Complete Works of Samuel Johnson

by Samuel Johnson

  A practice, my lords, has prevailed of late, which cannot but be allowed pernicious to the publick, and derogatory from the honour of this assembly; a practice of retaining in our address the words of the speech, and of following it servilely from period to period, as if it were expected that we should always adopt the sentiments of the court; as if we were not summoned to advise, but to approve, and approve without examination.

  By such addresses, my lords, all inquiries may be easily precluded; for the minister by whom the speech is compiled, may easily introduce the most criminal transactions in such a manner, as that they may obtain the approbation of this house; which he may plead afterwards at our bar, when he shall be called before it, and either involve us in the disgrace of inconsistency, and expose us to general contempt, or be acquitted by our former suffrages, which it would be reproachful to retract, and yet criminal to confirm.

  It is not necessary, my lords, on this occasion to observe, what all parties have long since acknowledged, when it did not promote their interest to deny it, that every speech from the throne is to be considered as the work of the minister, because it is generally written by him; or if composed by the king himself, must be drawn up in pursuance of the information and counsel of the ministry, to whom it is, therefore, ultimately to be referred, and may consequently be examined without any failure of respect to the person of the prince.

  This ought, however, to be observed, my lords, that it may appear more plainly how certainly this practice may be imputed to the artifices of ministers, since it does not promote the honour of the prince, and manifestly obstructs the interest of the people; since it is a practice irrational in itself, because it is inconsistent with the great purpose of this assembly, and can, therefore, serve no other purpose than that of procuring indemnity to the ministers, by placing them out of the reach of future animadversion.

  Let not, my lords, the uninterrupted continuance of this practice for some reigns be pleaded in its defence; for nothing is more worthy of the dignity of this house, than to prevent the multiplication of dangerous precedents. That a custom manifestly injurious to the publick has continued long, is the strongest reason for breaking it, because it acquires every year new authority and greater veneration: if when a nation is alarmed and distracted, a custom of twenty years is not to be infringed, it may in twenty years more be so firmly established, that many may think it necessary to be supported, even when those calamities are incontestably felt, which, perhaps, now are only feared.

  I shall, therefore, my lords, propose, that of the address moved for, all be left out but the first paragraph; it will then be more consistent with the honour of your lordships, with our regard for the people, and with our duty to the crown, and hope no lord will refuse his concurrence.

  Lord HARDWICKE rose next, and spoke to the following effect: — My lords, upon an attentive consideration of the address now proposed, I am not able to discover any objections which can justly hinder the unanimous concurrence of this assembly, since there is not any proposition contained in it either dangerous or uncertain.

  The noble lords who have opposed this motion with the most ardent vehemence, are very far from denying what is asserted in it; they readily grant that designs are concerted by many formidable powers against the house of Austria, and that the consequences of the ruin of that family must extend to the utmost parts of Europe, and endanger the liberties of Britain itself; that the power of France will then be without a rival, and that she may afterwards gratify her ambition without fear and without danger.

  Nor is it, my lords, less obvious in itself, or less generally allowed, that this is a time which demands the most active vigour, the most invariable unanimity, and the most diligent despatch; that nothing can interrupt the course of our common enemies but the wisest counsels, and the most resolute opposition; and that upon our conduct at this great conjuncture may probably depend the happiness and liberty of ourselves, our allies, and our posterity.

  All this, my lords, is allowed to be apparently and indisputably true; I am, therefore, at a loss to conceive what can be the occasion of the debate in which some of your lordships have engaged. As the causes of the calamities which are said to threaten us are not assigned in the address, we shall leave ourselves at full liberty to charge them upon those who shall appear from future inquiries to deserve so heavy an accusation.

  If the ministers of the court have, by any inconstancy in their measures, or folly in their negotiations, given an opportunity to the enemies of Europe to extend their influence, or endangered either our own interest, or that of our allies; if they have by oppression or negligence alienated from his majesty the affections of his people, or the confidence of his confederates, nothing that is contained in the address now before us can be produced by them in justification of their conduct, or secure them from accusation, censure, and punishment.

  If the war, my lords, has been hitherto carried on with clandestine stipulations, or treacherous compacts; if our admirals have received orders to retire from the coast of Spain, only to give our enemies an opportunity of invading the dominions of the queen of Hungary, or have, without directions, deserted their stations, and abandoned the protection of our commerce and our colonies; we shall, notwithstanding this address, retain in our hands the privilege of inquiring into their conduct, and the power, if it be found criminal, of inflicting such penalties as justice shall require.

  I know not, therefore, my lords, upon what motives the debate is continued, nor what objections they are which hinder our unanimity, at a time when all petty controversies ought to be forgot, and all nominal distinctions laid aside; at a time when general danger may justly claim general attention, and we ought to suspend the assertion of our particular opinions, and the prosecution of our separate interests, and regard only the opposition of France, the support of our allies, and the preservation of our country.

  The noble lords who have offered their sentiments on this occasion, have very diffusely expatiated on the miseries that impend over us, and have shown uncommon dexterity and acuteness in tracing them all to one source, the weakness or dishonesty of the British ministry.

  For my part, my lords, though, perhaps, I believe that many circumstances of the present distress are to be imputed to accidents which could not be foreseen, and that the conduct of the ministry, however sometimes disappointed of the effects intended by it, was yet prudent and sincere, I shall at present forbear to engage in their defence, because the discussion of a question so complicated must necessarily require much time, and because I think it not so useful to inquire how we were involved in our present difficulties, as by what means we may be extricated from them.

  The method by which weak states are made strong, and by which those that are already powerful, are enabled to exert their strength with efficacy, is the promotion of union, and the abolition of all suspicions by which the people may be incited to a distrust of their sovereign, or the sovereign provoked to a disregard of his people. With this view, my lords, all addresses ought to be drawn up, and this consideration will be sufficient to restrain us from any innovations at a time like this.

  If it should be granted, my lords, that the ancient method were better adapted to the general intention of addresses, more correspondent to the dignity of this house, and liable to fewer inconveniencies than that which later times have introduced, yet it will not follow that we can now safely change it.

  Nothing in the whole doctrine of politicks is better known, than that there are times when the redress of grievances, inveterate and customary, is not to be attempted; times when the utmost care is barely sufficient to avert extreme calamities, and prevent a total dissolution; and in which the consideration of lighter evils must not be suffered to interrupt more important counsels, or divert that attention which the preservation of the state necessarily demands.

  Such, my lords, is the present time, even by the confession of those who have opposed the motion, and of whom, therefore, it may be reasonably deman
ded, why they waste these important hours in debates upon forms and words?

  For that only forms and words have produced the debate, must be apparent, even to themselves, when the fervour of controversy shall have slackened; when that vehemence, with which the most moderate are sometimes transported, and that acrimony, which candour itself cannot always forbear, shall give way to reflection and to reason. That the danger is pressing, and that pressing dangers require expedition and unanimity, they willingly grant; and what more is asserted in the address?

  That any lord should be unwilling to concur in the customary expressions of thankfulness and duty to his majesty, or in acknowledgments of that regard for this assembly with which he asks our assistance and advice, I am unwilling to suspect; nor can I imagine that any part of the opposition to this proposal can be produced by unwillingness to comply with his majesty’s demands, and to promise that advice and assistance, which it is our duty, both to our sovereign, our country, and ourselves, to offer.

  That those, my lords, who have expressed in terms so full of indignation their resentment of the imaginary neglect of the queen of Hungary’s interest, have declared the house of Austria the only bulwark of Europe, and expressed their dread of the encroachments of France with emotions which nothing but real passion can produce, should be unwilling to assert their resolution of adhering to the Pragmatick sanction, and of defending the liberties of the empire, cannot be supposed.

  And yet, my lords, what other reasons of their conduct can be assigned either by the emperour, or the people, or the allies of Britain; those allies whose claim they so warmly assert, and whose merits they so loudly extol? Will it not be imagined in foreign courts, that the measures now recommended by the emperour, are thought not consistent with the interest of the nation? Will it not be readily believed, that we propose to abandon those designs of which we cannot be persuaded to declare our approbation?

  What will be the consequence of such an opinion artfully propagated by France, and confirmed by appearances so likely to deceive, may easily be foreseen, and safely predicted. The French will prosecute their schemes with fresh ardour, when they dread no longer any interruption from the only nation able to resist them; and it is well known, my lords, how often confidence, by exciting courage, produces success.

  Nor, indeed, can the success of their endeavours, thus animated and quickened, be easily doubted, since the same appearances that encourage them will intimidate their enemies. Our allies will then think no longer of union against the general enemy; they must imagine their united force insufficient, and the only emulation amongst them will quickly be, which shall first offer his liberty to sale, who shall first pay his court to the masters of the world, and merit mercy by a speedy submission.

  Thus, my lords, will the house of Austria, that house so faithful to Britain, and so steady in its opposition to the designs of the French ambition, be finally sunk in irrecoverable ruin, by those who appear to please themselves with declamations in its praise, and resolutions for its defence; and who never speak of the French without rage and detestation.

  If on this occasion, my lords, we should give any suspicion of unusual discontent, what could be concluded but that we are unwilling any longer to embarrass ourselves with remote considerations, to load this nation with taxes for the preservation of the rights of other sovereigns, and to hazard armies in the defence of the continent? What can our allies think, but that we are at present weary of the burdensome and expensive honour of holding the balance of power in our hands, are content to resign the unquiet province of the arbiters of Europe, and propose to confine our care henceforward to our immediate interest, and shut up ourselves in our own island?

  That this is the real design of any of those noble lords who have opposed the motion, I do not intend to insinuate; for I doubt not but they believe the general interest both of this nation and its allies, most likely to be promoted by the method of address which they recommend, since they declare that they do not think our state desperate, and confess the importance of the affairs on which we are required by his majesty to deliberate, to be such, that nothing ought to repress our endeavours but impossibility of success.

  Such is the knowledge and experience of those noble lords, that the hopes which I had formed of seeing the destructive attempts of the French once more defeated, and power restored again to that equipoise which is necessary to the continuance of tranquillity and happiness, have received new strength from their concurrence, and I shall now hear with less solicitude the threats of France.

  That the French, my lords, are not invincible, the noble duke who spoke last has often experienced; nor is there any reason for imagining that they are now more formidable than when we encountered them in the fields of Blenheim and Ramillies. Nothing is requisite but a firm union among those princes who are immediately in danger from their encroachments, to reduce them to withdraw their forces from the countries of their neighbours, and quit, for the defence of their own territories, their schemes of bestowing empires, and dividing dominions.

  That such an union is now cultivated, we have been informed by his majesty, whose endeavours will probably be successful, however they may at first be thwarted and obstructed; because the near approach of danger will rouse those whom avarice has stupified, or negligence intoxicated; thus truth and reason will become every day more powerful, and sophistry and artifice be in time certainly detected.

  When, therefore, my lords, we are engaged in consultations which may affect the liberties of a great part of mankind, and by which our posterity to many ages may be made happy or miserable; when the daily progress of the enemies of justice and of freedom ought to awaken us to vigilance and expedition, and there are yet just hopes that diligence and firmness may preserve us from ruin, let us not waste our time in unnecessary debates, and keep the nations of Europe in suspense by the discussion of a question, the decision of which may be delayed for years, without any manifest inconvenience. Let us not embarrass his majesty by an unusual form of address, at a time when he his negotiating alliances, and forming plans for the rescue of the empire.

  Nothing, my lords, is more remote from the real end of addresses, than a representation of them as made only to the minister; for if there be any commerce between a prince and his subjects, in which he is the immediate agent, if his personal dignity be interested in any act of government, I think it is not to be denied, that in receiving the addresses of the two houses, he assumes a peculiar and distinct character, which cannot be confounded with his council or ministry.

  The duke of ARGYLE rose again, and spoke to this effect: — My lords, if there was now any contest amongst us for superiority of regard to his majesty, of zeal for his honour, or reverence of his person, I should not doubt of proving that no lord in this house can boast of more ardour, fidelity, or respect than myself; and if the chief question now amongst us related to the terms in which he deserves to be addressed by us, I should be unwilling that any man should propose language more submissive and reverend, or more forcible and comprehensive than myself.

  But addresses, however they may for present purposes be represented as regarding the personal character of the king, are in reality nothing more than replies to a speech composed by the minister, whose measures, if we should appear to commend, our panegyrick may, in some future proceeding, be cited against us. Every address, therefore, ought to be considered as a publick record, and to be drawn up, to inform the nation, not to mislead our sovereign.

  The address now proposed, is, indeed, equally indefensible to whomsoever it may be supposed to relate. If it respects the people, it can only drive them to despair; if it be confined to the sovereign, our advice, not our panegyrick, is now required, and Europe is to be preserved from ruin, not by our eloquence, but our sincerity. Respect to his majesty, my lords, will be best shown by preserving his influence in other nations, and his authority in his own empire. This can only be done by showing him how the one has been impaired, and how the other may be in t
ime endangered.

  By addresses like this which is now proposed, my lords, has his majesty been betrayed into an inadvertent appro bation of measures pernicious to the nation, and dishonourable to himself, and will now be kept ignorant of the despicable conduct of the war, the treacherous connivance at the descent of the Spaniards upon the dominions of the queen of Hungary, and the contempt with which every nation of the continent has heard of the neutrality lately concluded. By addresses like this, my lords, have the rights of the nation been silently given up, and the invaders of liberty, and violators of our laws, preserved from prosecution; by such addresses have our monarchs been ruined at one time, and our country enslaved at another.

  Lord HARRINGTON spoke next, in the following manner: — My lords, it is necessary to explain that treaty of neutrality which has been mentioned by some lords as an act to the last degree shameful, an act by which the nation has been dishonoured, and the general liberties of Europe have been betrayed; a representation so distant from the truth, that it can only be imputed to want of information.

  This treaty of neutrality, my lords, is so far from being reproachful to this nation, that it has no relation to it, being made by his majesty not in the character of emperour of Britain, but elector of Hanover, nor is any thing stipulated by it but security of the dominions of Hanover, from the invasion of the French for a single year.

  What part of this transaction, my lords, can be supposed to fall under the cognizance of this assembly? Or with what propriety can it be mentioned in our debates, or produce an argument on either side? That the dominions of Britain and Hanover are distinct, and independent on each other, has often been asserted, and asserted with truth; and I hope those who so studiously separate their interest on all other occasions, will not now unite them only to reflect maliciously on the conduct of his majesty.