Delphi Complete Works of Cornelius Nepos
Page 45
7. Sine dubio post Leuctricam pugnam Lacedaemonii se numquam refecerunt neque pristinum imperium recuperarunt, cum interim numquam Agesilaus destitit quibuscumque rebus posset patriam iuvare. [2] nam cum praecipue Lacedaemonii indigerent pecunia, ille omnibus, qui a rege defecerant, praesidio fuit: a quibus magna donatus pecunia patriam sublevavit. [3] atque in hoc illud inprimis fuit admirabile, cum maxima munera ei ab regibus ac dynastis civitatibusque conferrentur, quod nihil umquam domum suam contulit, nihil de victu, nihil de vestitu Laconum mutavit. [4] domo eadem fuit contentus, qua Eurysthenes, progenitor maiorum suorum, fuerat usus: quam qui intrarat, nullum signum libidinis, nullum luxuriae videre poterat, contra ea plurima patientiae atque abstinentiae. sic enim erat instructa, ut in nulla re differret a cuiusvis inopis atque privati.
VII. After the battle of Leuctra, it is certain, the Lacedaemonians never recovered themselves, or regained their former power, though, at that period, Agesilaus did not cease to assist his country by whatever means he could use. When the Lacedaemonians were greatly in want of money, he gave his support to all those who had revolted from the king, and being presented by them with a large sum, he relieved his country with it. In his character, indeed, this point was particularly worthy of admiration, that, though great presents were given him by kings, princes, and states, he never took any portion of them into his own house, and never departed in the least from the usual diet and dress of the Spartans; he remained content with the same house which Eurysthenes, the progenitor of his family, had inhabited; and whoever entered it could see no indication of luxury or extravagance, but, on the contrary, many proofs of temperance and frugality, for it was furnished in such a manner that it differed in no respect from that of any poor or private person.
8. Atque hic tantus vir ut naturam fautricem habuerat in tribuendis animi virtutibus, sic maleficam nactus est in corpore fingendo: nam et statura fuit humili et corpore exiguo et claudus altero pede. quae res etiam nonnullam afferebat deformitatem, atque ignoti, faciem eius cum intuerentur, contemnebant; qui autem virtutes noverant, non poterant admirari satis. [2] quod ei usu venit, cum annorum octoginta subsidio Tacho in Aegyptum missus esset et in acta cum suis accubuisset sine ullo tecto stratumque haberet tale, ut terra tecta esset stramentis neque huc amplius quam pellis esset iniecta, eodem quo comites omnes vestitu humili atque obsoleto, ut eorum ornatus non modo in eis regem neminem significaret, sed homines esse non beatissimos suspicionem praeberet. [3] huius de adventu fama cum ad regios esset perlata, celeriter munera eo cuiusque generis sunt allata. his quaerentibus Agesilaum vix fides facta est, unum esse ex iis qui tum accubabant. [4] qui cum regis verbis quae attulerant dedissent, ille praeter vitulinam et eius modi genera obsonii, quae praesens tempus desiderabat, nihil accepit: unguenta, coronas secundamque mensam servis dispertiit, cetera referri iussit. [5] quo facto eum barbari magis etiam contempserunt, quod eum ignorantia bonarum rerum vilia potissimum sumpsisse arbitrabantur. [6]
Hic cum ex Aegypto reverteretur, donatus a rege Nectanabide ducentis viginti talentis, quae ille muneri populo suo daret, venissetque in portum, qui Menelai vocatur, iacens inter Cyrenas et Aegyptum, in morbum implicitus decessit. [7] ibi eum amici, quo Spartam facilius perferre possent, quod mel non habebant, cera circumfuderunt atque ita domum rettulerunt.
VIII. As this great man had found nature favourable in giving him excellent qualities of mind, so he found her unpropitious with regard to the formation of his body; for he was of low stature, small in person, and lame of one foot. These circumstances rendered his appearance the reverse of attractive, and strangers, when they looked at his person, felt only contempt for him, while those who knew his merits could not sufficiently admire him. Such fortune attended him, when, at the age of eighty, he went into Egypt to the aid of Tachos, and lay down with his men on the shore without any shelter, having merely such a couch that the ground was but covered with straw, and nothing more than a skin thrown upon it, while all his attendants lay in the same manner, in plain and well-worn attire, so that their equipments not only did not indicate that there was a king among them, but even raised a suspicion that he must be a man not very rich. The news of his arrival having reached the king’s officers, presents of every kind were soon brought him; but when the officers inquired for Agesilaus, they could scarcely be made to believe that he was one of those who were sitting before them. When they presented him what they had brought, with a message from the king, he accepted nothing but some veal, and such sorts of meat as his present circumstances required; the ointments, chaplets, and sweetmeats he distributed among the slaves, and the other things he directed to be carried back. Upon this, the barbarians looked upon him still more contemptuously, thinking that he had made choice of what he had taken from ignorance of what was valuable.
As he was returning from Egypt, after having been presented by King Nectanabis with two hundred and twenty talents, in order that he might bestow them upon his countrymen, and had arrived at what is called the harbour of Menelaus, lying between Cyrenae and Egypt, he fell ill and died. His friends, in order the more conveniently to convey him to Sparta, enveloped his body, as they had no honey, in wax, and so carried it home.
XVIII. EUMENES.
Eumenes is secretary to Philip and Alexander, and afterwards commander in the cavalry, I. After the death of Alexander he is allotted the province of Cappadocia, and is a steady friend to Perdiccas, II. His proceedings on behalf of Perdiccas, III. He defeats Craterus and Neoptolemus, IV. Is pursued by Antigonus; his stratagems and escape, V. His kindness to Olympias and Alexander’s children, VI. His continuance of hostilities against Antigonus; his device in his camp, VII. He defeats Antigonus; is controlled by Alexander’s veterans, VIII. He eludes Antigonus by a stratagem, IX. After again defeating Antigonus, he is betrayed by his own men, X. In his confinement he longs to die, XI. His death, XII. After his death the officers of Alexander assume the title of kings; his funeral, XIII.
1. Eumenes Cardianus. huius si virtuti par data esset fortuna, non ille quidem maior exsitisset, quod magnos homines virtute metimur, non fortuna, sed multo illustrior atque etiam honoratior. [2] nam cum aetas eius incidisset in ea tempora, quibus Macedones florerent, multum ei detraxit inter eos viventi, quod alienae erat civitatis, neque aliud huic defuit quam generosa stirps. [3] etsi enim domestico summo genere erat, tamen Macedones eum sibi aliquando anteponi indigne ferebant, neque tamen non patiebantur: vincebat enim omnes cura, vigilantia, patientia, calliditate et celeritate ingenii. [4]
Hic peradulescentulus ad amicitiam accessit Philippi, Amyntae filii, brevique tempore in intimam pervenit familiaritatem: fulgebat enim iam in adulescentulo indoles virtutis. [5] itaque eum habuit ad manum scribae loco, quod multo apud Graios honorificentius est quam apud Romanos. namque apud nos, re vera sicut sunt, mercennarii scribae existimantur; at apud illos e contrario nemo ad id officium admittitur nisi honesto loco, et fide et industria cognita, quod necesse est omnium consiliorum eum esse participem. [6] hunc locum tenuit amicitiae apud Philippum annos septem. illo interfecto eodem gradu fuit apud Alexandrum annos tredecim. novissimo tempore praefuit etiam alterae equitum alae, quae Hetaerice appellabatur. utrique autem in consilio semper affuit et omnium rerum habitus est particeps.
I. EUMENES was a native of Cardia. If success equal to his abilities had been granted him, he would not, indeed, have been a greater man (for we estimate great men by merit, not by fortune), but he would have been much more renowned, and more honoured. As he happened to live, however, in the days in which the Macedonians flourished, it was a great disadvantage to him residing among them, that he was of a foreign country. Nor was anything wanting to him but a noble descent; for, though he was of a family of distinction in his native city, the Macedonians were nevertheless dissatisfied that he should ever be preferred to them. They were obliged to submit, however, for he excelled them all in caution, vigilance, endurance, and acuteness and activity of intellect.
When he was but a youth, he was received into favour by Philip, the son of Amyntas
, and after a short time was admitted into intimate friendship with him; for, even then, when he was so young, there appeared to be great natural talent in him. He therefore kept him near himself in the office of secretary, which is much more honourable among the Greeks than among the Romans; for with us, secretaries are regarded as hirelings, as in reality they are; but with them, on the contrary, no one is admitted to that office who is not of good family and of known integrity and ability, because he must of necessity be the confidant of all their political measures. This post of confidence he held for seven years under Philip, and after Philip was assassinated, he was in the same office for thirteen years under Alexander. During the latter portion of this time, also, he commanded one of the two divisions of the cavalry called Hetaeriae. With both these princes he always had a place in the council, and was admitted to a knowledge of all their proceedings.
2. Alexandro Babylone mortuo, cum regna singulis familiaribus dispertirentur et summa tradita esset tuenda eidem, cui Alexander moriens anulum suum dederat, Perdiccae [2] (ex quo omnes coniecerant eum regnum ei commisisse, quoad liberi eius in suam tutelam pervenissent: aberat enim Crateros et Antipater, qui antecedere hunc videbantur; mortuus erat Hephaestio, quem unum Alexander, quod facile intellegi posset, plurimi fecerat), hoc tempore data est Eumeni Cappadocia sive potius dicta: nam tum in hostium erat potestate. [3] hunc sibi Perdiccas adiunxerat magno studio, quod in homine fidem et industriam magnam videbat, non dubitans, si eum pellexisset, magno usui fore sibi in eis rebus quas apparabat. cogitabat enim, quod fere omnes in magnis imperiis concupiscunt, omnium partes corripere atque complecti. [4] neque vero hoc ille solus fecit, sed ceteri quoque omnes, qui Alexandri fuerant amici. primus Leonnatus Macedoniam praeoccupare destinavit. is multis magnisque pollicitationibus persuadere Eumeni studuit, ut Perdiccam desereret ac secum faceret societatem. [5] cum perducere eum non posset, interficere conatus est et fecisset, nisi ille clam noctu ex praesidiis eius effugisset.
II. After the death of Alexander at Babylon, when kingdoms were allotted to each of his friends, and the superintendence of affairs was committed to the hands of Perdiccas, to whom Alexander, when dying, had given his ring (a circumstance from which every one conjectured that Alexander had entrusted his kingdom to him, until his children should come of age to take the government upon themselves; for Craterus and Antipater, who seemed to have the precedence of him, were absent, and Hephaestion, for whom Alexander, as might easily be perceived, had had the highest esteem, was dead), at that time Cappadocia was given to Eumenes, or rather appointed for him, for it was then in the power of the enemy. Perdiccas had sought with great eagerness to attach Eumenes to him, for he saw in him great honour and ability, and did not doubt that, if he could gain him over to his side, he would be of great assistance to him in the projects which he was meditating, since he purposed (what all in great power generally covet) to seize and secure for himself the shares of all the rest. Nor did he alone, indeed, entertain such designs, but all the others, who had been friends of Alexander, formed similar intentions. Leonnatus, in the first place, had resolved to seize upon Macedonia, and had endeavoured, by liberal promises, to prevail upon Eumenes to desert Perdiccas, and form an alliance with himself. Being unable to make any impression upon him, he attempted to take his life, and would have effected his purpose, had he not secretly escaped from his guards by night.
3. Interim conflata sunt illa bella, quae ad internicionem post Alexandri mortem gesta sunt, omnesque concurrerunt ad Perdiccam opprimendum. quem etsi infirmum videbat, quod unus omnibus resistere cogebatur, tamen amicum non deseruit neque salutis quam fidei fuit cupidior. [2] praefecerat hunc Perdiccas ei parti Asiae, quae inter Taurum montem iacet atque Hellespontum, et illum unum opposuerat Europaeis adversariis; ipse Aegyptum oppugnatum adversus Ptolemaeum erat profectus. [3] Eumenes cum neque magnas copias neque firmas haberet, quod et inexercitatae et non multo ante erant contractae, adventare autem dicerentur Hellespontumque transisse Antipater et Crateros magno cum exercitu Macedonum, viri cum claritate tum usu belli praestantes [4] (Macedones vero milites ea tum erant fama, qua nunc Romani feruntur: etenim semper habiti sunt fortissimi, qui summi imperii potirentur): Eumenes intellegebat, si copiae suae cognossent, adversus quos ducerentur, non modo non ituras, sed simul cum nuntio dilapsuras. [5] itaque hoc ei visum est prudentissimum, ut deviis itineribus milites duceret, in quibus vera audire non possent, et iis persuaderet se contra quosdam barbaros proficisci. [6] atque tenuit hoc propositum et prius in aciem exercitum eduxit proeliumque commisit, quam milites sui scirent, cum quibus arma conferrent. effecit etiam illud locorum praeoccupatione, ut equitatu potius dimicaret, quo plus valebat, quam peditatu, quo erat deterior.
III. In the meantime those wars broke out, which, after the death of Alexander, were carried on to desperation; and all combined to ruin Perdiccas. Eumenes, though he saw that he was but weak, as he was obliged to stand alone against them all, yet did not forsake a friend, or show himself more desirous of safety than of honour. Perdiccas had set him over that part of Asia which lies between Mount Taurus and the Hellespont, and had opposed him alone to his European adversaries. Perdiccas himself had marched against Ptolemy, to make an attack upon Egypt. Eumenes, as he had an army neither numerous nor strong, for it wanted exercise, and had not long been assembled, while Antipater and Craterus were said to be fast approaching, and to have passed the Hellespont, men who stood high in reputation and experience in war (and the Macedonian soldiers were then held in the same esteem in which the Romans are now held, for those have always been accounted the bravest who have attained the greatest power), Eumenes, I say, was aware, that if his troops should learn against whom they were being led, they would not only not proceed, but would disperse at the intelligence; and it was therefore a very clever stratagem of his, to lead his men through bye-roads, in which they could not hear the truth, and to make them believe that he was marching against some of the barbarians. In this artifice he successfully persevered, and drew out his army into the field, and joined battle, before the men were aware with whom, they were engaged. He succeeded, also, by an advantageous choice of ground, in fighting more with his cavalry, in which he had the superiority, than with his infantry, in which he was but weak.
4. Quorum acerrimo concursu cum magnam partem diei esset pugnatum, cadit Crateros dux et Neoptolemus, qui secundum locum imperii tenebat. cum hoc concurrit ipse Eumenes. [2] qui cum inter se complexi in terram ex equis decidissent, ut facile intellegi possent inimica mente contendisse animoque magis etiam pugnasse quam corpore, non prius distracti sunt, quam alterum anima relinqueret. ab hoc aliquot plagis Eumenes vulneratur, neque eo magis ex proelio excessit, sed acrius hostes institit. [3] hic equitibus profligatis, interfecto duce Cratero, multis praeterea et maxime nobilibus captis pedester exercitus, quod in ea loca erat deductus, ut invito Eumene elabi non posset, pacem ab eo petiit. quam cum impetrasset, in fide non mansit et se, simulac potuit, ad Antipatrum recepit. [4] Eumenes Craterum ex acie semivivum elatum recreare studuit; cum id non posset, pro hominis dignitate proque pristina amicitia (namque illo usus erat Alexandro vivo familiariter) amplo funere extulit ossaque in Macedoniam uxori eius ac liberis remisit.
IV. After they had continued the contest, with desperate efforts, through the greater part of the day, Craterus, the commander-in-chief, was killed, as well as Neoptolemus who held the second place in authority. With Eumenes Neoptolemus himself encountered, and as they grappled with one another, and fell from their horses to the ground (so that it might easily be seen that they fought with feelings of enmity, and warred more with their minds than with their bodies), they could not be separated till life left one of the two. Eumenes received some wounds from Neoptolemus, yet did not, on that account, retire from the field, but pressed more vigorously upon the enemy. The horse being routed, Craterus the general slain, and many, chiefly of high rank, being made prisoners, the infantry, as they were forced into a position from which they could not escape without the permission of Eumenes, begged peace of him. Bu
t when they had obtained it, they did not adhere to their word, but went off, as soon as they could, to Antipater. Eumenes endeavoured to save the life of Craterus, who was carried half dead from the field; but, not being able to succeed, he interred him, suitably to his dignity and their former friendship (for he had been intimate with him in Alexander’s life-time), with a magnificent funeral, and sent his bones into Macedonia to his wife and children.
5. Haec dum apud Hellespontum geruntur, Perdiccas apud Nilum flumen interficitur a Seleuco et Antigene, rerumque summa ad Antipatrum defertur. hic qui non deseruerant, exercitu suffragium ferente capitis absentes damnantur, in eis Eumenes. hac ille perculsus plaga non succubuit neque eo setius bellum administravit. sed exiles res animi magnitudinem, etsi non frangebant, tamen minuebant. [2] hunc persequens Antigonus, cum omni genere copiarum abundaret, saepe in itineribus vexabatur, neque umquam ad manum accedere licebat nisi iis locis, quibus pauci multis possent resistere. [3] sed extremo tempore, cum consilio capi non posset, multitudine circumitus est. hinc tamen multis suis amissis se expedivit et in castellum Phrygiae, quod Nora appellatur, confugit. [4] in quo cum circumsederetur et vereretur, ne uno loco manens equos militares perderet, quod spatium non esset agitandi, callidum fuit eius inventum, quem ad modum stans iumentum concalfieri exercerique posset, quo libentius et cibo uteretur et a corporis motu non removeretur. [5] substringebat caput loro altius, quam ut prioribus pedibus plene terram posset attingere, deinde post verberibus cogebat exsultare et calces remittere: qui motus non minus sudorem excutiebat, quam si in spatio decurreret. [6] quo factum est, quod omnibus mirabile est visum, ut aeque nitida iumenta ex castello educeret, cum complures menses in obsidione fuisset, ac si in campestribus ea locis habuisset. [7] in hac conclusione, quotienscumque voluit, apparatum et munitiones Antigoni alias incendit, alias disiecit. tenuit autem se uno loco, quamdiu hiems fuit, quod castra sub divo habere non poterat. ver appropinquabat: simulata deditione, dum de condicionibus tractat, praefectis Antigoni imposuit seque ac suos omnes extraxit incolumes.