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Ethnic Apocalypse

Page 16

by Guillaume Faye


  Driven by a psychotic feeling of resentment towards France tinged with increasingly explicit anti-White racism (as witnessed during the Nick Conrad affair and his appalling music single entitled ‘Pendez les Blancs’),128 around one million young people of immigrant descent — all of whom are violent, accustomed to delinquency and, more often than not, fascinated not only by radical Islam as an identity marker and transcendental cause but especially by the murderous freedom it offers in the name of an invisible god — are prepared to descend into the streets and to willingly participate in insurrectional riots. They thus lie in wait, anticipating the advent of the Great Evening. As for our smug authorities, they have somehow been unable to secure the services of analysts capable of understanding and predicting such utter blatancies.

  In a civil war, much more so than in external wars, which are subject to superior military and disciplinary supervision, all combat operations, attacks and aggressions of a political/religious essence are closely entwined with other, parallel activities of a more heinous nature and greatly facilitated by the surrounding chaos — whether theft, looting or rape. Within the framework of insurrectionary operations, the mobilisation of the above-mentioned young populations, characterised by their non-European origin and their high propensity for violence, will therefore be facilitated by the enticing prospect of racist looting, pillaging and rape. Is it not all part of a tradition embedded in these peoples’ very souls since the birth of Islam?

  To terrorise French people — who find themselves disarmed and paralysed by their ideology of guilt and bad conscience, and thus lack the courage to resist and defend themselves — is a dream come true both for those now laying the groundwork for the coming war and those that shall be its future actors. Due to one’s fear, one proceeds to incorrectly assess, or worse still, to conceal the very power of their animosity, frustration and hunger for revenge. Their increased aggressiveness towards our police officers is the harbinger of a generalised armed conflict.

  As Our Law Enforcement Forces Are Severely Taken to Task

  Thibault de Montbrial, a French barrister and a member of the scientific council of our School of War, has written the following:

  During the past years, the violence perpetrated against our law enforcement forces has reached a turning point that can only be described as a reflection of the growing violence spreading throughout our society. The fires are smouldering, and what now looms behind the almost daily incidents is the spectre of future disasters of unparalleled magnitude. (Le Figaro, 7th June, 2018)

  What he was obviously referring to, without calling things by their proper name, is something that everyone can easily guess — the outbreak of a racial war.

  In the law enforcement domain, suicide and resignation rates are now soaring. One must not forget that from 2015 to early 2018, the attacks carried out on our law enforcement officers resulted in a total of six fatal casualties and nine injuries among the members of our police force and gendarmerie, with one municipal police officer killed and eleven Opération Sentinelle129 soldiers wounded. As remarked in a report published by the French Ministry of the Interior in 2018, ‘the variety and scale of the threats and the increasing violence are now more than worrying’.

  ‘And yet, no general strategic proposal has been made to guarantee the internal security of our country in light of these developments,’ notes Montbrial. Indeed, none of this is of any interest to Macron, regardless of all the suicides and resignations following each other in quick succession.

  In addition to this, thousands of illegal immigrants are welcomed on a daily basis, as if in an effort to fuel an already extensive fire. As for our law enforcement forces, they just watch in disbelief as this madman’s show unfolds. Some patriots have complained about not being given enough police support, but what exactly are our police officers supposed to do? The moment they gun down such scum in self-defence, they jeopardise their careers and run the risk of being imprisoned. And it is mainly our own state that is responsible for this situation.

  A Demoralised Police Force Under Constant Attack — A Major War-Fomenting Factor

  Our law enforcement and public security forces, including both the police and the gendarmerie, are undergoing a very serious crisis that has been growing steadily since the beginning of the current century. Whether on duty or in a private setting, they are subjected to hostilities and, at times, lethal aggression at the hands of those young non-indigenous populations and their anarcho-leftist allies and have SIMULTANEOUSLY been deserted by a mostly passive, politicised or biased justice system, with the added bonus of the French state’s active complicity and the authorities’ reluctance to come to their aid.

  Our police and gendarmerie, whose normal role is to guarantee public security, have reached the end of their rope and are on the verge of collapse. A June 2018 senatorial commission of inquiry — whose reporter was François Grosdidier (Les Républicains) — investigated this dramatic situation, a situation which contributes to the equation of a very likely ethnic civil war. Why? Demoralised, constantly assaulted by the same people, and harbouring the feeling of having been more or less abandoned by our political powers and especially by a judicial authority that is both cowardly and overwhelmed, the police, now deprived of resources and exasperatingly paralysed by gangster-protecting administrative procedures, could end up embracing an attitude of insubordination and joining, in an improvised and dissident manner, the ranks of a potential popular resistance.

  A good example is that of the Magnanville effect. Magnanville is a town where, in June 2016, a police couple were brutally murdered in their own house and in front of their child by a Muslim Arab jihadist. This barbaric assassination takes on the symbolic meaning of a declaration of war, one that is obviously both ethnic and racist in nature. After the murders, the Islamist proceeded to create a video list of mediatic personalities that were to be killed in the name of allah!

  Not only do many policemen and gendarmes have to contend with the struggle against Muslim terrorism (who could forget the January 2015 assassination of Ahmed Merabet, a Parisian peacekeeper killed by the perpetrators of the Charlie Hebdo murders, the Kouachi brothers, simply because he represented the archetypal Arab traitor serving the interests of white Frenchmen?), but they are also subjected to a protean violence at the hands of Afro-Maghrebian youths supported by leftist militias. During riots, anti-police hatred is often expressed through the use of live ammunition and, as part of a very serious and worsening development, through sanguinary attacks carried out on plain-clothed police officers either in their own homes or in the street. A few days before the first round of the 2017 presidential elections, another policeman was fatally shot in the head on the Avenue des Champs Elysees!

  Despite the (modest) efforts made by our Ministry of the Interior and its technocrats, especially on a budgetary level, the responses to the demoralisation and consequent demobilisation of our police forces have been utterly inadequate, especially since the latter are exacerbated by a ridiculous sense of helplessness and futility in the face of a judicial laxity that barely punishes, protects and even releases (!) those thugs, aggressors and troublemakers. Feeling humiliated by the public authorities but supported by our native people, a part of our police could, I believe, change sides in case of a major clash…

  The Worst Possible Betrayal —

  The State’s Disavowal of Its Own Men in Uniform

  The burlesque and constant bureaucratic inertia of our administrative and judicial procedures obstructs and discourages the repressive actions of our police force. Everything seems to have been put in place to help and protect thugs — whose origin is very homogeneous indeed — and to paralyse our police and gendarmerie. Many of our disgruntled judicial police officers (OPJ) thus choose to resign; feeling despised, 2,600 of them handed in their notice in 2017. This means that they might end up joining a potential Popular Resistance in the coming civil war against the Occupation and its
collaborators.

  Interviewed by Le Figaro in July, François Grosdidier (LR), the head of the senatorial inquiry into the malaise afflicting our weary police, made the following lucid statement:

  We are truly on the verge of collapse. Our police officers and gendarmes lack the adequate means to do their job. They are exposed to ever-increasing danger, the everyday violence of the housing estates, and systematic ambushes. … On the whole, they feel that they have fallen prey to growing aggression and hostility. … In the face of unpunished juvenile delinquency and daily incivility, they are under the impression of riding a chainless bicycle. Amidst the general absence of a criminal response, they are becoming more and more convinced that the physical risks they take are absolutely pointless. … They thus find themselves increasingly unable to put up with the violence that goes hand in hand with such legal insecurity.

  Any police officer who defends himself is considered guilty, and our justice system immediately takes sides against him, in support of thugs and rioters. Likewise, the statal apparatus gives our police officers and gendarmes the impression of always being against them and disavowing them. In this regard, the Theo affair was a complete disaster. This African criminal and crook had falsely claimed he had been beaten and sodomised with a truncheon during a police identity check that culminated in a clash. Utter nonsense. The events sparked general outrage in the right-thinking media, which never bother to check the facts that suit them. As dictated by the religion of anti-racism, François Hollande, the then President of the French Republic, paid the faker a visit in hospital, although he had never been at the bedside of the police officers or gendarmes that had really been wounded or fallen victim to attempted murder! If this is not sheer demagoguery, I honestly cannot imagine what is.

  The Theo affair has not been forgotten. Through the highly symbolic attitude of its leader, the state has given the police the disastrous signal that it favours the young population of immigrant origin, which acts as a breeding ground for delinquency, crime, urban insecurity and tomorrow’s guerrilla warfare. In the event of a civil war, I am convinced that the position of both the state and its apparatus — including our justice system — will be an ambiguous one to say the least; indeed, a large number of law enforcement personnel will have no difficulty in choosing sides, even at the cost of disobedience, unfortunately.

  Home Invasion Attacks —

  The Right to Self-Defence Denied

  Police assaults have become a daily occurrence and punctuate our news broadcasts. On 4th July, 2018, a police couple was violently assaulted and injured in front of their toddler, on a public road in Aulnay-sous-Bois. The attack was carried out by thugs who had recognised the two police officers and whose ethnic origin the media have kept secret. The previous weekend, in the Ain region, a police officer was severely beaten in his home by approximately fifteen rabid ‘Chances-for-France’ (resulting in a thirty-one-day work absence for him). And get this: despite having been badly battered, he managed to free himself and escape death by using his service pistol, in an act of legitimate self-defence that resulted in a leg injury for one of the aggressors. Oh calamity of calamities! Charges were immediately brought against him by the public prosecutor’s office of Bourg-en-Bresse! The investigation was entrusted to the Judicial Police of Lyons and complemented by a disciplinary investigation conducted by the General Inspectorate of the National Police (IGPN). Instead of defending himself, the unfortunate policeman should apparently have allowed his attackers to beat him to death. To Americans, such a scenario would only seem possible in a country afflicted with a collective sort of mental pathology; in the USA, you have the right to simply gun down any intruder that has broken into your home or gained entry to it by means of deception. This is plain common sense, no more, no less.

  In May and June 2018, four similar incidents were identified in France, including one that took place in Menton and involved plain-clothed policemen going to dine in a restaurant. They were battered by thirty individuals whose common origin we can all guess. One of the officers had to take thirty-day leave of absence for TIW.130

  In Grenoble, several off-duty CRS members were recognised by some ‘young people’ of (yet again) the same origin and savagely attacked. One of them had to be given forty-five days of TIW.

  A few days later, in Orléans this time, an off-duty policeman was followed by two ‘youths’ on a scooter and attacked. He narrowly escaped by threatening them with his service pistol.

  The aggressors themselves, on the other hand, are very rarely troubled by our justice system; hence the perceived disintegration of authority suffered by a state that no longer inspires fear in them.

  Such incidents are on the increase throughout France. The potential for barbaric hatred targeting white policemen is high and steadily increasing. Anyone who does not detect in this a prelude to racial civil war is blind.

  The growing number of assaults against policemen — whether on public roads, in their private homes or while they are on duty — has led solicitor Thibault de Montbrial, the president of the Centre for Reflection on Homeland Security and a member of the scientific council of the School of War, to state that ‘it all points to an alarming evolution: ever since the Magnanville attack, we have been aware of the fact that terrorists [i.e. jihadists] do not hesitate to attack police officers in their private lives. Nowadays, however, this logic extends to common law thugs as well, who consider policemen to be enemies with whom they are in a state of personal dispute’ (Le Figaro, 7th July, 2018). And yet, owing either to his lack of knowledge or his conformism, Montbrial is mistaken in this regard: as I have already explained elsewhere, large-scale and individual terrorist jihad and common criminal delinquency are closely correlated and inseparable in the Muslim-Arab tradition, and have been so for centuries on end. They are thus committed by the same people. It is a kind of atavism and an ancestral male custom, not a novelty.

  Montbrial suggests that we have entered the preparatory phase of an ethnic war, but never explicitly follows through on a statement which is considered politically incorrect. He never calls things by their proper name because he is, and remains, a member of our statal institutions.

  He does point out the following, however: ‘Personal attacks on police officers are commonplace among offenders. This situation also affects prison guards. Even magistrates have been targeted with death threats.’ This is obviously only true of those that have not shown any leniency; the others are all silent, because they are afraid and do not wish to take any risks.

  Observing the Dress Rehearsals —

  The Ethnic Tribalism of Extra-European Youths

  Let us mention the Aboubakar F. affair, which is emblematic of the civil war climate now setting in. In early July 2018, Aboubakar F., a repeat offender already wanted by the police, is stopped at a checkpoint while driving a car through the city of Nantes. Panicking, the little kingpin tries to flee, at the risk of ploughing into the people around, some of whom are children. A member of the CRS pulls out his gun and shoots him dead. The policeman is arrested and taken into custody pending a trial. He had forgotten that although an offender of immigrant origin can shoot at police officers and count on a lack of criminal investigation and the leniency of our justice system, it does not work the other way around. An almost identical case occurred in Paris in August 2018.

  The event gave rise to riots of ethnic solidarity, especially in Nantes, where, as part of a highly symbolic development, public buildings became the targets of arson attempts. The rioters themselves had come from the Parisian region and the housing estate where Aboubakar F. had lived.

  They unleashed three nights of furious rioting, with seven arson attempts against the annex of a town hall, a municipal library and a Pôle emploi131 agency. The neighbouring halal shops were all left untouched, of course. Identical scenarios, in which the death of an Afro-Maghrebian thug is attributed to the actions of ‘racist police bastards’ in the chaos of a street-fighting skirmis
h and then followed by well-publicised manifestations of ethnic solidarity and rioting, are experienced several times a month. In the not too distant future, one of these scenarios will eventually spiral out of control and set our country ablaze. The event shall mark the onset of a racial civil war, I guarantee it.

  Every week, our police forces face several ambushes accompanied by the now trivialised ritual burning of cars. Photos of our police officers are shared on social networks, along with incentives to attack and kill them and the occasional inclusion of their home address!

  With regard to the grotesque Aboubakar F. affair, Montbrial makes the following observation:

  The first thing one is struck by is that the entire neighbourhood proceeded to present this individual as being a saint, thus disregarding his criminal profile and adopting a purely clannish position. One is henceforth either a full member of the group or completely rejected, either one of “them” or one of “us”. Another issue is that during the riots, a policeman was struck in the helmet by a .22 LR bullet.132 Never in a long time had live ammunition been fired at law enforcement officers. This is a very disturbing development indeed. The police are no longer perceived as authority figures representing the Republic, but as a rival gang against whom all means are acceptable.

  This analysis given by Montbrial is entirely inadequate and minimalistic. What he is trying to do is to avoid envenoming the situation further by going all the way and unveiling the truth. He believes that we have entered ‘a tribal territorial logic, in accordance with which rioters attack state-funded infrastructures whose purpose is to put an end to the ghettoisation afflicting those neighbourhoods. What we are facing here is a clannish logic of state rejection. It also highlights the limits of our attempt to pacify the suburbs through money, as advocated by the Borloo plan’.133 He then goes on to mention a ‘restoration of republican authority’. The word ‘republic’, whose semantic dimension is both frail and vague, does not refer to anything truly specific. It does not mean much to people. Neither does clannism, which no one experiences these days.

 

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