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by Young, Crawford

  84. Tripp, Museveni’s Uganda, 149–79.

  85. Mustafa Mirzeler and Crawford Young, “Pastoral Politics in the Northeast Periphery of Uganda: AK47 as Change Agent,” Journal of Modern African Studies 38.3 (2002): 407–30.

  86. Finnström did extensive interviewing in Acholiland and spoke with both friends and foes of the LRA. He challenges the widely held opinion regarding the vacuity of the LRA political agenda, arguing instead that manifestoes he has seen have some substantive content, beyond pledges to eliminate witchcraft and find inspiration in the Ten Commandments, including a commitment to human rights, multitparties, federalism, and an end to corruption (Living with Bad Surroundings, 100–22).

  87. Behrend, Alice Lakwena, 194.

  88. Birmingham, “Angola,” 182–83.

  89. Momar Coumba Diop and Mamadou Diouf, Le Sénégal sous Abdou Diouf (Paris: Karthala, 1990).

  90. Vincent Foucher, “The Resilient Weakness of Casamançais,” in African Guerrillas, 171–98.

  91. Catherine Boone, Political Topographies of the African State: Territorial Authority and Institutional Choice (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003), 116–140; Linda J. Beck, Brokering Democracy in Africa: The Rise of Clientelist Democracy in Senegal (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008), 153–95. The authoritative source for the armed conflict and factional struggle within the Casamance rebellion is Jean-Claude Marut, Le conflit de Casamance: Ce que dissent les armes (Paris: Karthala, 2010).

  92. A particularly insightful analysis of contemporary African conflicts is offered by Morten Bøâs and Kevin C. Dunn in “African Guerrilla Politics: Raging against the Machine,” in African Guerrillas, 9–38, as well as by the case studies in the volume. For an earlier useful comparative treatment, see Christopher Clapham, ed., African Guerrillas (Oxford, UK: James Currey, 1998). Also of special value is Jeremy M. Weinstein, Inside Rebellion: The Politics of Insurgent Violence (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007), and Reno, Warlord Politics and Warfare in Independent Africa.

  93. In “African Guerrilla Politics,” Bøâs and Dunn give rational grievance a central role in their explanation of the “rage against the machine.” See also Jean-Claude Willame, La guerre du Kivu (Brussels: GRIP, 2010), who captures this contrast in perspective as the difference between the air-conditioned capital office, from which the diplomatic community and aid agencies perceive the state, and the veranda, where the actual dysfunctionality of formal institutions is encountered by the citizenry.

  94. William Reno, personal communication.

  95. This point is stressed by Mkandiwire in “The Terrible Toll.”

  96. This factor receives particular emphasis in Edna G. Bay and Donald L. Donham, eds., States of Violence: Politics, Youth, and Memory in Contemporary Africa (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2006).

  97. Kandeh, Coups from Below; Ibrahim Abdullah, “Bush Path to Destruction: The Origin and Character of the Revolutionary United Front/Sierra Leone,” Journal of Modern African Studies, 36.2 (1998): 203–36.

  98. Weinstein explores these dimensions with admirable clarity, drawing on the African cases of Museveni’s NRA and RENAMO in Mozambique in Inside Rebellion. See also Reno, Warlord Politics.

  99. For example, in very different analytical modes, Weinstein, Inside Rebellion, Bøâs and Dunn, eds., African Guerillas, Keen, Conflict and Collusion in Sierra Leone, Stathis N. Kalyvas, Ian Shapiro, and Tarek Masoud, eds., Order, Conflict, and Violence (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008), and James D. Fearon and David D. Laitin, “Ethnicity, Insurgency, and Civil Wars,” American Political Science Review 97.1 (2003): 75–90.

  100. This point emerges from the study of 117 armed conflicts worldwide from 1989 to 2003 by Christopher Cramer; see Violence in Developing Countries: War, Memory, Progress (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2006).

  101. This is a core argument of Stathis N. Kalyvas in The Logic of Violence in Civil Wars (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006). An elegant illustration of this point in relation to the Rwandan genocide is found in Scott Straus, The Order of Genocide: Race, Power, and War in Rwanda (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2006).

  102. This is a major finding of current comparative study of African conflicts by Scott Straus.

  CHAPTER 8. AFRICANISM, NATIONALISM AND ETHNICITY

  1. The triple helix metaphor is borrowed from Michael G. Schatzberg, Political Legitimacy in Middle Africa: Father, Family, Food (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1995), though he uses the image in a different sense.

  2. Chinua Achebe, The Education of a British Protected Child (London: Allen Lane, 2010), 45.

  3. The issue of ethnicity and its encounter with nationalism has been a central focus of my research and teaching since my first work on decolonization politics in Congo-Kinshasa. I first formulated the problematic in Politics in the Congo (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1965) and then extended it to a comparative frame in The Politics of Cultural Pluralism (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1976). My most recent contribution on this topic is “Nation, Ethnicity, and Citizenship: Dilemmas of Democracy and Civil Order in Africa,” in Making Nations, Creating Strangers, ed. Sara Dorman, Daniel Hammett, and Paul Nugent (Leiden: Brill, 2007), 241–64.

  4. Pierre Englebert, Africa: Unity, Sovereignty and Sorrow (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 2009), 1.

  5. Colin Legum, Pan-Africanism: A Short Political Guide (New York: Praeger, 1962), 24.

  6. For example, in the foundational works, James S. Coleman, “Nationalism in Tropical Africa,” American Political Science Review 48.2 (1954): 404–26, and Thomas Hodgkin, Nationalism in Colonial Africa (London: Frederick Muller, 1956).

  7. Jean-Claude Willame, Patrice Lumumba: La crise congolaise revisitée (Paris: Karthala, 1990), 353.

  8. Ali A. Mazrui, “On the Concept ‘We Are All Africans,’” American Political Science Review 57.1 (1963): 91.

  9. Legum, Pan-Africanism, 39.

  10. I. William Zartman, “Inter-African Negotiations and Reforming Political Order,” in Africa in World Politics: Reforming Political Order, 4th ed., ed. John W. Harbeson and Donald Rothchild (Boulder, CO: Westview, 2009), 228.

  11. The Ghana player who scored the winning penalty kick against Serbia to make his team the last surviving African competitor declared that his goal was for all of Africa. I am indebted to Michael Schatzberg for this savory detail.

  12. One measure of the eclipse of pan-Africanism is the relative absence of major works devoted to its institutional expression; after a flurry of interest in the 1960s and 1970s, the OAU all but vanished from the academic bookshelves. William B. Ackah’s Pan-Africanism, Exploring the Contradictions: Politics, Identity and Development in Africa and the African Diaspora (Aldershot, UK: Ashgate, 1999) is a rare exception. Earlier studies include, in addition to Legum’s Pan-Africanism, Vincent Bakpetu Thompson’s Africa and Unity: The Evolution of Pan-Africanism (London: Longman, 1998), Yassin El-Ayouty’s The Organization of African Unity after Ten Years (New York: Praeger, 1975), and Berhanykun Andemicael’s, The OAU and the UN: Relations between the Organization of African Unity and the United Nations (New York: Africana Publishing Company, 1976).

  13. Tanzania is a case in point; Ron Aminzade documents the intense opposition of Africanist currents to independence leader Nyerere’s insistence on a cosmopolitan definition of nationality and recurrent resurrection of the issue in postcolonial politics (“Nationalism and Exclusion: Race, Foreigners and Citizenship in Tanzania,” ms. in progress).

  14. Cited in Sally Healy, “The Changing Idiom of Self-Determination in the Horn of Africa,” in Nationalism and Self-Determination in the Horn of Africa, ed. I. M. Lewis (London: Athaca Press, 1963), 93–109.

  15. Cited in Hurst Hannum, Autonomy, Sovereignty, and Self-Determination: The Accommodation of Conflicting Rights (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1990), 35–36.

  16. Badinter’s dictum resembles Philip G. Roeder’s argument that new nation-states only sp
ring from autonomous segments of extant polities (Where Nation-States Come From: Institutional Change in the Age of Nationalism [Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2007]).

  17. There had been a number of territorial alterations over the course of European rule, all of which originated in the late nineteenth-century colonial partition, especially with the redistribution of the territories seized from Germany during World War I. Burkina Faso (the colonial Haut Volta) was attached to Ivory Coast from 1932 to 1948. Rwanda and Burundi were amalgamated as a single administrative unit under Belgian occupation from World War I till their independence in 1962, although the two kingdoms remained distinct.

  18. Andemicael, The OAU and the UN, 12.

  19. Robert H. Jackson, Quasi-States: Sovereignty, International Relations, and the Third World (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990), 5.

  20. John A. Hall, “Introduction: Nation-States in History,” in The Nation-State in Question, ed. T. V. Paul, G. John Ikenberry, and John A. Hall (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2003), 19. Nyerere did at first harbor illusions of merging Tanzania into a large East African Union, but these visions foundered.

  21. For one important example, see Jeffrey Herbst, States and Power in Africa: Comparative Lessons in Authority and Control (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2000), 257–72.

  22. Jean-François Bayart, The State in Africa: The Politics of the Belly (London: Longman, 1993), 150–79; Donald Rothchild, Managing Ethnic Conflict in Africa: Pressures and Incentives for Cooperation (Washington, DC: Brookings Institution Press, 1997), 25–58.

  23. William Reno, Warlord Politics in African States (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 1999).

  24. Englebert, Africa, 64.

  25. Theodore Trefon, Parcours administratifs dans un État en faillite: Récits populaires de Lubumbashi (RDC) (Paris: L’Harmattan, 2007).

  26. Olivier Kahola, “Une semaine d’enquêtes ethnographiques dans les commissariats de Lubumbashi,” Civilisations 54.1–2 (2006): 25–32.

  27. Herbert F. Weiss and Tatiana Carayannis, “The Enduring Idea of the Congo,” in Borders, Nationalism, and the African State, ed. Ricardo René Larémont (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 2005), 135.

  28. Weiss and Carayannis, “The Enduring Idea of the Congo,” 163–64.

  29. Englebert, Africa, 197–98.

  30. Francis M. Deng, “Sudan’s Turbulent Path to Nationhood,” in Borders, 65–73. The significance of this figure is doubtless vitiated by the fact that the southerners interviewed were located in Khartoum, Cairo, and Washington. Had conditions permitted surveying in the south, the figures would surely have been lower.

  31. Among a vast literature, some of the most influential contributions are Ernest Gellner, Nations and Nationalism (Oxford, UK: Blackwell, 1983), Eric Hobsbawm, Nations and Nationalism since 1780 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990), Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism (London: Verso, 1983); Montserrat Guibernau and John Hutchinson, eds., Understanding Nationalism (Cambridge, UK: Polity Press, 2001), John Breuilly, Nationalism and the State (Manchester, UK: Manchester University Press, 1982), and Anthony D. Smith, Nations and Nationalism in a Global Era (Cambridge, UK: Polity Press, 1995). Smith differs from the others in perceiving a more distant origin for the idea of nationalism; he is joined by Adrian Hastings in The Construction of Nationhood: Ethnicity, Religion and Nationalism (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997).

  32. See the illuminating contribution of Bernard Yack, “Nationalism, Popular Sovereignty and the Liberal Democratic State,” in The Nation-State in Question, 29–50, and Bernard Yack, Nationalism and the Moral Psychology of Community (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2012).

  33. Thus originates the debate between “civic” and “ethnic” nationalism, stressed by Liah Greenfeld in Nationalism: Five Roads to Modernity (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1992).

  34. In accounts of nationalism by such leading analysts as Hans Kohn, John Plamenatz, and others; see Yael Tamir, “Theoretical Difficulties in the Study of Nationalism,” in Theorizing Nationalism, ed. Ronald Beiner (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1999), 67–90.

  35. Cited in Michael Clark, Algeria in Turmoil (London: Thames and Hudson, 1960), 17.

  36. Mazrui, “On the Concept ‘We Are All Africans,” 92.

  37. Young, The Politics of Cultural Pluralism, 274.

  38. Rupert Emerson, From Empire to Nation: The Rise to Self-Assertion of Asian and African Peoples (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1960), 95.

  39. Eugen Weber, Peasants into Frenchmen: The Modernization of Rural France, 1870– 1914 (London: Chatto and Windus, 1979).

  40. Uganda also bears the name of the Ganda, dominant in the creation and early administration of the colony but representing only 20% of the population and minoritized by universal suffrage.

  41. See Heike Becker’s intriguing article “Commemorating Heroes in Windhoek and Eenhana: Memory, Culture and Nationalism in Namibia,” Africa 81.4 (2011): 519– 43. Interestingly, the symbolism is not without ambiguities; some Namibians from the center and south point out that the physical features of the “unknown soldier” statue bear a striking resemblance to independence leader Sam Nujoma and are characteristic of northern Namibians (Ovambo).

  42. Michael Billig, Banal Nationalism (London: Sage, 1995), 5.

  43. Sékou Touré, Towards Full Reafricanisation (Paris: Présence Africaine, 1959), 28.

  44. This point is effectively developed in David Laitin, Language Repertoires and State Construction in Africa (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992).

  45. The recent emergence of a Kongo ethnonationalist religious cult Bundu dia Kongo and the sizable 2010 Lubumbashi demonstration (dispersed by the military) to “celebrate” the fiftieth anniversary of the Katanga secession are straws in the wind; see Denis M. Tull’s insightful article “Troubled State-Building in the DR Congo,” Journal of Modern African Studies 48.4 (2010): 643–61.

  46. Daniel Jordan Smith, A Culture of Corruption: Everyday Deception and Popular Discontent in Nigeria (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2007), 193–94.

  47. Jawaharlal Nehru, The Discovery of India (New York: Meridian, 1946).

  48. Englebert, Africa, 198.

  49. My most complete recent discussion of the ethnicity phenomenon can be found in Ethnicity and Politics in Africa (Boston: Boston University African Studies Program, 2002).

  50. For a valuable methodological discussion on analytical capture of ethnicity, see Rawi Abdelal, Yoshiko M. Herrera, Alastair Iain Johnston, and Rose McDermott, eds., Measuring Identity: A Guide for Social Scientists (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009). See also Kanchan Chandra, “What Is Ethnic Identity and Does It Matter?,” Annual Review of Political Science 9 (2006): 375–95.

  51. Joshua A. Fishman, In Praise of the Beloved Language: A Comparative View of Positive Ethnolinguistic Consciousness (Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter, 1997), 20.

  52. Aili Mari Tripp and Crawford Young, “The Accommodation of Cultural Diversity in Tanzania,” in Ethnopolitical Warfare: Causes, Consequences, and Possible Solutions, ed. Daniel Chirot and Martin E. P. Seligman (Washington, DC: American Psychological Association, 2001), 259–74.

  53. Jean-Loup Amselle, Logiques métisses: Anthropologie de l’identité en Afrique et ailleurs (Paris: Fayot, 1990), 30.

  54. Christopher Wrigley, Kingship and State: The Buganda Dynasty (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996).

  55. Francis Deng, War of Visions: Conflict of Identities in the Sudan (Washington, DC: Brookings Institution, 1995).

  56. Henri Tafjels, Human Groups and Social Categories (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1981). See also Richard Jenkins, Social Identities (London: Routledge, 1996).

  57. Although “instrumentalism” and “constructivism” are implicit aspects of interpretation in my Politics of Cultural Pluralism, it only occurred to me only to approach ethnicity through these thr
ee explicit analytical categories when I was preparating my introductory chapter, “The Dialectics of Cultural Pluralism,” in The Rising Tide of Cultural Pluralism: The Nation-State at Bay?, ed. Crawford Young (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1992), 3–35.

  58. An argument well made by Stuart J. Kaufman in Modern Hatreds: The Symbolic Politics of Ethnic War (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2001).

  59. This perspective informed my first major work on cultural pluralism, The Politics of Cultural Pluralism, though without the conceptual designation. Susan Olzak and Joane Nagel, eds., Competitive Ethnic Relations (Orlando, FL: Academic Press, 1986), was one of the first to hone this perspective into a systematic conceptual frame.

  60. Schatzberg, Political Legitimacy in Middle Africa, 26.

  61. Russell Hardin, One for All: The Logic of Group Conflict (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1995), 5.

  62. An influential example is Leroy Vail, ed., The Creation of Tribalism in Southern Africa (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989).

  63. The essays in The Creation of Tribalism, also stress this aspect.

  64. Alexander J. Motyl, “The Social Construction of Social Construction: Implications for Theories of Nationalism and Identity Formation,” Nationalities Papers: The Journal of Nationalities and Ethnicity 38.1 (2010): 64.

  65. Kenneth Jowitt, “Ethnicity: Nice, Nasty, and Nihilistic,” in Ethnopolitical Warfare, 28.

  66. Aidan Southall, “The Illusion of Tribe,” Journal of Asian and African Studies 5.102 (1970): 37.