The Punjab Story

by Amarjit Kaur

  I am certain that for the army it has been an extremely unpleasant task. Some of the officers have come under a great deal of criticism. I know both Lt Gen R.S. Dayal MVC and Maj Gen K.S. Brar VrC well. Both had served under me. Dayal was the hero of Hajipeer Pass in 1965 War with Pakistan, while Brar commanded his batallion with distinction in Bangladesh Operations. Both are gallant and capable officers. It is unfair to criticize them for the conduct of this Operation which could not have been of their own choosing. They, however, did not falter and carried out their assignments loyally and to the best of their ability. The actual conduct of the Operation was the responsibility of Brar, but I doubt if he had much freedom in its planning and execution. One thing that impressed me was that before going into the battle he told his troops that if any one did not wish to take part in this Operation he could opt out. This was a fine gesture, though at that time no soldier was likely to back out. In spite of carrying out the Operation successfully, he has had no sense of achievement. He had to spend much of his time explaining why so much damage took place and so many casualties occurred. It is wrong to blame the officers for the shortcomings of higher policy decisions.

  At this stage it may be appropriate to evaluate the role of Maj Gen Shabeg Singh whose name has shot up to great prominence after this Operation. I knew him well and first met him in 1948 during the Jammu and Kashmir Operations against Pakistan. For sometime he was a parachutist and so was I. I came in contact with him again in 1963-64 when he was a staff officer in intelligence branch of a Corps Headquarters and I was a divisional commander. During the Bangladesh Operations in 1971, he served under me, when he was employed for training guerillas of the Mukti Bahini. He was competent, enthusiastic and well liked. He was not particularly religious at that time as he used to clip his beard and cut his hair. Shabeg really seemed to enjoy the kind of job he was doing; he got along very well with the Bangladeshi trainees and enjoyed their confidence. He had the capacity to enthuse people around him. I last met him after my retirement when he was area commander in Jabalpur as a major general. Later he was transferred to Bareilly from where he was dismissed for certain administrative irregularities. I had no opportunity or cause to doubt his financial integrity when he was serving under me. In Shabeg Singh I found a useful and valuable officer who enjoyed any job given to him to which he brought much zest and enthusiasm. I recommended him for an Ativashisht Seva Medal which he was given for the Bangladesh Operations. I think he went overboard and joined Bhindranwale together with a number of other army officers who, after leaving the army returned to Punjab, to find how values had changed. Their dissatisfaction stemmed from the fact that the retired servicemen were accorded little respect or consideration by the civil administration. To add fuel to the fire during the Asiad in 1982 when all Sikhs travelling to Delhi from Punjab were stopped and searched regardless of their status or convictions they felt grieved and some of them came under Sant Bhindranwale’s influence. In Shabeg’s case, his dismissal from service and later harassment by the CBI became a motivating factor. Maybe he got some professional satisfaction, to organize the defences for Sant Bhindranwale’s fight against the government. There were other officers who had become Bhindranwale’s disciples but did not stick by him till the end. The fact that Shabeg did, and was ready to die for him, speaks as much for his loyalty or bitterness against the government as for Bhindranwale’s charismatic appeal.

  It is for the first time that desertions on such a scale have taken place from the army. The episode in Ramgarh could be termed a mutiny when the regimental commandant was shot dead by the soldiers. From what one has been able to glean from newspaper reports, one can only surmise that these incidents occurred spontaneously and were not a premeditated plan or deep-seated conspiracy as averred by some. This is apparent from the fact that most of the deserters picked up weapons from their units, got into military transport and left from places like Pune and Ramgarh, hoping to reach Amritsar in large groups! Even a little bit of clear thinking would have made it obvious to them that they stood no chance of reaching Amritsar without being intercepted, killed or rounded up en route. This is actually what happened. That such an occurrence took place is enough of an indication of the magnitude of emotional reaction they must have felt losing complete balance. More disturbing is the fact that such an event should have taken place in the Indian Army with its unsullied record of discipline and loyalty. Without making excuses for those who deserted or mutinied one cannot help feeling that the authorities failed to foresee that an assault on the Golden Temple complex may lead to such an eventuality. Had the authorities appreciated that fact and taken senior army officers into confidence before hand, they would have had time to prepare their men by explaining to them why the army action was imperative.

  Clearing of the terrorists from the Golden Temple complex and other gurdwaras was only Phase I of the Operation Bluestar. As soon as Phase I was over Phase II was launched which was to capture and clear off the terrorists from Punjab countryside. This Operation is still in progress and three or four infantry divisions have been employed on it. To begin with the modus operandi was to have the troops located down to thanas. Their job was to carry out searches of suspected houses or villages to locate extremists/terrorists. The suspects were taken to interrogation centres and persuaded to confess. Those who were considered innocent were sent back to their villages. Others were handed over to the police custody. Unfortunately; the only method of persuasion appears to be physical coercion. This has led to many hair-raising stories.

  It is believed that the army units have now been drawn back to tehsil headquarters and most of the searches are being conducted by the police or paramilitary forces. Army units still carry out frequent patrolling of the disturbed or suspected areas.

  This prolonged stay of the army on internal security duties has made it rather unpopular amongst the Sikh population. There are frequent complaints of high-handedness and excesses. There is no doubt that the army action against the Golden Temple and other gurdwaras in Punjab, and its subsequent employment in the rural areas for apprehending the terrorists has caused almost complete polarization between the two communities. The death of Sant Bhindranwale came as a relief to the Hindus but the destruction of Akal Takht was a shock to the Sikhs. Whereas the Sikhs, specially in the villages, want the army to be withdrawn immediately the Hindus are apprehensive that violence against them would start again once the army leaves. There appears to be no meeting ground on this issue. Continued stay of the army in the state cannot solve it. Eventually the two communities have to realize that they have to learn to understand and appreciate each others’ fears and suceptibilities. They must let bygones be bygones. This is where the healing touch is required. Who should take the initiative?

  Unfortunately the sectarian leadership and the press has been apportioning the blame, rather than promoting unity. The government’s attitude and actions have worsened the situation. The official media continues to claim what a wonderful job has been done; that the Golden Temple has been saved which would otherwise have been destroyed; that minimum possible damage was inflicted and the sacred temple, which had been desecrated by the extremists was cleaned up. It is now necessary to ensure that the extremists do not come back to the temple and for this continued employment of the army for its protection is necessary. Neither the SGPC nor the Sikh community as a whole can be trusted to ensure that such a situation will not recur. Without any regard for the Sikh sentiments kar seva of Akal Takht has been entrusted to Baba Santa Singh of Budha Dal who hardly represents the Sikh community. All kinds of steps are being taken to boost his image and gather people from various places and groups to show how popular the kar seva is. In the meantime devotees are permitted to visit the Golden Temple from 4 to 6 in the morning only. If the kar seva, as being carried out now, is acceptable to the majority of the Sikhs where is the need to take such strict measures to ensure that devotees and the people doing kar seva are kept segregated? After ha
ving declared that on no account fire arms would be permitted inside a place of worship it is surprising to see that the followers of Baba Santa Singh toting rifles while doing kar seva. This is certainly not the way to apply the healing touch and assuage the injured feelings of the Sikhs. On one side it is repeatedly claimed that the action was not against the Sikh community but a few extremists who had taken to violence; on the other hand majority of the Sikhs are being hindered from doing kar seva to rebuild the Akal Takht with their own hands as labour of love and devotion. It may be mentioned that during the Mughal times when Jahangir offered money for the building of Takht Sahib, Guru Hargobind declined the offer, saying that building of this Takht was the privilege of the community as their personal contribution to the faith. The present method of doing kar seva is one sure way of creating differences within the Sikh community which will further destabilize the already unstable situation in the state.

  It is a part of the role of the army to help the civilian administration in maintaining law and order if the situation gets out of hand. It is not the sort of role that either the army or the other armed forces would like to undertake. Taking punitive action against your own people is not a pleasant task; but when the need arises it has to be done. However, care should be taken to ensure that the army is not kept deployed on internal security duties for a minute longer than is necessary. Armed forces should command the respect and affection of the civil population. This is a valuable asset during war when the country is facing foreign aggression. If the army is involved in taking punitive measures against its own people for a long time this respect and affection can turn into hatred and belligerence. The use of the army during this episode in Punjab has been extensive and all-embracing. Police had become ineffective and the administration was told not to interfere. The army was given total freedom of action to carry out arrests and investigation. It was permitted to establish its own interrogation centres. People were picked up and kept in custody without giving reasons. By and large the army has acted humanely and with due care. There have been, however, certain incidents where excesses have occurred either due to ignorance or due to over-zealousness on the part of junior leaders. This unfortunately has led to many inflated rumours which have sullied the army’s reputation.

  In this particular case there is a further danger that it may cause dissensions within the army itself as the majority of the troops employed in this task have been non-Sikhs and the action has been taken against the families or relatives of Sikh soldiers while they are away on duty.

  Today, corruption has become a way of life in civil administration but the armed forces are comparatively free of it due primarily to a lack of opportunity and of course discipline. Continued exposure to the civilian method of working and behaviour can have adverse effect on the state of discipline and morale. The Armed Forces of India have so far remained totally apolitical and a model of national and emotional integration and free of communal disharmony. They are the steel frame holding the country together. Their solidarity must not be jeopardized on any account.

  It may be worthwhile to consider why the situation in Punjab deteriorated to such an extent that respect for the authority disappeared and a group of extremists were permitted to hold the government, administration, people of Punjab, and even the leaders of Akali party, to ransom. It would be naive to believe that Sant Bhindranwale’s fundamentalism was responsible for it. In fact the rise of Sant Bhindranwale and his fantastic hold over the Sikh masses in the rural areas is a phenomenon which needs investigation. There is little doubt that for the last ten years or so the civilian administration everywhere in India has become increasingly ineffective. People are losing faith in getting justice by legal means. Political influence, money power and muscle power are necessary to succeed. Moral deterioration in public life has discouraged people of quality from taking active interest in the country’s politics. Party interests and even individual interests take precedence over national interests. The battle of the ballot has become the most important factor while taking decisions on social, political and economic matters affecting the future of the country. No doubt, therefore, that justified grievances of common people are not redressed for a long time. This state of affairs breeds violence. People, especially the hot-headed young ones, lose patience and try to resolve problems by force. This is wrong and reprehensible but to eradicate this tendency repressive measures alone are not enough. The root of the dissatisfaction has to be found and eradicated. Symptomatic treatment at best provides a temporary relief. At the time of election all norms of decency and fairplay are forgotten. Passions are aroused on communal, social, sectarian, caste, creed or any other ground to defeat the rival and get elected. Capturing of booths by strong-arm methods, using money to buy votes misusing authority and preventing people by physical force or violence from casting votes is all acceptable. After the battle of ballot is won how is it possible for people to start obeying and respecting the law of the land and become good citizens? Disrespect for the law of the land has become an all-India issue. The politicians are the biggest defaulters. They are in league with money-bags and criminals who want to hold the country in thrall. Lust for power for self-aggrandizement is the only aim. The youth of the country has, therefore, scant respect either for the elders or for the law of the land. Such a state of affairs is fertile ground for mountebanks, charlatans and fanatics to lead astray the dissatisfied youth.

  Democracy grants every individual the right to express his views without fear and favour. If his views differ from those of the party in power the individual does not become unpatriotic or anti-national. In fact an opposition party is considered necessary for a stable democratic country. Why is it that whenever the opposition parties disagree with the party in power today they are dubbed as anti-national? Similarly if a minority community demands a greater voice in its own affairs it becomes suspect. There cannot be two standards, one for the dominant party and the other for the minorities, similarly one for the party in power and the other for the opposition. In spite of whatever has happened and is happening the vast majority of the Sikhs do not want Khalistan and are not asking for it. The pronouncements from the government media as well as much of the national press keeps on stressing that the timely action by the army has just been able to defeat the machinations of the Khalistanis.

  Though the army action in the Golden Temple was completed within a week or so, the army is still in occupation. Nearly two months have elapsed and phase II of the Operation Bluestar is still in progress. Special ordinances have been passed to deal with the extremists and terrorists. A large number of people have been taken into custody. No one knows what their fate will be. More arrests take place every day and terrorists’ acts still occur. Fear grips the entire state. Periodic pronouncements take place about foreign powers trying to destabilize the country. No foreign power can destabilize a well-knit, contented and cohesive society. They can only fish in troubled waters. Admittedly, India is a complex society and poverty and burdgeoning population has made it impossible to give everyone a satisfying portion of the cake. This should not, however, normally turn people against their own chosen country. One can imagine disgruntled people becoming antisocial but very few will become antinational.

  The fact is that in spite of all the bloodshed that has taken place and damage caused, both physical and emotional, the solution to the political problems of Punjab is no nearer than it was before 5 June 1984. In fact it is a bit further away. The Akalis cannot accept less than their original demands and the government is unwilling to give now what it was willing to give before. In the meantime, purely repressive measures are increasing the divide between the Sikhs and the Hindus not only in Punjab but also in the neighbouring states. The atmosphere in Punjab is ripe to promote extremism and terror but a big stick has never been able to eradicate any insurgency which has popular support.

  The ultimate solution lies in compromise and giving the minority community a sense of belonging
and trust. It must be accepted that the entire Sikh community is hurt and grieved. But the healing touch applied so far has only increased their anguish. Had the kar seva been entrusted to Baba Kharak Singh, the process of healing would have made a start. Now it has become the biggest irritant. An average Sikh feels that he is looked at with suspicion by law-maintaining authorities and is quite often treated rudely. He wonders if he has the same rights and privileges as other nationals of this country. The intellectuals are singled out for having failed to rise to the occasion. When were intellectuals ever consulted or asked to give their advice or views about solving the problem before 5-6 June 1984? Even today all efforts of the public-minded people are put to nought because they go against the political interest of the ruling party.