Complete Works of Samuel Johnson

by Samuel Johnson

  I do not, indeed, charge any lord with a design so malignant and unjust; having already asserted it as my opinion, that these reproaches were produced only by ignorance of the true state of the affair, but cannot with equal readiness allow that ignorance to be wholly blameless.

  It is necessary, my lords, in common life, to every man who would avoid contempt and ridicule, to refrain from speaking, at least from speaking with confidence, on subjects with which he has not made himself sufficiently acquainted. This caution, my lords, is more necessary when his discourse tends to the accusation or reproach of another, because he can then only escape contempt himself by bringing it, perhaps unjustly, on him whom he condemns. It is more necessary still, to him who speaks in the publick council of the nation, and who may, by false reflections, injure the publick interest; and is yet more indispensably required in him who assumes the province of examining the conduct of his sovereign.

  Lord ISLAY spoke in substance as follows:— ‘My lords, it appears that all those who have spoke on either side of the present question, however they may generally differ in their opinions, agree at least in one assertion, that the time which is spent in this debate might be far more usefully employed, and that we, in some degree, desert the great cause of liberty, by giving way to trifling altercations. This, indeed, is an argument of equal force for a concession on either side; but, as in affairs of such importance, no man ought to act in a manner contrary to the convictions of his own reason, it cannot be expected that we should be unanimous in our opinions, or that the dispute should be determined otherwise than by the vote.

  I have, indeed, heard no arguments against the motion, which require long consideration; for little of what has been urged, has, in my opinion, been very nearly connected with the question before us, which is not whether the ministers have pursued or neglected the interest of the nation, whether the laws have been violated or observed, the war timorously or magnanimously conducted, or our negotiations managed with dexterity or weakness, but whether we shall offer to his majesty the address proposed.

  In this address, my lords, it has never yet been proved that any assertions are contained either false or uncertain in themselves, or contrary to the dignity of this assembly; that any act of cowardice or treachery, any crime, or any errour, will be secured by it from detection and from punishment.

  That this, my lords, may appear more plainly, I move that the motion may be read; nor do I doubt but that the question will, by a closer examination, be speedily decided.

  [The motion being again read, in order to put the question.]

  Lord BATHURST spoke to the effect following: — My lords, I know not why the noble lord should expect, that by reading the motion, a more speedy determination of the question would be produced; for if the repeated consideration of it operates upon the minds of the lords that have opposed it, in the same manner as upon mine, it will only confirm their opinion, and strengthen their resolution.

  We are required, my lords, to join in an address of thanks to his majesty for his endeavours to maintain the balance of power; in an address, that implies a falsehood open and indisputable, and which will, therefore, only make us contemptible to our fellow-subjects, our allies, and our enemies.

  What is meant, my lords, by the balance of power, but such a distribution of dominion, as may keep the sovereign powers in mutual dread of each other, and, by consequence, preserve peace; such an equality of strength between one prince, or one confederacy and another, that the hazard of war shall be nearly equal on each side? But which of your lordships will affirm, that this is now the state of Europe?

  It is evident, my lords, that the French are far from imagining that there is now any power which can be put in the balance against their own, and therefore distribute kingdoms by caprice, and exalt emperours upon their own terms.

  It is evident, that the continuance of the balance of power is not now to be perceived by its natural consequences, tranquillity and liberty; the whole continent is now in confusion, laid waste by the ravages of armies, subject to one sovereign to-day, and to-morrow to another: there is scarcely any place where the calamities of war are not felt or expected, and where property, by consequence, is not uncertain, and life itself in continual danger.

  One happy corner of the world, indeed, is to be found, my lords, secured from rapine and massacre, for one year at least, by a well-timed neutrality, of which, on what terms it was obtained, I would gladly hear, and whether it was purchased at the expense of the honour of Britain, though the advantages of it are confined to Hanover.

  But as I am not of opinion, my lords, that the balance of power is preserved by the security of Hanover; or that those territories, however important, will be able to furnish forces equivalent to the power of France, I cannot agree to promise, in an address of this house, to assist his majesty in maintaining the balance of power, though I shall cheerfully give my concurrence in every just and vigorous effort to restore it.

  But, as it may be urged, that any direct expressions of discontent may be too wide a deviation from the common forms, which for a long time have admitted nothing but submission and adulation, I shall only venture to propose that we may, at least, contract our address, that if we do not in plain language declare all our sentiments, we may, however, affirm nothing that we do not think; and I am confident, that all the praises which can be justly bestowed on the late measures, may be comprised in a very few words.

  It has been insinuated, that this change of our style may, perhaps, surprise his majesty, and raise in him some suspicions of discontent and disapprobation; that it may incline him to believe his measures, either not understood by us, or not applauded, and divert him from his present schemes, by the necessity of an inquiry into the reasons of our dislike.

  And for what other purpose, my lords, should such a change of our style be proposed? Why should we deny on this occasion the encomiastick language which has been of late so profusely bestowed, but to show that we think this time too dangerous for flattery, and the measures now pursued, such as none but the most abject flatterers can commend?

  I should hope, that if it be asked by his majesty to what cause it is to be imputed, that the address of this house is so much contracted, there would be found some amongst us honest enough to answer, that all which can be said with truth is contained in it, and that flattery and falsehood were not consistent with the dignity of the lords of Britain.

  I hope, my lords, some one amongst us would explain to his majesty the decency as well as the integrity of our conduct, and inform him that we have hinted our discontent in the most respectful manner; and where there was sufficient room for the loudest censure, have satisfied ourselves with modest silence, with a mere negation of applause.

  Should we, my lords, in opposition to the complaints of our countrymen, to the representations of our allies, and all the conviction which our reason can admit, or our senses produce, continue to act this farce of approbation, what can his majesty conceive, but that those measures which we applaud, ought to be prosecuted as the most effectual and safe? And what consequence but total ruin can arise from the prosecution of measures, by which we are already reduced to penury and contempt?

  Lord CHOLMONDELEY spoke next to the following purpose: — My lords, it is never without grief and wonder that I hear any suspicion insinuated of injustice or impropriety in his majesty’s measures, of whose wisdom and goodness I have so much knowledge, as to affirm, with the utmost confidence, that he is better acquainted than any lord in this assembly with the present state of Europe; so that he is more able to judge by what methods tranquillity may be reestablished; and that he pursues the best methods with the utmost purity of intention, and the most incessant diligence and application.

  That the justest intentions may be sometimes defeated, and the wisest endeavours fail of success, I shall readily grant; but it will not follow, that we ought not to acknowledge that wisdom and integrity which is exerted in the prosecution of our interest, or that
we ought not to be grateful for the benefits which were sincerely intended, though not actually received.

  The wisdom of his majesty’s counsels, my lords, is not sufficiently admired, because the difficulties which he has to encounter are not known, or not observed. Upon his majesty, my lords, lies the task of teaching the powers of the continent to prefer their real to their seeming interest, and to disregard, for the sake of distant happiness, immediate acquisitions and certain advantages. His majesty is endeavouring to unite in the support of the Pragmatick sanction those powers whose dominions will be enlarged by the violation of it, and whom France bribes to her interest with the spoils of Austria; and who can wonder that success is not easy in attempts like this?

  In such measures we ought, doubtless, to endeavour to animate his majesty, by an address, at least not less expressive of duty and respect than those which he has been accustomed to receive; and, therefore, I shall concur with the noble lords who made and supported the motion.

  [The question, on a division, passed in the affirmative, Content, 89. Not Content, 43.]

  HOUSE OF COMMONS, DECEMBER 8, 1741.

  DEBATE ON THE ADDRESS.

  The commons who attended in the house of lords, having heard his majesty’s speech to both houses, returned to their own house, where a copy of it being this day read to them by the speaker, Mr. H.A. HERBERT moved for an address, in words to this effect:

  Sir, to address the throne on the present occasion, is a custom which, as it is founded on reason and decency, has always been observed by the commons of Britain; nor do I suspect this house of any intention to omit those forms of respect to his majesty, which our ancestors always preserved even under princes whose conduct and designs gave them no claim to reverence or gratitude.

  To continue, therefore, sir, a practice which the nature of government itself makes necessary, and which cannot but be acknowledged to be, in a peculiar degree, proper under a prince whose personal virtues are so generally known, I hope for the indulgence of this house in the liberty which I shall take of proposing an address to this effect:

  That we should beg leave to congratulate his majesty, upon his safe and happy return to these his kingdoms, and to return our sincere thanks for his most gracious speech from the throne; and assure him at the same time, that with hearts full of duty and gratitude, we cannot but acknowledge his majesty’s regard and attention to the honour and interest of this nation. To observe that the great and impending dangers that threaten Europe, under the present critical and perplexed situation of affairs, have been represented by his majesty to his parliament, for their advice and assistance, with such paternal concern, and such affection to his people, such confidence in his faithful commons, and such anxiety for the general good of Europe, as cannot fail to excite in us a due sense of his majesty’s goodness and condescension; and, therefore, to assure his majesty in the strongest manner, that this house will, as often as these momentous affairs shall come under our consideration, give his majesty such advice as becomes dutiful and faithful subjects, and such assistance and support as shall be most conducive to the honour and true interest of his crown and kingdoms.

  That we thank his majesty for his royal care in prosecuting the war with Spain; and that in order to answer these necessary purposes, we will grant such effectual supplies, as shall enable his majesty, not only to be in a readiness to support his friends and allies, at such times and in such manner as the exigency and circumstances of affairs shall require, but to oppose and defeat any attempts that shall be made against his majesty, his crown and kingdoms, or against those, who being equally engaged with his majesty by the faith of treaties, or united by common interest and common danger, shall be willing to concert such measures as shall be found necessary and expedient for maintaining the balance of Europe.

  This address, which in my opinion, will contain both a proper answer to his majesty’s speech, and a decent declaration of our gratitude and duty, will not, I hope, be opposed. For surely it cannot be charged with asserting any thing that is either false or mean, with bestowing any unnecessary panegyrick, or with maintaining any fact that is not generally allowed.

  Mr. TREVOR seconded him in the manner following: — Sir, as the necessity of an address to his majesty cannot be disputed, the only question on this occasion must be, whether the address now proposed be such as it may become this house to offer in the present conjuncture of affairs.

  In an address, sir, it is necessary to preserve at once the respect due to our sovereign, and the dignity which may justly be assumed by the representatives of the people of Britain, a people whose birthright gives them a claim to approach their sovereign, not, indeed, without the utmost respect, but with language, which absolute monarchs never hear from the slaves by whom they are surrounded.

  This respect and dignity appear to me to be very happily united in the address now proposed, in which we join with our professions of duty, our offers of advice, and assert our claim to the direction of the national expenses by our promise to grant the necessary supplies.

  As there cannot, therefore, in my opinion, sir, be any thing added to the address now offered, and there appears to me no necessity of any alteration or omission, I second the motion.

  Lord Noel SOMERSET spoke next, to this effect: — Sir, though I am far from intending to repress, by sophistical cavils, or trifling objections, the zeal which the honourable gentleman who proposed the address has shown for promoting the publick business, yet, as it is very inconsistent with the duty of a senator to prefer civility to truth, and to sacrifice to ceremony or complaisance the interest of his country, I think it necessary to declare my opinion, that though the address proposed may admit of many amendments, which I leave to other gentlemen to make, I think the addition of one clause absolutely necessary; that his majesty may be desired not to engage this nation in a war for the preservation of his foreign dominions; dominions which, as they are in themselves independent on the crown of Britain, and governed by different laws, and a different right, have been separated by an express clause from these kingdoms, in the act to which his majesty owes his title to the throne.

  This request, sir, is at this time particularly expedient, when the continent is in confusion, and the territories of Hanover are endangered by the approach of the French forces. Besides, as nothing is more fatal than groundless expectations of assistance, it may contribute to the safety of that people, to show them that they are to depend upon their own strength, to call their forces together, to fortify their towns, and guard their avenues; and that, if they sit indolent and careless, in confidence that the power of Britain will be employed in their defence, they will only give their enemies an easy conquest, and enslave themselves and their posterity to a foreign power: I move, therefore, that his majesty be petitioned in our address, not to engage these kingdoms in a war for the preservation of his foreign dominions.

  Mr. SHIPPEN rose and spoke thus: — Sir, I know not with what success I may assert, in this senate, positions, for which I have formerly been censured, and which few other members have hitherto maintained; but I rise with confidence that I shall be at least acknowledged to act consistently with myself in seconding the noble person who spoke last; and I am convinced, that many of those who differ from me in opinion, would gladly be able to boast of resembling me in congruity of principles, and steadiness of conduct.

  But steadiness, sir, is the effect only of integrity, and congruity the consequence of conviction: he that speaks always what he thinks, and endeavours by diligent inquiry to think aright before he ventures to declare his sentiments; he that follows, in his searches, no leader but reason, nor expects any reward from them but the advantage of discovering truth, and the pleasure of communicating it, will not easily change his opinion, because it will seldom be easy to show that he who has honestly inquired after truth, has failed to attain it.

  For my part, I am not ashamed nor afraid to affirm, that thirty years have made no change in any of my political opinions
; I am now grown old in this house, but that experience which is the consequence of age, has only confirmed the principles with which I entered it many years ago; time has verified the predictions which I formerly uttered, and I have seen my conjectures ripened into knowledge.

  I should be, therefore, without excuse, if either terrour could affright, or the hope of advantage allure me from the declaration of my opinions; opinions which I was not deterred from asserting, when the prospect of a longer life than I can now expect might have added to the temptations of ambition, or aggravated the terrours of poverty and disgrace; opinions for which I would willingly have suffered the severest censures, even when I had espoused them only in compliance with reason, without the infallible certainty of experience.

  Of truth it has been always observed, sir, that every day adds to its establishment, and that falsehoods, however specious, however supported by power, or established by confederacies, are unable to stand before the stroke of time. Against the inconveniencies and vexations of long life, may be set the pleasure of discovering truth, perhaps the only pleasure that age affords. Nor is it a slight satisfaction to a man not utterly infatuated or depraved, to find opportunities of rectifying his notions, and regulating his conduct by new lights.

  But much greater is the happiness of that man to whom every day brings a new proof of the reasonableness of his former determinations, and who finds, by the most unerring test, that his life has been spent in promotion of doctrines beneficial to mankind. This, sir, is the happiness which I now enjoy, and for which those who never shall attain it, must look for an equivalent in lucrative employments, honorary titles, pompous equipages, and splendid palaces.