revulsion at violence convinced him to not take any preventive measures to
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quell the rebellion. 103 Of course, if he had wished, the rebellion could have been crushed. Yet he preferred to reason with the rebels and try to persuade
them with kindness, especially since he did not wish to set the precedent of
using violence against his own people. As Shaban mentions, ‘his celebrated
weakness was not one of character – his only reported fault, in reliable sources,
is that he was extremely polite’. 104 After a long siege, the rebels broke into Uthman’s house and murdered him. He was 84 years old and is buried in
Medina. His commitment to avoid the use of violence led to his assassination.
Actually, he gave the ultimate sacrifice by giving his life, rather than run the
risk of killing an innocent, even inadvertently.
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Islam and Pakistan’s Political Culture
The fourth Caliph: Ali 656–61 AD
The Prophet Muhammad said: ‘You [Ali] are my brother in this world and
the next’. 105 After Uthman’s martyrdom, the office of the caliphate remained vacant for three days. Many people insisted that Ali should take up the office,
but he was reluctant. ‘In fact, the problem lay rather in persuading Ali to accept,
for he was naturally hesitant to take power in such intimidating circum-
stances’. 106 Ali, at last, accepted, on the condition that it be announced in the Prophet’s Mosque in Medina and approved by the community in the form of
a pledge of allegiance. 107 Again, the Qur’anic principles of shura and bay’a were utilized, as for the former three caliphs.
Once Ali became caliph he gave an impassioned plea to the congregation,
saying, ‘Allah commands the Muslims to live as brothers. A Muslim is he
who does not hurt anyone with his word or deed. Fear Allah in your dealings
with other men. On the Day of Judgement you will have to answer for your
dealings, even with animals. Obey Allah, the Almighty. Do not cast aside His
commandments. Do well and keep away from evil’.108 Here, two points are worthy of mention. First, Ali’s apprehension in accepting the position of leadership
attests to the principles in the Qur’an and Prophetic sayings that those that
want power should not have it. Second, in his acceptance speech, Ali reminds
the people of their obligations to one another and to God.
Uthman’s murder and the events surrounding it were indicative of con-
siderable civil strife. Ali felt that the tragic situation was mainly due to inept
governors. ‘He therefore dismissed all the governors who had been appointed
by Uthman and appointed new ones’. 109 All the governors, with the exception of Muawiya, the Governor of Syria, submitted to his orders. Muawiya
declined to obey until Uthman’s blood was avenged. The Prophet’s widow,
Aisha, also took the position that Ali should first bring the murderers to trial.
‘Due to the chaotic conditions during the last days of Uthman it was very
difficult to establish the identity of the murderers, and Ali refused to punish
anyone whose guilt was not lawfully proved’. 110 Disregarding his own sense of loss and tragedy upon the death of a close friend, Ali refused to take the law
into his own hands and punish people without adequate proof.
The situation in the Arabian Peninsula became so troubled that Ali moved
his capital to Iraq. Muawiya now openly rebelled against Ali and a fierce
battle was fought between their armies, which was inconclusive. Resultantly,
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Ali had to accept the de facto government of Muawiya in Syria. 111 Ali’s acceptance of a truce with Muawiya led a fanatical fringe group, called the
‘Kharijites’, to rebel. Consisting of people who had broken away from Ali due to
his compromise with Muawiya, the rebels claimed that neither Ali – the
caliph – nor Muawiya – the ruler of Syria – nor Amr bin al-Aas – the ruler of
Egypt – were worthy of rule. 112 They vowed to kill all three rulers, and assassins were dispatched in three directions. 113 The assassins who were deputed to kill Muawiya and Amr did not succeed, but Ibn-e-Muljim, the
assassin who was commissioned to kill Caliph Ali, accomplished his task,
Political values
71
stabbing him with a poisoned sword while he was absorbed in prayer. 114
Although Ali was threatened with death if he entered into peace negotiations
with Muawiya, he did so in the interest of maintaining peace. As a con-
sequence, he was martyred. Thus, on the 20th of Ramadan, 40 AH, died the
last of the Rightly Guided Caliphs of Islam. 115
With the death of Ali, the first political phase in the history of Muslim
peoples came to an end. According to prevalent Muslim beliefs, the caliphs
strived to incorporate the principles of the Qur’an and the Prophetic sayings
into their leadership, even at their own peril. In the preceding section,
this study analysed the matter of political succession, the concepts of shura
and bay’a, and highlighted a few incidents that display the Caliphs’ application
of the Qur’an and Prophetic sayings. In regard to the concepts of shura and
bay’a, this study found that they were consistently applied in principle,
albeit in differing form, from one Caliph to another. Also, we have seen
that each leader nurtured the concepts of popular will and public participa-
tion in that acceptance of leadership was dependant on the final authority
of the community. While it is acknowledged that the selection process, though
not the criteria, lacked any strict institutionalized pattern, there were
generally accepted guidelines on the qualifications and prerequisites of
leadership.
According to the prevalent Muslim perspective, this era is understood as a
time when the ideal most closely matched the reality. ‘All through this period
it had been the Book of God and the practices of His Messenger – that is, the
Qur’an and the Sunnah – which had guided the leaders and the led, set the
standards of their moral conduct, and inspired their actions’. 116 In this Islamic era, the ruler and the ruled, the rich and the poor, the powerful and the weak,
were uniformly held accountable and the independence of the judiciary was
established. Muslim writers, viewing their own history, see it as an epoch of
freedom and equality, of God-consciousness and humility, of social justice,
which recognized no privileges, and of an impartial law, which accepted no
pressure groups or vested interests. Notwithstanding, this era endured con-
siderable upheaval. Significant trials and tribulations117 arose during the latter portion of Uthman’s leadership and became nearly insurmountable during
Ali’s sojourn118 – differences as to the possibilities and prospects for the growth and further development of Muslim political institutions. These con-Downloaded by [University of Connecticut] at 18:26 09 January 2017
troversies remain outside the scope of this thesis as this analysis was intended
to show the use of the Qur’an and Prophetic sayings by each caliph and
illustrate the concepts of shura and bay’a.
Conclusion
In this chapter, we defined the ‘foundational’ political values that emanate from
the Qur’an, Prophetic sayings and the Rash
idun era. Collectively, Muslims –
those socialized in their own teleological and peculiar epistemological
outlook will, naturally, struggle to concretize those values. Granted, the act
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Islam and Pakistan’s Political Culture
of concretization can turn dogmatic, if essence and context are ignored.
Indeed, it may turn into militant fundamentalism if, among other attributes,
there is an emphasis on form rather than principle. Yet overall this
chapter has aimed to present a clear indication of what political values are
upheld in Islamic political discourse, substantiated by their own sources of
legitimacy.
By extracting political values from the Qur’an, Prophetic sayings and the
Rashidun era, one may reasonably begin to discuss the contours of an Islamic
political culture. It was learned that those enduring political values, permeating
its polity, include notions such as the sovereignty of God and, through that,
the residual sovereignty of people; people’s inherent goodness and their
equality; the concept of the ‘Ummah’, which is inclusive, and distinguishing;
the evolutionary process of truth, moral codes and law by a succession of
Prophets and Messengers; and, the continuation of those timeless laws by
committed human beings as caliphs. In addition, there was recognition of the
inherent wisdom of the masses and this speaks strongly for an egalitarian
ethos in the Islamic tradition. Leaders are responsible and accountable to
people and should establish a consultative, decision-making pattern. Actually,
the need for consultation, or ‘shura’, among the people was emphasized. That
concept leads to the related value of ‘ijma’ or consensus. Without consensus
or a mechanism to affect it, stability would be impossible.
At that point, we further extracted the necessity of leadership account-
ability to people to ensure transparency and the independence of the judiciary
as guarantor of the entire political order. The importance of the independence
of the judiciary is crucial since it is this political institution that regulates the parameters of manoeuvrability of all other spheres. Also, the establishment of
justice means that the people strive to connect the revelation with the land, so
that sovereignty will be God’s alone and human beings will be equal under
His revealed commands. This active effort toward recognizing revelation and
establishing justice is the wherewithal of political action in Islam. Therefore,
the Qur’anic principles for political thought include equality, freedom of
religion, supremacy of the law and independence of the judiciary. The state
should establish the means by which land is not solely private but communal,
belonging collectively to all citizens; this includes natural resources and
minerals under the physical space occupied. As life is temporal, political
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culture should include a thought of attaining goodness in this world and
the next.
Following that, this chapter demonstrated the manner in which the first
four caliphs implemented some of these ‘foundational’ values during their
leadership. Specifically, we focused on the process of succession, consultation
and consensus. Those ‘foundational’ values represent the ideals that are
meant to be actualized as an Ideal Islamic civic culture. This Islamic civic
culture is the political embodiment of the Qur’an, Prophetic sayings and the
Rashidun era. The following chapter takes those political values and imagines
the contours of a city constructed on the basis of those ideals.
Political values
73
Notes
1 Nasr, Seyyid Hossein, Ideals and Realities of Islam, (Chicago, IL: Allen and Unwin Press, 1975) p. 27.
2 Mir, Mustansir, Coherence in the Qur’an, (Kuala Lumpur: IBT Press, 2000) p. 9.
3 Haleem, Muhammad Abdel. Understanding the Qur’an: Themes and Styles, (London: I.B. Tauris, 2001) p. 6.
4 Hamid, Eltigani Abdelgadir, The Qur’an and Politics: A Study of the Origins of Political Thought in the Makkan Qur’an, (Washington, DC: International
Institute of Islamic Thought, 2004) p. 8.
5 Ibid., p. 9.
6 The Translation of the Meanings of Sahih Al-Bukhari. Translated by Muhammad Muhsin Khan. Volume 1, p. 17.
7 Ibid., p. 18.
8 Murad, Khurram and M. Salim Kayani, Stories of the Caliphs, (Leicester: Islamic Foundation Press, 1982) p. 7.
9 Beekun, Rafik and Jamal Badawi. Leadership: An Islamic Perspective, (Washington DC: Amana Publications, 1999) p. 33.
10 Ayoob, Muhammad, The Many Faces of Political Islam: Religion and Politics in the Muslim World, (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2008) p. 2.
11 Crone, Patricia. God’s Rule: Government and Islam, (New York: Columbia University Press, 2004) p. 318.
12 Bennabi, Malik. The Question of Ideas in the Muslim World, trans. Mohamed Tahir El Mesawi, reabridged by Meinhaj Hussain, http://www.grandestrategy.
com/2011/04/chapter-fourteen-ideas-and-politics.html.
13 Ahmad, Eqbal, ‘Islam and Politics’, in Islam, Politics and the State, Asghar Khan (eds), (London: Zed Books, 1985) p. 17.
14 Qur’an 3: 26
15 Qur’an 33: 22.
16 The Translation of the Meanings of Sahih Al-Bukhari. V. 2, Book 26, Number 621.
17 Al-Faruqi, Ismail Raji, Tawhid: Its Implications for Thought and Life. (Herndon, VA: International Institute of Islamic Thought, 1994) p. 15.
18 Ibid., p. 11.
19 Qur’an 7: 172.
20 Hamid, Eltigani. The Qur’an and Politics, p. 38.
21 Ramadan, Tariq. To Be A European Muslim. (Leicester: Islamic Foundation, 1999) p. 13.
22 Qur’an 21: 22.
23 Qur’an 4: 135.
24 Hattox, Ralph S. Coffee and Coffeehouses: The Origins of a Social Beverage in the Medieval Near East, (Seattle, WA: University of Washington Press, 1985) p. 6.
25 Qur’an: Chapter A’raf: Verses 189–90
26 Sahih Muslim. Book 033, Number 6429.
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27 Hamid, Eltigani. The Qur’an and Politics, p. 40.
28 Qur’an 30: 30.
29 Qur’an 7: 10.
30 Lisan al-Arab: Arabic Dictionary. Volumes 1–18. Dar Kotob al Ilmiyah. 2006.
31 Hamid, Eltigani. The Qur’an and Politics, p. 34.
32 Ibid.
33 Lisan Al-Arab. As quoted in Al-Faruqi, Maysam J. ‘Umma: The Orientalists and the Quranic Concept of Identity’, in the Journal of Islamic Studies, 16(2005): 22.
34 Al-Faruqi, Maysam J. ‘Umma: The Orientalists and the Qur’anic Concept of Identity’, in the Journal of Islamic Studies, 16(2005): 21.
35 Ibid., p. 23.
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Islam and Pakistan’s Political Culture
36 Rahman, Fazlur. Islam and Modernity: Transformation of an Intellectual Tradition, (Chicago, IL: Chicago University Press, 1982) p. 15.
37 Holy Qur’an. The idea that humanity consists of one ‘ummah’ occurs in Chapter 2: 213 and 10: 19.
38 Qur’an 21: 92–94.
39 Qur’an 4: 38.
40 Al-Faruqi, Maysam J. ‘Umma … ’ in the Journal of Islamic Studies, p. 24.
41 Qur’an 2: 213.
42 Al-Faruqi, Maysam J. ‘Umma … ’ in the Journal of Islamic Studies, p. 23.
43 Qur’an 3: 110
44 Al-Faruqi, Maysam J. ‘Umma … ’ in the Journal of Islamic Studies, p. 33.
46 Ibid., p. 44.
47 Qur’an 6: 90.
48 Hamid, Eltigani. The Qur’an and Politics, p. 45.
49 Qur’an 2: 30.
50 Qur’an 33: 35.
51 Sahih Muslim. Hadith 4514.
52 Al-Talib, Hisham. Training Guide for Islamic Workers, (Herndon, VA: International Institute of Islamic Thought, 1999) p. 49.
53 Qur’an 4: 58.
54 Qur’an 5: 8.
55 Qur’an 22: 41.
56 Qur’an 4: 135.
57 The Translation of the Meanings of Sahih Al-Bukhari. Volume 9. Book 93.
Number 7150.
58 Ibid., Volume 9. Book 93. Number 7151.
59 Ibid., Volume 2. Book 23. Number 475. Appendix A.
60 Hamid, Eltigani. The Qur’an and Politics, p. 47. As quoted in this text but referring to Ibn Majah’s Sunan (Hadeeth Compilation), section on ‘Fitnah’.
61 Al-Talib, Hisham. Training Guide for Islamic Workers’, p. 54.
62 The Translation of the Meanings of Sahih Al-Bukhari. Volume 9. Book 93.
Number 7147.
63 Ibid., Volume 9. Book 93. Number 7148.
64 Burki, Shahid Javed. ‘Politics of Power and its Economic Imperatives’, in Anita Weiss and S. Zulfiqar Gilani (eds), Power and Civil Society in Pakistan, (Oxford:
Oxford University Press, 2001) p. 160.
65 Qur’an 42: 38.
66 Qur’an 3: 159.
67 Hamid, Eltigani. The Qur’an and Politics, p. 47.
68 Al-Talib, Hisham. Training Guide for Islamic Workers, p. 56.
69 The Translation of the Meanings of Sahih Al-Bukhari. Volume 9. Number 7167.
70 Muslehuddin, Muhammad. Islam and It’s Political System, (London: Islamic Downloaded by [University of Connecticut] at 18:26 09 January 2017
Publications, 1996) p. 143.
71 The Translation of the Meanings of Sahih Al-Bukhari. Volume 5. Number 597.
72 Qur’an 4: 135.
73 The Translation of the Meanings of Sahih Al-Bukhari. Volume 9. Number 7199.
74 Ibid., Volume 9. Number 7216.
75 Ibid., Volume 9. Number 7213.
76 Murad, Khurram. Stories of the Caliphs, pp. 1–7.
77 Sahih Muslim. 4: 1083.
78 Shaban, M. A. Islamic History: A New Interpretation, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994) p. 23.
79 Ibid., p. 19.
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