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Islam and Pakistan’s Political Culture

Page 33

by Farhan Mujahid Chak


  Conclusion

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  first, the traditionalist – those who appreciate the ‘foundational’ values but

  refuse to contextualise. Or, one who seeks a restoration and imitation of the

  past, in its most idealised form, yet does not consider the contextual imperative

  that necessitates thoughtful deliberation. Without exception, they have failed

  to attract the majority of workers, peasants and intelligentsia and are vehe-

  mently anti-Pakistan.18 Second, the secularists are those that consider ethics as cumbersome and unrelated to public life. They are rooted in either the

  parasitic feudal or economically advantageous class and, therefore, are not

  secular in the manner that term is descriptive in a liberal, democratic European

  or North American ethos. 19 They, too, were unsympathetic to the request of supporting a separate Muslim identity. Third, the revivalists are those who

  appreciate the ‘foundational’ values and struggle to re-assert it into their

  contexts. For them, tradition is not through changelessness but continuity,

  which is perpetuated by teaching the skills of the master, but does not require

  imitations of his performance. Therefore, every generation can, indeed must,

  make something new of what is learnt. Tradition lives through a stream of

  individual interpretations and re-invention of what has gone before, what is

  needed now and a vision for the future. This is the process of continuity that

  permits it to be passed down and effectively re-invented generation to

  generation. If societies are expected to mature, live and change in line with

  cherished principles, the individuals who comprise those societies must permit

  new applications to the ‘foundational’ values, consider contextual nuances,

  and liberate themselves to introduce new interpretations. If this process of

  re-invention and re-implementation of timeless and enduring values is accep-

  table to the populace at large, then, the result will be political stability. This is precisely what occurred, since the entire concept of a having a nation-state was

  new, but it was presented to people as a continuation of an ancient idea of

  bringing the diverse Muslim community together.

  What was evident was that among these rival political cultural variants,

  competing for the hearts and minds of people, the revivalists were victorious.

  Success went to the ‘revivalists’, such as Jinnah and Iqbal, since they sought

  continuity of values with changing circumstances as necessary for effective

  leadership. 20 It is for this reason that Jinnah, in particular, was able to galvanize the masses in a common direction and create a new nation-state – Pakistan.

  Moreover, it is important to note that neither the ‘traditionalist’ ulama nor

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  ‘secularist’ leaders, both of whom had either economic or spiritual influence, were

  able to sway the masses in a direction of their choosing. Rather, in the British Raj in South Asia, by 1946, as the elections proved, Muslim masses had identified

  themselves with this specific type of Muslim leader. Muslim voters, supporting

  the Muslim League, under the sagacious leadership of Jinnah, gave a clear

  verdict in favour of Pakistan: ‘440 Muslim seats were won by the Muslim

  League out of a total of 495. It won landslide victories in all the Muslim

  majority provinces except the North-West Frontier’.21 A clear message was being sent to both secularists and traditionalists that even with their economic

  and religious authority, they remained out of touch with their social reality.

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  Islam and Pakistan’s Political Culture

  To further highlight this contest of variant political culture typologies and

  their corresponding ideologues this book went on to examine Pakistan’s con-

  stitutional development and civil/military relations. All in all, the conflict

  between the ‘traditionalists’ and ‘secularists’ plays itself out in contemporary

  Pakistani politics as those factions continuously try to work out a compromise.22

  Yet particularly telling was the fact that this tension is easily discernible when

  studying the history of constitution-making in Pakistan. 23 The chronic antagonism and combative interplay between the variant political culture

  types posed serious problems for constitutional development. In other words,

  a major underlying factor for ongoing political instability in Muslim polities is

  the inability of those societies to achieve ideological coherence. That inability

  accentuates instability, which thereby affects the politics and propensity of

  violence.

  Final thoughts

  Interestingly, over the last decade, the theoretical assertions of this book have

  been proven true. The sweeping away of despotic political orders by the AKP

  in Turkey, the lawyers’ movement in Pakistan, and the Arab awakening in

  Libya, Egypt, Tunisia and Syria, all reveal the prevalence of Islamic-orientated

  or ‘revivalist’ political forces. Yet, those political forces are still engaged in an ongoing combative contest for power with their adversaries. And this rivalry

  is intensifying. On the one hand, this ‘revivalist’ political force has introduced

  a democratic ethos in the region. On the other, they are cautioned to be wary

  of the necessity to learn effective methods to manage this ideological compe-

  titiveness. Sadiki, comparing Tunisia and Egypt, argues that Islamist poli-

  tical forces swept to power following the Arab Spring, and that this trend will

  continue elsewhere. Skilfully, he outlines four factors that these new political

  forces need to come to terms with – namely, constituency, political recruitment,

  change and maneuvering.24 More clearly, the persuasiveness of ‘civic Islamism’, to borrow Sadiki’s term, requires these political forces to secure their constituency discipline, seek out more recruits through plurality and inclusion, adapt

  to their changing circumstances and negotiate with ideological counterparts. 25

  In addition to that compelling insight, this study adds that their success and

  longevity largely depends on how this civic Islamic force seriously and com-

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  passionately considers the aspirations of its own people, penetrates and

  impedes the effectiveness of the entrenched deep state with ruses, maintains its

  own camaraderie in the face of setbacks, and is willing to give up power

  to prevent violence. Besides, their responsibility is larger than securing power in

  the state, since they must set down the rules of the game and rigidly adhere to

  it, even if that requires a loss of power.

  Looking closely, Pakistan today presents an image of a country plagued by

  political, civil-military, ethnic, sectarian and, most importantly, ideological

  divides. ‘Never before has public faith in the country’s future sunk so low.

  There is widespread and growing cynicism among the people. The country as

  Conclusion

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  a whole appears to be adrift, lacking confidence about its future’. 26 Yet, this book maintains a more optimistic outlook, since the Objectives Resolution

  and Jinnah and Iqbal’s vision of a tolerant, progressive and egalitarian society

  remain a point of consensus.27 Moreover, there is encouragement to be drawn from the opinion of ordinary P
akistanis on a host of central policy issues.

  These ordinary Pakistanis were surveyed on some fifty critical issues facing

  the nation, at domestic, regional and global levels. 28 The results counter the force of anti-democratic culture allowed to run riot on the populace by both

  the civil and military leaders for the better part of Pakistan’s national history.

  And those results bear directly upon the prospects of fostering a culture of

  common citizenship and social solidarity in a country often perceived as riven

  by fault lines of regionalism and ethnicity.29 Strikingly, in direct opposition to Pakistan’s intelligentsia and political leadership, the vast majority of the

  respondents, 82 per cent, had a positive view of their country, and wanted to

  remain there permanently.30 A clear majority, 75 per cent, ‘demanded a ban on the religio-sectarian parties that spawned hatred and violence, and a similar

  proportion favoured restrictions on political sermons in the mosques. An

  overwhelming majority expected the state to improve standards of health and

  education. Overall, 58 per cent of Pakistanis felt that they were better off in

  the 1990s then before partition’.31 Taken together, the surveys display an extraordinary level of consensus across divisions of region, class and gender

  on the future vision of Pakistan. If only, Pakistan’s intelligentsia, civil society

  representatives and elites would listen to their people. Of course, the growth

  of a new political force in Pakistan, in the form of Imran Khan’s Pakistan

  Tehreek Insaf (PTI) has also fundamentally altered the political playing field.

  From championing the cause of transparency, fair elections and judicial

  independence, Imran Khan’s political tsunami has been, irrespective of set-

  backs, just that. Most prominently, by assisting the lawyers’ movement, it was

  instrumental in the reinstatement of the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of

  Pakistan. This represents a monumental moment in Pakistan’s history. Here,

  clearly, the judiciary secured its independence from both civil and military

  hegemonic forces attempting to manipulate it. In that regard, it was noted in

  this study that judicial independence is a cornerstone of the ‘foundational’

  values. Muslim polities, then, should seek its empowerment and reform in order

  to begin to nurture stable political systems. Nonetheless, even with the restoration Downloaded by [University of Connecticut] at 18:26 09 January 2017

  of an independent judiciary, challenges persist. Attempts to reform the Election

  Commission of Pakistan, to ensure fair elections, were extremely difficult and

  only after numerous appeals was it revealed that 37.2 million bogus voters

  were registered in 2007.32 Confronting such a massive and deeply entrenched level of corruption will, obviously, produce serious reactions by those who

  wish to maintain the status quo. Still, change came and that hurdle was

  overcome, with a thorough cleansing of the nearly 83 million eligible voters.

  But this was only a small step to ensure enfranchisement of the people and

  many serious challenges remain. This is where the revivalist forces need to be

  strategic and long-term thinkers, by securing the sympathy of the masses, and

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  Islam and Pakistan’s Political Culture

  slowly, steadily confronting traditionalist or secularist extremists who will not

  give up power quietly. Ultimately, people need to be convinced that too,

  without coercion, and when and if that occurs, they will provide all the

  legitimacy that the revivalist forces require.

  The recent elections in Pakistan, in May 2013, brought Prime Minister

  Nawaz Sharif his third term in office, although they did not fulfil people’s high

  expectations of transformation. Then again, real and lasting change is almost

  always a painfully slow process. Against popular opinion, Imran Khan’s party

  lost, yet irrefutable evidence proves that rigging took place and had, at times,

  institutional support.33 Pitiable supervision by the Election Commission of Pakistan, which spent more time in self-flattery than in providing competent

  observation, allowed several instances of wrongdoings. It is incumbent upon

  the ECP to investigate these irregularities and respond to evidence-based

  complaints. Granted, this may not have affected the overall outcome, but

  readily responding to accusations of impropriety gives more legitimacy to the

  process. Still, notwithstanding that, cheating did not prevent Pakistan Tehrik

  Insaf (PTI) from becoming the country’s second most important political

  party, with 35 MNAs. The eminent Dr Maleeha Lodhi, while commenting on

  the election, persuasively writes that ‘it has been read as the triumph of old

  politics, as reassertion of tradition rather than a break from the past, and as the

  ascendancy of deep-seated electoral allegiances over new political alignments.

  In fact, the election was a vote for experience as well as for change’.34 What that meant was that people voted for two-time former Prime Minister Nawaz

  Sharif due to his experience and Imran Khan’s PTI party on its promise of

  change. Actually, The PTI beat the PPP – a 45-year-old party – into second

  place at the national level by getting more votes (but fewer seats) and emerged

  as the winning party in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. 35 In other words, the real success story belonged to Imran Khan’s PTI.

  By motivating young voters, as well as the educated middle class and women,

  to get out of their drawing rooms, Imran Khan encouraged a significant section

  of urban Pakistanis to get involved in election politics. That extraordinary

  politicization, of a hitherto uninterested segment of voters, is important to

  acknowledge and accommodate. It would bode well for the country for Prime

  Minister Nawaz Sharif to reach out to them. Of course, he does not need

  anyone’s support following his remarkable election triumph. However, as Lodhi

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  points out, ‘parliamentary numbers alone do not make a strong government. It

  is leadership, vision and political will – traits absent in his predecessor – that

  will empower Sharif to navigate the complex array of internal and external

  challenges to chart a decisive way forward’. 36 Arduous, but essential, decisions are needed to reverse the downward economic trend in order to lift up

  the country. To do so requires Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif to build a national

  consensus on the policy direction he will want the country to take, especially

  concerning security challenges. Admittedly, he has got off to a welcome start

  by his conciliatory gestures in visiting Imran Khan in hospital and declaring

  his support for PTI’s right to form a government in Peshawar.

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  For the ‘secularist’ Pakistan People’s Party, the election was a disaster. ‘A once

  mighty political force saw its position crumble as the electorate punished

  party leaders for their disastrous and scandal-plagued record in office. The

  PPP lost two thirds of the National Assembly seats it won in 2008. The party was

  all but wiped out from Punjab, where it secured only two seats but none from its

  traditional stronghold of southern Punjab’. 37 As for the PTI, its leaders had raised exceedingly high expectations, especially among its supporters, about the
ir

  party’s first electoral test. The results did not live up to these expectations. But the party emerged as a significant national force. It polled more votes than

  the PPP and swept Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, where it has formed its first

  government. This, Lodhi adds, ‘represents the party’s coming of political age.

  But it is how effectively and responsibly Khan plays his opposition role in

  parliament that will determine his political future’.38

  Furthermore, there were three other major lessons learned from this election,

  which are the high voter turnout, rejection of dynastic politics and rejection of

  secular or traditionalist politics. First, widely commented upon, was the high

  voter turnout – around ‘60 per cent according to the ECP, which is 16 per cent

  higher than in the last election. This matched the turnout of the historic 1970

  election, a level never witnessed in any election during the 1990s or in 2008, when

  turnout was a modest 44 per cent’.39 Second, voters scorned numerous influential political families at the ballot box, including that of former Prime Minister Yousaf Raza Gilani. Of course, this in no means implies the end of dynastic politics, but it underscores the fact that a feudal surname is not enough to provide surety for

  electoral triumph. Third, and most importantly, was the popular rejection of

  extremists, be they secular or traditionalist. Millions of voters defied threats from militants and turned up at polling stations, braving and casting aside the environment of fear generated by the pre-election violence. In addition, the defeat of many secular politicians, in presumably safe constituencies, such as Asfandyar Wali,

  Manzoor Wattoo and former Prime Minister Raja Pervaiz Ashraf, is striking.

  Admittedly, the public generally shares a clearer view than many of their leaders

  about the policies that could ultimately move their country towards a ‘revivalist’

  vision. Evidently, with the rejection of extremists of all hues, ordinary Pakistanis see a future in democratisation and privileging of the social sector over competing ideological agendas – and remain a largely tolerant society supportive

  of equal rights for women and minorities. With those closing thoughts, this study

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  presented the requisites necessary for Pakistan to nurture a political system

 

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