Delphi Complete Works of Cornelius Nepos

by Cornelius Nepos

  V. During the course of these proceedings on the Hellespont, Perdiccas was killed by Seleucus and Antigonus on the river Nile, and the chief command was conferred upon Antipater. Upon this, those who had deserted him were condemned to death in their absence, the army giving their suffrage to that effect; and among those condemned was Eumenes, who, though he was affected at this blow, did not sink under it, or conduct the war with the less vigour.

  But a course of necessitous circumstances, though they could not subdue the energy of his spirit, had yet some effect in diminishing it. Antigonus, however, who pursued him, was often, though he had plenty of all kinds of troops, severely harassed by him on the march, nor could he ever come to an engagement with him except in places in which a few could resist many. But at last, when he could not be taken by manoeuvring, he was hemmed in by numbers; still he extricated himself, though with the loss of several men, and took refuge in a fortress of Phrygia, called Nora; where, being besieged, and fearing that, by remaining in one place, he should lose his war-horses, as there was no room for exercising them, he adopted an ingenious expedient, by which the animal might be warmed and exercised standing, so that it might take its food more freely, and not be deprived of the benefit of bodily motion. He tied up its head so high with a halter, that it could not quite touch the ground with its fore-feet; he then forced it, by lashing it behind, to leap up and throw back its heels; which motions excited perspiration no less than if the animal had run in an open course. Hence it happened (what was a matter of astonishment to all), that he led out his horses from the fortress, though he had been several months under siege, equally as sleek as if he had been keeping them in open fields. During that siege, as often as he desired, he either set on fire or demolished the works and defences of Antigonus. He, however, kept himself in that one place as long as the winter lasted; but, as the fortress could have no relief from without, and the spring was coming on, he pretended to be desirous of surrendering, and, while he was treating about the terms, eluded the officers of Antigonus, and brought himself and all his men off safe.

  6. Ad hunc Olympias, mater quae fuerat Alexandri, cum litteras et nuntios misisset in Asiam consultum, utrum repetitum iret Macedoniam (nam tum in Epiro habitabat) et suas res occuparet, [2] huic ille primum suasit, ne se moveret et exspectaret, quoad Alexandri filius regnum adipisceretur; sin aliqua cupiditate raperetur in Macedoniam, oblivisceretur omnium iniuriarum et in neminem acerbiore uteretur imperio. [3] horum illa nihil fecit: nam et in Macedoniam profecta est et ibi crudelissime se gessit. petiit autem ab Eumene absente, ne pateretur Philippi domus ac familiae inimicissimos stirpem quoque interimere, ferretque opem liberis Alexandri. [4] quam veniam si daret, quam primum exercitus pararet, quos sibi subsidio adduceret. id quo facilius faceret, se omnibus praefectis, qui in officio manebant, misisse litteras, ut ei parerent eiusque consiliis uterentur. [5] his rebus Eumenes permotus satius duxit, si ita tulisset fortuna, perire bene meritis referentem gratiam quam ingratum vivere.

  VI. When Olympias, who was the mother of Alexander, sent letters and messengers into Asia to Eumenes, to consult him whether she should proceed to re-possess herself of Macedonia (for she was then living in Epirus), and take upon herself the government there, he advised her, “above all things, not to stir, but to wait till Alexander’s son should get the throne; yet, if she should be hurried into Macedonia by any irresistible longing, he recommended her to forget all injuries, and not to exercise too severe an authority over any one.” But with neither of these suggestions did she comply; for she both went to Macedonia, and acted there with the greatest cruelty. She then entreated Eumenes, while he was still at a distance, “not to allow the bitterest enemies of Philip’s house and family to extirpate his very race, but to give his support to the children of Alexander;” adding that, “if he would do her such a favour, he might raise troops as soon as possible, and bring them to her aid; and, in order that he might do so more easily, she had written to all the governors of the provinces that preserved their allegiance, to obey him, and follow his counsels.” Eumenes, moved with this communication, thought it better, if fortune should so order it, to perish in showing his gratitude to those who had deserved well of him, than to live ungrateful.

  7. Itaque copias contraxit, bellum adversus Antigonum comparavit. quod una erant Macedones complures nobiles, in eis Peucestes, qui corporis custos fuerat Alexandri, tum autem obtinebat Persidem, et Antigenes, cuius sub imperio phalanx erat Macedonum, invidiam verens (quam tamen effugere non potuit), si potius ipse alienigena summi imperii potiretur quam aliquis Macedonum, quorum ibi erat multitudo, [2] in principiis Alexandri nomine tabernaculum statuit in eoque sellam auream cum sceptro ac diademate iussit poni eoque omnes cottidie convenire, ut ibi de summis rebus consilia caperentur, credens minore se invidia fore, si specie imperii nominisque simulatione Alexandri bellum videretur administrare. quod effecit. [3] nam cum non ad Eumenis principia, sed ad regia conveniretur atque ibi de rebus deliberaretur, quodam modo latebat, cum tamen per eum unum gererentur omnia.

  VII. He therefore assembled troops, and prepared for war against Antigonus. But as there were with him several noble Macedonians, amongst whom were Peucestes, who had been one of Alexander’s body-guard, and was then governor of Persia, and Antigenes, under whose command the Macedonian phalanx was, dreading envy (which, nevertheless, he could not escape), if he, being a foreigner, should have the chief authority rather than others of the Macedonians, of whom there was a great number there, he erected a pavilion at head quarters, in the name of Alexander, and caused a gold chair, with a sceptre and diadem, to be placed in it, directing that all should meet at it daily, that counsel might be taken there concerning matters of importance; for he thought that he should incur less envy if he appeared to manage the war under show of the authority, and with assumption of the name, of Alexander; and in this point he succeeded; for, as the meetings were held, not at the tent of Eumenes, but at that of the king, and measures concerted there, his superiority was in some degree concealed, though all was done by his agency alone.

  8. Hic in Paraetacis cum Antigono conflixit, non acie instructa, sed in itinere, eumque male acceptum in Mediam hiematum coegit redire. ipse in finitima regione Persidis hiematum copias divisit, non ut voluit, sed ut militum cogebat voluntas. [2] namque illa phalanx Alexandri Magni, quae Asiam peragrarat deviceratque Persas, inveterata cum gloria tum etiam licentia, non parere se ducibus, sed imperare postulabat, ut nunc veterani faciunt nostri. itaque periculum est ne faciant quod illi fecerunt, sua intemperantia nimiaque licentia ut omnia perdant neque minus eos, cum quibus fecerint, quam adversus quos steterint. [3] quodsi quis illorum veteranorum legat facta, paria horum cognoscat neque rem ullam nisi tempus interesse iudicet. sed ad illos revertar. hiberna sumpserant non ad usum belli, sed ad ipsorum luxuriam, longeque inter se discesserant. [4] hoc Antigonus cum comperisset intellegeretque se parem non esse paratis adversariis, statuit aliquid sibi consilii novi esse capiendum. duae erant viae, qua ex Medis, ubi ille hiemabat, ad adversariorum hibernacula posset perveniri. [5] quarum brevior per loca deserta, quae nemo incolebat propter aquae inopiam, ceterum dierum erat fere decem; illa autem, qua omnes commeabant, altero tanto longiorem habebat anfractum, sed erat copiosa omniumque rerum abundans. [6] hac si proficisceretur, intellegebat prius adversarios rescituros de suo adventu, quam ipse tertiam partem confecisset itineris; sin per loca sola contenderet, sperabat se imprudentem hoster oppressurum. [7] ad hanc rem conficiendam imperavit quam plurimos utres atque etiam culleos comparari post haec pabulum, praeterea cibaria cocta dierum decem, ut quam minime fieret ignis in castris. iter quo habeat, omnes celat. sic paratus, qua constituerat, proficiscitur.

  VIII. He engaged with Antigonus in the country of the Paraetaci, not with his army in full array, but on the march, and forced him, after being severely handled, to return into Media to winter. He himself distributed his troops in winter-quarters through the neighbouring country of Persia, not as he chose, but as the will of his soldiers obliged him; for
the phalanx of Alexander the Great, which had over-run Asia, and subdued the Persians, desired, in consequence of their established renown, and also through long-continued license, not to obey their officers but to command them, as our veterans now do. There is danger, therefore, lest ours should do what those did, and, by their insubordination and excessive licentiousness, ruin all, not less those whom they have supported than those whom they have opposed. And if any one reads the acts of those veterans, he will find the proceedings of ours like theirs, and be of opinion that there is no other difference between them but that of time. But I return to those of Macedonia. They had fixed upon their winter-quarters, not from regard to convenience for warfare, but for luxurious indulgence; and had separated into parties at a great distance from one another. Antigonus, hearing of their dispersion, and being aware that he was not a match for his enemies when prepared to receive him, resolved that some new plan must be adopted. There were two ways by which he might march from the country of the Medes, where he was wintering, to the winter-quarters of his adversaries, of which the shorter lay through desert tracts, which nobody inhabited by reason of the scarcity of water, but was only about ten days’ march. The other, by which everybody travelled, presented a circuitous route of twice the length, but was well-supplied, and abounded with all necessaries. If he went by the latter, he felt sure that the enemy would know of his approach before he had accomplished the third part of the distance; but if he hurried through the deserts, he hoped that he might surprise his adversaries unawares. To effect his object, he ordered as many skins and sacks as possible to be got in readiness; and then forage and dressed provisions for ten days; desiring that as little fire as possible should be made in the camp. The route which he had in view he concealed from every one. Being thus provided, he set forward in the direction on which he had determined.

  9. Dimidium fere spatium confecerat, cum ex fumo castrorum eius suspicio allata est ad Eumenem hostem appropinquare. conveniunt duces: quaeritur, quid opus sit facto. intellegebant omnes tam celeriter copias ipsorum contrahi non posse, quam Antigonus affuturus videbatur. [2] hic omnibus titubantibus et de rebus summis desperantibus Eumenes ait, si celeritatem velint adhibere et imperata facere, quod ante non fecerint, se rem expediturum. nam quod iter diebus quinque hostis transisse posset, se effecturum ut non minus totidem dierum spatio retardaretur: quare circumirent, suas quisque contraheret copias. [3] ad Antigoni autem refrenandum impetum tale capit consilium. certos mittit homines ad infimos montes, qui obvii erant itineri adversariorum, iisque praecipit ut prima nocte, quam latissime possint, ignes faciant quam maximos atque hos secunda vigilia minuant, tertia perexiguos reddant, [4] ut assimulata castrorum consuetudine suspicionem iniciant hostibus, iis locis esse castra ac de eorum adventu esse praenuntiatum; idemque postera nocte faciant. [5] quibus imperatum erat, diligenter praeceptum curant. Antigonus tenebris obortis ignes conspicatur: credit de suo adventu esse auditum et adversarios illuc suas contraxisse copias. [6] mutat consilium et, quoniam imprudentes adoriri non posset, flectit iter suum et illum anfractum longiorem copiosae viae capit ibique diem unum opperitur ad lassitudinem sedandam militum ac reficienda iumenta, quo integriore exercitu decerneret.

  IX. He had accomplished about half the distance, when, from the smoke of his camp, a suspicion was hinted to Eumenes that an enemy was approaching. His officers held a meeting; and it was considered what ought to be done. They were all aware that their troops could not be assembled so soon as Antigonus seemed likely to be upon them; and. while they were all consequently in perplexity, and despairing of their safety, Eumenes said that “If they would but use activity, and execute his orders (which they had not done before), he would put an end to their difficulties; for, though the enemy might now finish his journey in five days, he would take care that they should be delayed not less than as many days more. They must therefore go about, and each collect his troops.”

  To retard the progress of Antigonus he adopted the following stratagem. He sent trustworthy men to the foot of the mountains, which lay over against the enemy’s route, and ordered them, as soon as night came on, to make as large fires and as far dispersed, as they could; to reduce them at the second watch, and to make them very small at the third, and, by imitating the usages of a camp, to raise a suspicion in the enemy that there was actually a camp in those parts, and that intelligence had been given of their approach; and he told them to act in the same way on the following night. The men to whom this commission was given carefully observed their instructions. Antigonus, when darkness came on, saw the fires, and supposed that something had been heard of his coming, and that his enemies had assembled their force on that quarter. He therefore changed his intention, and, thinking that he could not surprise them unawares, altered his route, and took the longer circuit of the well-supplied road, on which he halted for one day, to refresh his weary men and recruit his horses, that he might come to battle with his army in better condition.

  10. Sic Eumenes callidum imperatorem vicit consilio celeritatemque impedivit eius, neque tamen multum profecit. [2] nam invidia ducum, cum quibus erat, perfidiaque Macedonum veteranorum, cum superior proelio discessisset, Antigono est deditus, cum exercitus ei ter ante separatis temporibus iurasset se eum defensurum neque umquam deserturum. sed tanta fuit nonnullorum virtutis obtrectatio, ut fidem amittere mallent quam eum non perdere. [3] atque hunc Antigonus, cum ei fuisset infestissimus, conservasset, si per suos esset licitum, quod ab nullo se plus adiuvari posse intellegebat in eis rebus, quas impendere iam apparebat omnibus. imminebant enim Seleucus, Lysimachus, Ptolemaeus, opibus iam valentes, cum quibus ei de summis rebus erat dimicandum. [4] sed non passi sunt ii qui circa erant, quod videbant Eumene recepto omnes prae illo parvi futuros. ipse autem Antigonus adeo. erat incensus, ut nisi magna spe maximarum rerum leniri non posset.

  X. On this occasion Eumenes overreached a crafty general by stratagem, and obviated the suddenness of his attack; yet he gained but little by his success; for through the envy of the officers with whom he had to act, and the treachery of the Macedonian veterans, he was delivered up, after he had come off superior in the field, to Antigonus, though they had previously sworn, at three several times, that they would defend him and never forsake him. But such was the eagerness of some to detract from his merit, that they chose rather to break their faith than not betray him. Antigonus, however, though he had been a violent enemy to him, would have spared his life, if he had but been allowed to do so by his friends, because he was certain that he could not be better assisted by any one in those difficulties which, as was apparent to all, were likely to fall upon him. For Lysimachus, Seleucus, and Ptolemy, now powerful in resources, were assuming a threatening attitude, and he would be obliged to contend with them for supremacy. But those who were about him would not allow of such clemency; for they saw that if Eumenes were admitted to his councils, they themselves would be of small account in comparison with him. As for Antigonus himself, he had been so incensed against him, that he could never have been induced to relent, except by a strong expectation of eminent services from him.

  11. Itaque cum eum in custodiam dedisset et praefectus custodum quaesisset, quem ad modum servari vellet, ‘ut acerrimum’ inquit ‘leonem aut ferocissimum elephantum’: nondum enim statuerat, conservaret eum necne. [2] veniebat autem ad Eumenem utrumque genus hominum, et qui propter odium fructum oculis ex eius casu capere vellent, et qui propter veterem amicitiam colloqui consolarique cuperent, multi etiam, qui eius formam cognoscere studebant, qualis esset, quem tam diu tamque valde timuissent, cuius in pernicie positam spem habuissent victoriae. [3] at Eumenes, cum diutius in vinclis esset, ait Onomarcho, penes quem summa imperii erat custodiae, se mirari, quare iam tertium diem sic teneretur: non enim hoc convenire Antigoni prudentiae, ut sic uteretur devicto: quin aut interfici aut missum fieri iuberet. [4] hic cum ferocius Onomarcho loqui videretur, ‘quid? tu’ inquit ‘animo si isto eras, cur non in proelio cecidisti potius quam in potestatem inimici venires?’ [5] huic Eumenes ‘utinam quidem i
stud evenisset! sed eo non accidit, quod numquam cum fortiore sum congressus: non enim cum quoquam arma contuli, quin is mihi succubuerit.’ neque id erat falsum: non enim virtute hostium, sed amicorum perfidia decidit. ... nam et dignitate fuit honesta et viribus ad laborem ferendum firmis neque tam magno corpore quam figura venusta.

  XI. When he had committed him to custody, therefore, and the commander of the guard inquired how he would have him kept, he replied, “As the most furious lion, or the most savage elephant;” for he had not then determined whether he should spare his life or not. Meanwhile two classes of people crowded to gaze upon Eumenes, those who, from hatred of him, wished to feast their eyes on his degradation and those who, from old friendship, desired to speak with him and console him. Many also came with them who were anxious to look at his person, and to see what sort of man he was whom they had feared so long and so much, and in whose destruction they had placed their hopes of victory. But Eumenes, when he had been some time under confinement, said to Onomarchus, in whose hands the chief command of the guard was, that “he wondered why he was thus kept a third day: for that it was not consistent with prudence on the part of Antigonus to treat one whom he had conquered in such a manner, but that he should order him either to be put to death or released.” As he seemed to Onomarchus to express himself somewhat arrogantly, he replied, “Why, if you were of such a spirit, did you not rather die on the field of battle, than fall into the hands of your enemy?” “Would indeed that that had befallen me,” rejoined Eumenes, “but it did not happen because I never engaged with a stouter than myself; for I have never crossed swords with any one who did not yield to me; and I have not fallen by the prowess of my enemies, but by the perfidy of my friends.’’ Nor was this assertion false; for he was a man not only of a graceful and dignified bearing, but of strength sufficient for enduring fatigue; yet he was not so much distinguished for tallness of person as for handsomeness of shape.