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by Young, Crawford

  25. Comi M. Toulabor offers an incisive account; see Le Togo sous Eyadéma (Paris: Karthala, 1986), 15–71. Olympio based his power on his Ewe ethnic community in the south, and after independence he was quick to impose a single-party monopoly. He was a vocal critic of France; his replacement, Nicolas Grunitzky, enjoyed close ties with France. The army, soon joined by the mutineers, was still only in what Toulabor terms “embryonic form” and, like the army in Congo-Kinshasa, was little prepared to assume power.

  26. Rémy Bazanguissa-Ganga, Les voies du politique au Congo: Essai de sociologie historique (Paris: Karthala, 1997).

  27. Angola, Botswana, Cameroon, Cape Verde, Djibouti, Eritrea, Kenya, Malawi, Morocco, Mozambique, Namibia, Sao Tome and Principe, Senegal, South Africa, Swaziland, Tanzania, Tunisia, Zambia, and Zimbabwe. Several, notably Kenya in 1982 and Morocco in 1970, had nearly successful coup efforts.

  28. Samuel Decalo, Coups and Army Rule in Africa: Studies in Military Style (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1976).

  29. Coup leader Colonel A. A. Afrifa in his account (The Ghana Coup, 24th February 1966 [London: Frank Cass, 1967]) stresses the sense of suffering and anger in his village over shortages of key commodities and regime looting of the cocoa sector. See also Dennis Austin and Robin Luckham, eds., Politicians and Soldiers in Ghana, 1966–1972 (London: Frank Cass, 1975).

  30. Jimmy Kandeh, Coups from Below: Armed Subalterns and State Power in West Africa (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2004).

  31. Patrick McGowan, “African Military Coups d’état, 1956–2001,” Journal of Modern African Studies 41.3 (2003): 339–70.

  32. Gamel Abdel Nasser, Egypt’s Liberation: The Philosophy of the Revolution (Washington, DC: Public Affairs Press, 1955).

  33. On ideological currents in the Middle East at the time, see Kemal H. Karpat, ed., Political and Social Thought in the Contemporary Middle East (New York: Praeger, 1968).

  34. Other Afromarxist states such as Angola and Mozambique were by formal selfascription, products of national liberation wars. In these instances, the doctrinal commitment ran deeper than in the military cases. Some add Zimbabwe to the list, on the basis of the personal intellectual perspective of President Robert Mugabe, even though he was never able to impose Marxism-Leninism as regime ideology. Sao Tome and Principe is another ambiguous candidate. On this regime type, see David Ottoway and Marina Ottoway, Afrocommunism (New York: Africana Publishing Company, 1981), Edmond J. Keller and Donald Rothchild, eds., Afro-Marxist Regimes: Ideology and Public Policy (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 1987), and Crawford Young, Ideology and Development in Africa (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1982).

  35. This listing is distilled from some of the influential works contributing to the theory of the military as agents of development: Samuel Finer, The Man on Horseback: The Role of the Military in Politics (London: Pall Mall, 1962); Morris Janowicz, The Military in the Political Development of New Nations (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1964); John J. Johnson, ed., The Role of the Military in Underdeveloped Countries (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1962); Claude E. Welch, Soldier and State in Africa (Evanston, IL: Northwestern University Press, 1970); W. F. Gutteridge, Military Regimes in Africa (London: Methuen, 1975).

  36. Cynthia Enloe, Ethnic Soldiers: State Sovereignty in Divided Societies (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1980).

  37. John Campbell, presentation on Nigerian politics to African Studies colloquium, African Studies Program, University of Wisconsin–Madison, 13 November 2007; John Campbell, Nigeria: Dancing on the Brink (Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 2011).

  38. Ellen Kay Trimberger, Revolution from Above: Military Bureaucrats in Japan, Turkey, Egypt, and Peru (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction, 1978).

  39. Decalo, Coups and Army Rule in Africa.

  40. Young, Ideology and Development in Africa, 141.

  41. For an example of an initially largely positive reading of the Mobutu regime by a leading specialist who later became a sharp critic, see Jean-Claude Willame, Patrimonialism and Political Change in the Congo (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1972).

  42. His autocratic drift and bizarre behavior are well known to frequent Gambia visitors; see also New York Times, 21 May 2009. The Amnesty International 2008 State of the World’s Human Rights report alleges at least one thousand “witch” kidnappings and a string of illegal detentions, disappearances, and torture cases (“The Gambia: Witch Hunt,” African Research Bulletin, Political, Social, and Cultural Series, 46.3 [2009]: 17900).

  43. Ian Campbell, “Military Withdrawal Debate in Nigeria: The Prelude to the 1975 Coup,” West African Journal of Sociology and Political Science 1.3 (1978): 318.

  44. Crawford Young, “Permanent Transition and Changing Conjuncture: Dilemmas of Democracy in Nigeria in Comparative Perspective,” in Dilemmas of Democracy in Nigeria, ed. Paul A. Beckett and Crawford Young (Rochester, NY: University of Rochester Press, 1997), 65–82.

  45. For chapter and verse, see Bjorn Beckman, Organizing the Farmers: Cocoa Politics and National Development in Ghana (Uppsala: Scandinavian Institute of African Studies, 1976).

  46. Crawford Young, Neal P. Sherman, and Tim H. Rose, Cooperatives and Development: Agricultural Politics in Ghana and Uganda (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1981).

  47. Robert H. Bates, Markets and States in Tropical Africa: The Political Basis of Agricultural Strategies (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1981).

  CHAPTER 5. ANATOMY OF STATE CRISIS

  1. The first three quotations in the epigraphs come from New York Times, 28 June 2009.

  2. See Cabral’s revolutionary testament: Revolution in Guiné (London: Stage 1, 1969), and the valuable exegesis of his thought in Henry Bienen, “State and Revolution: The Works of Amilcar Cabral,” Journal of Modern African Studies 15.4 (1977): 555–68.

  3. See especially Basil Davidson, The Liberation of Guinê (Baltimore, MD: Penguin, 1969), Lars Rudebeck, Guinea-Bissau: A Study of Political Mobilization (Uppsala: Scandinavian Institute of African Studies, 1974), Patrick Chabal, Amilcar Cabral: Revolutionary Leadership and People’s War (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983), and Gérard Chaliand, Armed Struggle in Africa: With the Guerrillas in Portuguese Guinea, trans. David Rattray and Robert Leonhard (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1969).

  4. Crawford Young, “Agricultural Policy in Uganda: Capability and Choice,” in The State of the Nations, ed. Michael F. Lofchie (Berkeley: University of California Press), 141–42.

  5. Joshua Forrest, Lineages of State Fragility: Rural Civil Society in Guinea-Bissau (London: James Currey, 2003). See also his earlier work, Guinea-Bissau: Power, Conflict and Renewal in a West African Nation (Boulder, CO: Westview, 1992).

  6. Rosemary E. Galli and Jocelyn Jones, Guinea-Bissau: Politics, Economics and Society (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 1987), 117–19. A ray of hope appeared in July 2009, when, to general astonishment, successful elections following constitutional script took place after the political assassinations of the head of state and army commander. An elder statesman, Malam Bacai Sanha, won an election, whose conduct was validated by international observers, in which 61% of the electorate participated. Sanha won on a second round with 63% over former president Kumba Yala, who accepted the results. Sanha is from a smaller ethnic group, while Yala is a Balante, one of two large groups, each of which comprises 25% of the population Jeune Afrique, 2–8 August 2009, 10–11). These brief hopes were again shattered in 2012 by a military coup disrupting new elections necessitated by the death of Sanha.

  7. Carl G. Rosberg and Thomas M. Callaghy, eds., Socialism in Sub-Saharan Africa (Berkeley: Institute of International Studies, 1979).

  8. For a valuable overview of this phase of African socialism, see William H. Friedland and Carl G. Rosberg, eds., African Socialism (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1964).

  9. Sessional Paper no. 10, Kenya Parliament, in African Socialism and Its Application to Planning in Kenya (Nairobi: Government Printer,
1965).

  10. In addition to key intellectual sources cited in chapter 1, Nigerian scholar Claude Ake’s A Political Economy of Africa (Harlow, UK: Longman, 1981) was an influential work. Colin Leys also published a powerful critique of Kenyan capitalism grounded in dependency theory: Underdevelopment in Kenya (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1974).

  11. Crawford Young and Thomas Turner, The Rise and Decline of the Zairian State (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1985), 389. Congolese observers quietly noted the applicability of this Mobutu obiter dictum to his domestic political management.

  12. For valuable coverage of the NIEO movement, see Steven D. Krasner, Structural Conflict: The Third World Against Global Liberalism (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1985), and Robert I. Rothstein, The Weak in the World of the Strong: The Developing Countries in the International System (New York: Columbia University Press, 1977).

  13. Intellectual support for McNamara’s ideas was found in writings of economists with World Bank ties; see Hollis Chenery, Redistribution with Growth (London: Oxford University Press, 1974).

  14. Jimi Peters, The Nigerian Military and the State (London: I. B. Tauris, 1997), 144.

  15. World Bank, World Development Report 1984 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1984), 248–49.

  16. Among the rare monographs on Cape Verde is Colin Foy’s Cape Verde: Politics, Economics and Society (London: Pinter, 1988).

  17. Jennifer A. Widner, The Rise of a Party-State in Kenya: From Harambee! To Nyanyo! (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1992); Yves Fauré and Jean-François Médard, eds., État et bourgeoisie en Côte d’Ivoire (Paris: Editions Karthala, 1982).

  18. Bastiaan A. den Tuinder, Ivory Coast: The Challenge of Success (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1978), 3.

  19. Cited to this effect in Alexander G. Rondos, “Ivory Coast: The Price of Development,” Africa Report 24.2 (1979): 4.

  20. Crawford Young, Ideology and Development in Africa (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1982), 192.

  21. Among the abundant works covering postcolonial Kenya politics up to the democratic transition, I find especially valuable Widner, The Rise of a Party-State in Kenya.

  22. Some 17%, according to S. E. Migot-Adholla, “Rural Development Policy and Equality,” in Politics and Public Policy in Kenya and Tanzania, ed. Joel D. Barkan and John J. Okumu (New York: Praeger, 1979), 164.

  23. For detail on Kenya’s diminished performance in the 1980s, see Marilee S. Grindle, Challenging the State: Crisis and Innovation in Latin America and Africa (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996).

  24. Despite Banda’s siphoning from Press Holdings funds, partly to fund his elite secondary school, the Kamuzu academy, after restructuring the conglomerate became profitable in the mid-1980s and was privatized by 1998. Jan Kees van Donge compares the sprawling enterprise to the South Korean “chaebols”; see “The Fate of an African ‘Chaebol’: Malawi’s Press Corporation after Democratization,” Journal of Modern African Studies 40.4 (2002): 651–81.

  25. William Reno, Corruption and State Politics in Sierra Leone (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995). The folly of grandiose state investment in luxurious facilities for the brief encounter of an OAU summit began in 1965, when Nkrumah committed £10 million for the infamous “Job 600,” building a sumptuous conference center and residential facilities for heads of state at a moment when the Ghana economy was already in free fall.

  26. Le Monde, 30 December 1980.

  27. Gali Ngothe Gatta, Tchad: Guerre civile et dêsaggrêgation de l’êtat (Paris: Présence Africaine, 1985).

  28. William J. Foltz, “Reconstructing the State of Chad,” in Collapsed States: The Disintegration and Restoration of Legitimate Authority, ed. I. William Zartman (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 1994), 15.

  29. The Sara are less a single ethnic group than a congeries of related though culturally and linguistically distinct groupings that came to share a collective ethnonym during colonial times. The French viewed them as a “docile and passive” but handsome “race,” particularly valuable as a manpower reservoir. Sara politicians were able “to create a political myth [of Sara identity] with sufficient historical truth to give it credibility” (René Lemarchand, “The Politics of Sara Ethnicity: A Note on the Origins of the Civil War in Chad,” Cahiers d’Eudes Africaines 20.4 [1980]: 449–71).

  30. See, for example, Chad scholar Abderahman Dadi’s Tchad: L’état retrouvée (Paris: L’Harmattan, 1987). This is also the thesis of Foltz, “Reconstructing the State of Chad,” 15–32. Other valuable works on the Chad civil wars include Sam C. Nolutshungu, Limits of Anarchy: Intervention of State Formation in Chad (Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1996), Virginia Thompson and Richard Adloff, Conflict in Chad (Berkeley, CA: Institute of International Studies, 1981), and Robert Buijtenhuis, Le Frolinat et les revoltes populaires du Tchad, 1965–1976 (The Hague: Mouton, 1978).

  31. Scott Straus, African Studies colloquium, African Studies Program, University of Wisconsin–Madison, 30 November 2006. The Senegal government pleads the necessity of international funding to carry out the judicial proceedings.

  32. Foltz, “Reconstructing the State of Chad,” 29.

  33. Naomi Chazan, An Anatomy of Ghanaian Politics: Managing Political Recession (Boulder, CO: Westview, 1982), 191–202.

  34. R. A. Kotey, L. Okali, and E. E. Rourke, The Economics of Cocoa Production and Marketing (Legon: University of Ghana, 1975), 53. On the cocoa political economy, see also Gwendolyn Mikell, Cocoa and Chaos in Ghana (New York: Paragon House, 1989), and Bjorn Beckman, Organizing the Farmers (Uppsala: Scandinavian Institute of African Studies, 1976).

  35. Douglas Rimmer, Staying Poor: Ghana’s Political Economy, 1950–1990 (New York: Pergamon, 1980), 28.

  36. Martin Meredith, The Fate of Africa: From the Hopes of Freedom to the Heart of Despair—A History of 50 Years of Independence (New York: Public Affairs, 2005), 185.

  37. Jeffrey Herbst, The Politics of Reform in Ghana, 1982–1991 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993), 27.

  38. Rimmer, Staying Poor, 129–33.

  39. West Africa, 17 July 1978, 1775.

  40. Ghana, Final Report of the Commission of Enquiry into Bribery and Corruption (Accra: Ghana Publishing Corp., 1975).

  41. Herbst, The Politics of Reform in Ghana, 30.

  42. Young, Ideology and Development in Africa, 89–95.

  43. Margaret Hall and Tom Young, Confronting Leviathan: Mozambique since Independence (Athens: Ohio University Press, 1997), 68.

  44. Hall and Young, Confronting Leviathan, 109. Also especially useful on the socialist experiment among the many works devoted to Mozambique is Patrick Chabal et al., A History of Postcolonial Lusophone Africa (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2002), Edmond J. Keller and Donald Rothchild, eds., Afro-Marxist Regimes: Ideology and Public Policy (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 1987), Joseph Hanlon, Mozambique: Who Calls the Shots? (London: James Currey, 1991), and Allen Isaacman, Mozambique: From Colonialism to Revolution, 1900–1982 (Boulder, CO: Westview, 1983).

  45. Hall and Young, Confronting Leviathan, 196.

  46. Alex Vines, RENAMO: Terrorism in Mozambique (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1991); William Finnegan, A Complicated War: The Harrowing of Mozambique (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1992).

  47. For persuasive evidence, see M. Anne Pitcher, Transforming Mozambique: The Politics of Privatization, 1975–2000 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002).

  48. Recent attempts at definition of state failure include Robert I. Rotberg, ed., When States Fail: Causes and Consequences ((Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2005), I. William Zartman, ed., Collapsed States: The Disintegration and Restoration of Legitimate Authority (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 1995), and Robert H. Bates, When Things Fell Apart: State Failure in Late-Century Africa (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008).

  49. Lynn S. Khadiagala in her research on rural women and thei
r encounters over property rights with local judicial instances in southwestern Uganda found that even during the devastated state of the late Idi Amin period local courts continued to function and show surprising respect for legal norms in upholding the rights of female litigants (“Law, Power, and Justice: The Adjudication of Women’s Property Rights in Uganda” [PhD diss., University of Wisconsin–Madison, 1999]).

  50. Nicolas van de Walle, African Economies and the Politics of Permanent Crisis, 1979– 1999 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001), 66.

  51. van de Walle, African Economies, 130.

  52. Young and Turner, The Rise and Decline of the Zairian State, 165–66.

  53. Among other valuable accounts, see Tom Lodge, Bill Nasson, Steven Munson, Khekla Shubane, and Nokwanda Sithole, eds., All Here and Now: Black Politics in South Africa in the 1980s (London: Hurst, 1992); Chris Alden, Apartheid’s Last Stand: The Rise and Fall of the South African Security State (Houndmills, UK: Macmillan, 1996).

  54. Thomas M. Callaghy and John Ravenhill, eds., Hemmed In: Responses to Africa’s Economic Decline (New York: Columbia University Press, 1993). This volume includes the contributions of a number of the ablest students of the African economic crisis. See also Carol Lancaster, Aid to Africa: So Much to Do, So Little Done (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1999), and van de Walle, African Economies.

  55. John Ravenhill, “A Second Decade of Adjustment: Greater Complexity, Greater Uncertainty,” in Hemmed In, 48.

  56. See John R. Nellis, “Public Enterprises in Sub-Saharan Africa,” in State-Owned Enterprises in Africa, ed. Barbara Grosh and Rwekaza S. Mukandala (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 1994), 3–24. See also Roger Tangri, The Politics of Patronage in Africa: Parastatals, Privatization and Private Enterprise (Trenton, NJ: Africa World Press, 1999).

  57. Indeed, the potency of such a weapon was demonstrated in 1998, when an airborne Rwandan army contingent backing a Congolese insurgent movement briefly captured the Inga site, momentarily cutting off the power supply to Kinshasa.