxerxe fecerant, Agesilaumque bellatum misissent in Asiam, maxime impulsi a Tissapherne, qui ex intimis regis ab amicitia eius defecerat et cum Lacedaemoniis coierat societatem, hunc adversus Pharnabazus habitus est imperator, re quidem vera exercitui praefuit Conon eiusque omnia arbitrio gesta sunt. [3] hic multum ducem summum Agesilaum impedivit saepeque eius consiliis obstitit, neque vero non fuit apertum, si ille non fuisset, Agesilaum Asiam Tauro tenus regi fuisse erepturum. [4] qui posteaquam domum a suis civibus revocatus est, quod Boeoti et Athenienses Lacedaemoniis bellum indixerant, Conon nihilo setius apud praefectos regis versabatur iisque omnibus magno erat usui.

  II. But when the affairs of the Athenians were in a calamitous condition, and he heard that his native city was besieged, he did not seek a place where he might himself live in security, but one from which he might render assistance to his countrymen. He in consequence betook himself to Pharnabazus, the satrap of Ionia and Lydia, and also a son-in-law and relative of the king, with whom, by much exertion and at great hazard, he contrived to procure himself strong personal influence; for when the Lacedaemonians, after the Athenians were subdued, did not adhere to the alliance which they had made with Artaxerxes, but sent Agesilaus into Asia to make war (being chiefly induced to that course by Tissaphernes, who, from being one of the king’s confidants, had renounced his attachment to him, and entered into an alliance with the Lacedaemonians), Pharnabazus was regarded as general against Agesilaus, but Conon in reality led the army, and everything was done according to his direction. He greatly obstructed that eminent commander Agesilaus, and often thwarted his plans. It was indeed apparent, that, if Conon had not been there, Agesilaus would have taken all Asia, as far as Mount Taurus, from the king. And after Agesilaus was recalled home by his countrymen, in consequence of the Boeotians and Athenians having declared war against the Lacedaemonians, Conon nevertheless remained with the king’s officers, and was of the greatest service to all of them.

  3. Defecerat a rege Tissaphernes, neque id tam Artaxerxi quam ceteris erat apertum: multis enim magnisque meritis apud regem, etiam cum in officio non maneret, valebat. neque id erat mirandum, si non facile ad credendum adducebatur, reminiscens eius se opera Cyrum fratrem superasse. [2] huius accusandi gratia Conon a Pharnabazo ad regem missus posteaquam venit, primum ex more Persarum ad chiliarchum, qui secundum gradum imperii tenebat, Tithrausten accessit seque ostendit cum rege colloqui velle. [3] huic ille ‘nulla’ inquit ‘mora est, sed tu delibera, utrum colloqui malis an per litteras agere quae cogitas. necesse est enim, si in conspectum veneris, venerari te regem quod προσκύνησιν illi vocant (nemo enim sine hoc admittitur). hoc si tibi grave est, per me nihilo setius editis mandatis conficies quod studes. ‘ [4] tum Conon ‘mihi vero’ inquit ‘non est grave quemvis honorem habere regi, sed vereor ne civitati meae sit opprobrio, si, cum ex ea sim profectus, quae ceteris gentibus imperare consuerit, potius barbarorum quam illius more fungar. ‘ itaque quae volebat huic scripta tradidit.

  III. Tissaphernes had revolted from the king; yet his defection was not so evident to Artaxerxes as to others; for he had great influence with the king, by reason of his numerous and important services, even when he did not strictly adhere to his duty; nor is it to be wondered at, if he was not easily induced to credit it, remembering that by his means he had overcome his brother Cyrus. Conon, being sent by Pharnabazus to the king to assure him of his guilt, went in the first place, on his arrival (after the manner of the Persians), to Tithraustes, the captain of the guard, who held the second place in the empire, and signified that he wished to speak to the king; for no one is admitted without this ceremony. Tithraustes answered him, “There is no objection on my part, but consider, for yourself, whether you had rather speak with him, or treat by letter, as to the objects which you have in view. For, if you come into the royal presence, it will be necessary for you to pay adoration to the king” (which the Greeks call

  4. Quibus cognitis rex tantum auctoritate eius motus est, ut et Tissaphernem hostem iudicarit et Lacedaemonios bello persequi iusserit et ei permiserit quem vellet eligere ad dispensandam p
ecuniam. id arbitrium Conon negavit sui esse consilii, sed ipsius, qui optime suos nosse deberet, sed se suadere Pharnabazo id negotii daret. [2] hinc magnis muneribus donatus ad mare est missus, ut Cypriis et Phoenicibus ceterisque maritimis civitatibus naves longas imperaret classemque, qua proxima aestate mare tueri posset, compararet, dato adiutore Pharnabazo, sicut ipse voluerat. [3] id ut Lacedaemoniis est nuntiatum, non sine cura rem administrant, quod maius bellum imminere arbitrabantur, quam si cum barbaro solum contenderent. nam ducem fortem et prudentem regiis opibus praefuturum ac secum dimicaturum videbant, quem neque consilio neque copiis superare possent. hac mente magnam contrahunt classem: [4] proficiscuntur Pisandro duce. hos Conon apud Cnidum adortus magno proelio fugat, multas naves capit, complures deprimit. qua victoria non solum Athenae, sed etiam cuncta Graecia, quae sub Lacedaemoniorum fuerat imperio, liberata est. Conon cum parte navium in patriam venit, muros dirutos a Lysandro utrosque, et Piraei et Athenarum, reficiendos curat pecuniaeque quinquaginta talenta, quae a Pharnabazo acceperat, civibus suis donat.

  IV. The king, having read his statement, was so much influenced by his authority, that he declared Tissaphernes an enemy, desired Conon to harass the Lacedemonians with war, and gave him leave to choose whom be pleased to disburse the money for his army. Conon said that such a choice was not a matter for his consideration, but for the king’s own, who ought to know his own subjects best; but that he recommended him to give that commission to Pharnabazus. He was then despatched, after being honoured with valuable presents, to the sea, to require the Cyprians, Phoenicians, and other maritime people, to furnish ships of war, and to prepare a fleet to secure the sea in the following summer, Pharnabazus, as he had requested, being appointed his colleague. When this arrangement was made known to the Lacedaemonians, they took their measures with great care, for they thought that a greater war threatened them than if they had to contend with the Persians only. They saw that a brave and skilful general was going to lead the king’s forces, and to take the field against them, a man whom they could overmatch neither by stratagem nor by strength. With these considerations they collected a great fleet, and set sail under the leadership of Pisander. Conon, attacking them near Cnidus, routed them in a great battle, took several of their ships, and sunk several more, a victory by which not only Athens, but also all Greece, which had been under the power of the Lacedaemonians, was set free. Conon proceeded with part of his fleet to his native city, and caused the walls of the Piraeeus and of Athens, both of which had been pulled down, to be rebuilt, and presented to his countrymen fifty talents in money, which he had received from Pharnabazus.

  5. Accidit huic, quod ceteris mortalibus, ut inconsideratior in secunda quam in adversa esset fortuna. nam classe Peloponnesiorum devicta, cum ultum se iniurias patriae putaret, plura concupivit quam efficere potuit. [2] neque tamen ea non pia et probanda fuerunt, quod potius patriae opes augeri quam regis maluit. nam cum magnam auctoritatem sibi pugna illa navali, quam apud Cnidum fecerat, constituisset non solum inter barbaros, sed etiam omnes Graeciae civitates, clam dare operam coepit, ut Ioniam et Aeoliam restitueret Atheniensibus. [3] id cum minus diligenter esset celatum, Tiribazus, qui Sardibus praeerat, Cononem evocavit, simulans ad regem eum se mittere velle magna de re. huius nuntio parens cum venisset, in vincla coniectus est, in quibus aliquamdiu fuit. [4] inde nonnulli eum ad regem abductum ibique eum perisse scriptum reliquerunt. contra ea Dinon historicus, cui nos plurimum de Persicis rebus credimus, effugisse scripsit: illud addubitat, utrum Tiribazo sciente an imprudente sit factum.

  V. What happens to other men happened to him, that he was more inconsiderate in good than in bad fortune; for when he had defeated the fleet of the Peloponnesians, and thought that he had avenged the injuries done to his country, he aimed at more objects than he was in a condition to accomplish. Not that these aims, however, were not patriotic and deserving of praise, since he preferred that the power of his country should be increased, rather than that of the king; for, after he had secured himself great influence by the battle which he fought at Cnidus, not only among foreigners but in all the states of Greece, he began to endeavour secretly to restore Ionia and Aeolia to the Athenians. But as this project was not concealed with sufficient care, Tiribazus, who was governor of Sardis, sent for Conon, on pretence that he wished to send him in great haste to the king; when he had gone, in compliance with this message, he was placed in confinement, in which he was kept for some time. Some have left on record that he was conveyed to the king, and there died. On the other hand Dinon the historian, whom we chiefly credit concerning Persian affairs, has related that he made his escape, but is in doubt whether it was effected with or without the knowledge of Tiribazus.

  X. DION.

  Dion’s family; is connected with the two Dionysii, I. Brings Plato into Sicily; death of the elder Dionysius, II Disagreement between Dion and Dionysius the Younger, III. Is sent to Corinth; ill-treatment of his wife; fate of his son, IV. Gets possession of Syracuse, and forces Dionysius to make terms with him, V. Alienates the people by putting Heraclides to death, VI. His great unpopularity, VII. Is deceived by a stratagem of Callicrates, VIII. Is assassinated in his own house on a feast-day, IX. Change of feeling towards him after his death, X.

  1. Dion, Hipparini filius, Syracusanus, nobili genere natus, utraque implicatus tyrannide Dionysiorum. namque ille superior Aristomachen, sororem Dionis, habuit in matrimonio, ex qua duos filios, Hipparinum et Nisaeum, procreavit totidemque filias, nomine Sophrosynen et Areten, quarum priorem Dionysio filio, eidem cui regnum reliquit, nuptum dedit, alteram, Areten, Dioni. [2] Dion autem praeter generosam propinquitatem nobilemque maiorum famam multa alia ab natura habuit bona, in eis ingenium docile, come, aptum ad artes optimas, magnam corporis dignitatem, quae non minimum commendat, magnas praeterea divitias a patre relictas, quas ipse tyranni muneribus auxerat. [3] erat intimus Dionysio priori, neque minus propter mores quam affinitatem. namque etsi Dionysii crudelitas ei displicebat, tamen salvum propter necessitudinem, magis etiam suorum causa studebat. aderat in magnis rebus, eiusque consilio multum movebatur tyrannus, nisi qua in re maior ipsius cupiditas intercesserat. [4] legationes vero omnes, quae essent illustriores, per Dionem administrabantur: quas quidem ille diligenter obeundo, fideliter administrando crudelissimum nomen tyranni sua humanitate leniebat. [5] hunc a Dionysio missum Karthaginienses sic suspexerunt, ut neminem umquam Graeca lingua loquentem magis sint admirati.

  I. DION, the son of Hipparinus, a native of Syracuse, was of a noble family, and allied to both the Dionysii, the tyrants of Sicily; for the elder married Aristomache, Dion’s sister, by whom he had two sons, Hipparinus and Nysaeus, and also two daughters named Sophrosyne and Arete, the elder of whom he gave in marriage to his son Dionysius, to whom he also left his dominions, and the other, Arete, to Dion.

  But Dion, besides this noble connexion, and the honourable character of his ancestors, inherited many other advantages from nature; among them, a disposition docile, courteous, and adapted for acquiring the most important branches of knowledge, and extreme grace of person, which is no small recommendation; he had also great wealth bequeathed him by his father, which he himself had augmented by the presents he received from the tyrant. He was familiar with the elder Dionysius, not less on account of his character than his relationship; for though the cruelty of Dionysius offended him, yet he was desirous that he should be secure because of his family connexion with himself, and still more for the sake of his own relatives. He aided him in important matters, and the tyrant was greatly influenced by his advice, unless, in any case, some violent humour of his own interposed. But embassies, such at least as were of a more distinguished kind, were all conducted by Dion; and by discharging them assiduously, and managing faithfully, he palliated the most cruel name of tyrant with his own benevolence. The Carthaginians so much respected him, when he was sent thither by Dionysius, that they never regarded any man that spoke the Greek tongue with more admiration.

  2. Neque vero haec Dionysium fugiebant: nam quanto esse
t sibi ornamento, sentiebat. quo fiebat ut uni huic maxime indulgeret neque eum secus diligeret ac filium: [2] qui quidem, cum Platonem Tarentum venisse fama in Siciliam esset perlata, adulescenti negare non potuerit, quin eum arcesseret, cum Dion eius audiendi cupiditate flagraret. dedit ergo huic veniam magnaque eum ambitione Syracusas perduxit. [3] quem Dion adeo admiratus est atque adamavit, ut se ei totum traderet. neque vero minus ipse Plato delectatus est Dione. itaque cum a tyranno crudeliter violatus esset, quippe qui eum venumdari iussisset, tamen eodem rediit eiusdem Dionis precibus adductus. [4] interim in morbum incidit Dionysius. quo cum gravius conflictaretur, quaesivit a medicis Dion, quem ad modum se haberet, simulque ab iis petiit, si forte in maiore esset periculo, ut sibi faterentur: nam velle se cum eo colloqui de partiendo regno, quod sororis suae filios ex illo natos partem regni putabat debere habere. [5] id medici non tacuerunt et ad Dionysium filium sermonem rettulerunt. quo ille commotus, ne agendi esset Dioni potestas, patri soporem medicos dare coegit. hoc aeger sumpto sopitus diem obiit supremum.

  II. Nor did these circumstances escape the notice of Dionysius, for he was sensible how great an honour he was to him; hence it happened that he showed him more favour than any other person, and loved him not less than a son. When a report reached Sicily, too, that Plato was come to Tarentum, Dionysius could not refuse the young man leave to send for him, as Dion was inflamed with a desire of hearing him. He accordingly granted him that permission, and brought Plato with great pomp to Syracuse; whom Dion so greatly admired and loved, that he devoted himself wholly to his society; nor was Plato less delighted with Dion. Although, therefore, Plato was cruelly insulted by Dionysius (for he ordered him to be sold ), yet he paid a second visit to the city, induced again by the entreaties of Dion.