Pius was in a situation whereby he must make his position clear. Failure to declare the Holy sanctity of the war would seriously threaten his control of his secular realm, which would be seen as defying him. Equally, to support it ran the risk of creating a schism in the Church. At a Consistory (a meeting held by the Pope with the Cardinals to discuss important religious or temporal affairs) held on the 29th, no one knew what to expect from him. The Pontiff’s Ministers, like the public, had to await a decision. Beset by uncertainty, Pius dropped a bombshell. He delivered an Allocution in which he sat on the fence. Spoken in the Pontifical third person, the key passages stated:
And, Oh! Would that it had been the pleasure of God that the desired success should have answered to our fatherly words and exhortations! But every one is well aware of those public commotions in the Italian States, to which We have already referred; as well as of the other events which, out of Italy or within it, had, or have since, happened. If, then, any one will pretend, that what We did in good will and kindness at the commencement of our reign has at all opened the way for thse events, he can in no way ascribe this to our doing, since our acts have been none other than such as, not. We alone, but likewise the Sovereigns before-mentioned, had judged to be seasonable for the well-being of our temporal dominions. Next, in respect to those who in these our territories have misused our very boons, We, following the example of the Divine Prince of Shepherds, pardon them from the heart, and most affectionately recall them to sounder counsels: and We humbly supplicate of God, the Father of mercies, that in His mercy He will avert from their heads the scourges which hang over the ungrateful.
Besides which, the above-mentioned people of Germany could not be incensed with Us, if it has been absolutely impossible for Us to restrain the ardour of those persons, within our temporal sway, who have thought fit to applaud the acts against them in Upper Italy, and who, caught by the same ardour for the cause of their own Nation, have, together with the subjects of other Italian States, exerted themselves on behalf of that cause.
For several other European Potentates, greatly excelling Us in the number of their troops, have been unable at this particular epoch to resist the impetus of their people.
Moreover, in this condition of affairs, We have declined to allow the imposition of any other obligation on our soldiers, dispatched to the confines of the Pontifical State, except that of maintaining its integrity and security.
But, seeing that some at present desire that We too, along with the other Princes of Italy and their subjects, should engage in war against the Austrians, We have thought it convenient to proclaim clearly and openly, in this our solemn Assembly, that such a measure is altogether alien from our counsels, inasmuch as We, albeit unworthy, are upon earth the vice-regent of Him that is the Author of Peace and the Lover of Charity, and, conformably to the function of our supreme Apostolate; We reach to and embrace all kindreds, peoples, and nations, with equal solicitude of paternal affection. But, if notwithstanding, there are not wanting among our subjects those to allow themselves to be carried away by the example of the rest of the Italians, in what manner could We possibly curb their ardour?3
At a stroke, the Pope had declared that the war was not a religious undertaking, and, after the fact, that the Papal troops had been sent only to defend the territorial integrity of the Papal States. The latter point was clear nonsense. There would be no Holy War, although it was acceptable for those who wished, to volunteer to fight the Imperial forces. Pius had, once again, fudged, though he had dealt the nationalists on all sides a heavy blow.
This confusing message was rapidly disseminated throughout the Peninsula. The government in Rome fell within days. Civil disorder there, already commonplace, became endemic, as the Pope’s secular authority within his own territories further declined. Significantly, his once avid supporter, the rabble-rouser Ciceruacchio, now also turned against him, and the Civic Guard became mutinous. Even as his troops fought on in the north, the religious justification for the conflict had vanished. Though of great religious and political significance elsewhere, the Allocution’s only major military effect would prove to be in the south, and even there, indirectly. Of course, it is quite possible that the Allocution caused many more men to join volunteer units than may have otherwise been the case, but this was, if so, of minor importance.
To safeguard the status of the Papal forces actually fighting, Pius despatched one of his former ministers, Luigi Carlo Farini, to Carlo Alberto’s headquarters, requesting that the troops be taken directly under his command. On May 13th, Carlo Alberto accepted this arrangement for all Papal troops under arms north of the Po, both regular and volunteer, on condition that they remained under their own flag, and were paid by Rome. 4
The 15th of May in Naples
In Naples, King Ferdinando’s wisdom in retaining his most reliable troops at home was not long in being vindicated. There had always been opposition to the existence of a two chamber Legislature. Despite the King’s insistence upon there being both an Upper and a Lower Chamber in the Parliament, this opposition quickly grew in intensity. In early April, Ferdinando agreed to reduce the size of the Upper Chamber. An election took place on April 13th, in which the Lower Chamber was filled primarily by moderates, but very few votes at all were cast for the Upper Chamber. It was presumed by all that the matter would be quietly dropped, but Ferdinando had other ideas, and on May 13th, he submitted a list of 50 men, all of whom had been voted for in the election. With the Parliament due to open on May 15th, a group of radical members agreed that they would refuse to swear allegiance to the Constitution. Interminable wrangling went on over this issue, which made little progress. An eventual temporary compromise was found, but by then the situation had changed.
Outside the salons and meeting rooms, other, hotter heads prevailed. On the 14th, false rumours spread through Naples that troops were about to attack the citizenry. Radical, excitable, and criminal elements began to build barricades in the streets. By the next morning, perhaps a thousand young men, many of them National Guards, were manning these barricades, deaf to any and all calls to dismantle them. Present in the city that day were 17 battalions of the King’s army, six of them Guards, and nine others Swiss, as well as eight squadrons, and 22 pieces of artillery. The total force numbered about 12,000. For some time there was a stand off in front of the Royal Palace. Near lunch time, however, a shot was fired, quickly followed by others, wounding an officer and a soldier. This incident rapidly accelerated into a full-scale battle.
The fighting lasted six hours, with the Guards and Swiss taking barricade after barricade, storming each after a short preliminary artillery bombardment. The fighting was fierce, and, of course, many ordinary people were caught up in it. By the early evening, all resistance to the troops had ceased. The number of casualties is most uncertain. The Swiss troops suffered between 200 and 250, one source stating one major, six other officers and 21 men killed, and two colonels and 186 men wounded. Neapolitan units had six killed, with 20 more wounded. The insurgent loss is impossible to state, but may have been some 500 in total.
Ferdinando was now firmly in the saddle, but he undertook no great over-reaction, and the process of convening a Parliament went on. One of his first acts was to require the withdrawal of the Royal troops from involvement in the conflict in the north of the Peninsula, an involvement which he had never desired, and one which could be partly justified by the recent Papal Allocution. He was utterly vilified throughout the rest of Italy as a result of May 15th, and this feeling did not abate in later years. Ironically, this reaction was far from universal in his own realm, where many felt that the conflict had no relevance to themselves, and gave a marked example of a different point of view between north and south.
King Ferdinando recalls the Expeditionary Force
The King, never interested in a war against the Habsburgs, seized his chance to wash his hands of it. As a direct result of the fighting, Pepe’s force was to be recalled to the King
dom. The War Minister wrote to General Pepe on May 18th, ordering a return of the Expeditionary Force to Naples, to be effected immediately. Prince Ischitella’s directive also applied, of course, to the 10th Line Infantry Regiment, which had been sent independently to Tuscany, and was embedded in the Tuscan Division, deployed west of Mantua. This regiment, though, declined to obey, and remained with the Tuscans. The only troops excepted were the Neapolitan Volunteers, who were given permission to continue north, and join the Papal forces. This was hardly a concession, however, since these men were unlikely to obey in any case.
On the morning of the 22nd, Pepe was awoken by Generals Statella and Scala, who handed him the War Minister’s despatch. Upon receipt of the order, he was appalled by the clear approval of its contents by the two men present, and dismissed them, with instructions to return later. After speaking to a confidant, Count Carlo Peponi, behaving more like a jilted lover than a commanding general, Pepe then resigned his command to Statella, and proposed to offer himself to Carlo Alberto as a simple volunteer on his staff. Subsequently, groups of the Bologna National Guard and his own officers implored him to reconsider. He then wrote to Statella, withdrawing his resignation, to which Statella agreed, but then, understandably, insisted upon leaving the army himself, in obedience to the King’s orders. He did so despite the great danger which he had placed himself in from the Bolognese as a result of the crisis.
Pepe now issued fresh orders to the Neapolitan troops, countermanding the instructions already issued by Statella for a withdrawal. He also wrote despatches to Ferdinando and Prince Ischitella, informing them that he had no intention of obeying the order to return to Naples. This, the King and the war Minister countered by encouraging the soldiers and officers’ families to write to them urging them to obey.
At the same time, Pepe was receiving communications from General Franzini, the Piedmontese War Minister, with instructions from Carlo Alberto to coordinate his operations with those of the Papal forces. Similar entreaties came from President Manin. However, the 1st Division, Statella’s former command, refused to obey Pepe’s orders, and almost the whole of it fell back towards Ravenna on May 28th. One artillery officer, Colonel La Halle, was so shamed by this that he shot himself.
The 2nd Division and the Cavalry Brigade had thus far refrained from any action, though many officers warned Pepe that should he order an advance across the River Po, the troops would not obey it. Having transferred his headquarters to Ferrara, Pepe nevertheless issued detailed orders to his remaining forces for an advance across the Po, to take place, timetabled between the 10th and the 13th of June. In the event, the only regular battalion to obey was the 2nd Cacciatori, Major Ritucci, along with a battery, an engineer company, and a few cavalrymen. With the accompanying volunteers, the total was a little under 2,000 men. The bulk of 2nd Division and the Cavalry Brigade now marched south, in accordance with the King’s orders. The Kingdom of the Two Sicilies was no longer a part of the northern war, although the completely separate revolt in Sicily continued.5 Ferdinando had clearly declared that he had no quarrel with Austria, and many of his subjects, both in and out of uniform, had agreed. That he was able to invoke the pronouncement of Pius to his advantage is clear. However, his crushing of a possible rebellion happened quite separately, and it is quite possible that his subsequent actions would have been undertaken in any case.
The withdrawal of both King Ferdinando and the Pope from the war had considerable consequences. Pius’ change of mind had little immediate military effect, since those of his troops still in uniform, remained in the field, effectively seconded to Carlo Alberto’s army. The moral effect across the board, of course, especially in the undecided, was immense. The needs of the Sardinian King were rather more immediate.
A Lombard Army is formed
Though it would not compensate for the loss of Papal and Neapolitan support, efforts to create a disciplined regular Lombard military force were bearing some fruit. From the first days on the revolution, when 70 year old Count Teodoro Lechi had been appointed General-in Chief of Lombard forces, many volunteers from Lombardy came forward to serve against the Austrians. Inevitably, large numbers of untrained and inexperienced men did not initially always perform well. From late April, most of the remaining men were drafted into the better units, and these largely incorporated into the Piedmontese Army.
Under strong pressure from the Piedmontese, it was subsequently decided to raise a Lombard Division to operate with Carlo Alberto’s Army. A decree by the Provisional Government to this effect was promulgated on June 12th, and General Ettore Perrone was appointed its commander. Recruits were primarily volunteers, aged between 25 and 30. The division was formed of four regiments, each regiment comprising three battalions. The regiments numbered 1,500 men apiece. Recruitment and basic training were quickly undertaken, and by July 13th, the division was already at the front. The question of officers for this force was problematic. Inevitably, many were appointed by the Provisional Government for political reasons. In addition, a large number of adventurers, some simply self-proclaimed, were accepted wthout any confirmation as to their previous experience.6
The Kingdom of Upper Italy
Since the beginning of the war, the majority of Provisional Government in Milan had been in favour of a political union with Piedmont. This was naturally opposed by the Republicans. The latter, however, were themselves split. Giuseppe Mazzini, the inveterate firebrand and radical Republican, who had been in exile in Britain, arrived in Milan in early April, and began to lobby for an Italian Republic, whilst maintaining the fiction that such proposals should be left until the conclusion of the war. The other, more moderate republican faction, headed by Cattaneo, was in favour of a league of Italian states, oddly reinventing Pope Pius’ earlier proposals. They distrusted Carlo Alberto’s motives in the war, believing that the King’s objectives were purely dynastic.
Matters came to a head in Milan when the mostly moderate Provisional Government announced that a referendum would be held as to whether Lombardy should fuse with the Kingdom immediately, or at later date. This blatantly loaded question was to be mandated on May 29th. In fact, precedents had already been set. Several of the Venetian cities, fearful of a re-conquest by the Imperial Army, and still suspicious of the intentions of Venice, had likewise requested Piedmontese protection. Even that strongly republican city itself had agreed to test the will of the voters.
On polling day in Milan, despite a protest demonstration, voting went ahead. The results were announced on June 9th. Of the 561,683 votes cast, 561,002 were for immediate fusion. As related, similar votes in Modena, Piacenza, and Parma swiftly followed suit. In Venice, the Assembly finally voted on the issue on July 4th. The vote was 127 to six, in favour of Fusion. Politically, at least, a state was appearing to meld. In the meanwhile, the war, which alone could decide the issue, continued.
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1
Farini, Vol. II, p. 55.
2
Ibid, p.100.
3
Farini, Vol. II, pp. 109-110.
4
Farini, Vol II, p. 160.
5
Pepe, Vol. I, pp. 167-220, Pieri, 454-456.
6
Mariani, pp. 223-225, and Lorenzini, pp. 63-64, 85.
9
Peschiera,
March–May 1848
The Investment of Peschiera
The north-west point of the Quadrilateral, and the smallest of its fortresses, the stronghold of Peschiera is sited on an island, at the point where Lake Garda empties into the Mincio River, which then flows south towards Mantua. The old Venetian fortifications had been enlarged during the Napoleonic period, climbing the two river banks, which divided the front of the defence. The west bank was guarded by an advanced work called Fort Salvi, which consisted of 2 lunettes, joined by a ditch. On the-east bank of the river lay the work known as the ‘Mandella’, between the fortress and the road to Verona. This outwork was composed of tw
o bastions, fronted by a lunette between them. The moat around the main fortress was between 2 and 2.6 metres deep.
On March 19th, 1848, the garrison comprised only two companies of IR Erzherzog Sigismund, 17 men (on light duties) of the Garrison Artillery, and 24 men of the 2nd Artillery Regiment. The Fortress Commander was FML Josef, Baron von Rath, a grizzled 78 year old Napoleonic veteran. Initially, there was little that Rath knew of the events taking place elsewhere in Lombardy, and in any case not much that he could do, other than take elementary precautions.
A patrol of Gendarmerie, sent out on the 25th, returned to the fortress to report that various communes and towns of the locality were all flying flags displaying the red cross of the House of Savoy. With commendable foresight, Rath immediately had the majority of the powder in the magazine near Castelnuovo, between Peschiera and Verona, brought into Peschiera, and work started on improving the two outworks of Fort Salvi and the Mandella.
The following day, an oberlieutenant and 150 men of a jäger battalion, who had been at Castelnuovo, appeared at the fortress gates, as did a troop of Windischgrätz Chevauxlegers, commanded by Rittmeister Count Waldburg-Zeil, and then the 3rd division of the Brooder Grenz Regiment as well. The latter formation had been ordered to Peschiera from Verona. Over the next few days, various detachments of troops entered the place, including I/Szluiner Grenz Regiment, indicative of the confused state of both the Army, and the country at large. Some of these units had orders, some not. Rath had simply to wait for his own instructions.
Radetzky's Marches Page 18