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by Young, Crawford

  67. A persuasive account of Yoruba ethnogenesis is provided by J. D. Y. Peel in Religious Encounter and the Making of the Yoruba (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2000).

  68. The key role of ancestral town identity in Yoruba politics is well documented by David Laitin in Hegemony and Culture: Politics and Religious Change among the Yoruba (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1996).

  69. Jean-François Bayart, The Illusion of Cultural Identity (London: Hurst, 2005), 2.

  70. For details on Ngala ethnogenesis, see Young, Politics in the Congo, 242–45.

  71. John F. Clark, The Failure of Democracy in the Republic of Congo (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 2008), 121–22.

  72. Daniel N. Posner, Institutions and Ethnic Politics in Africa (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005). Posner’s excellent monograph is an example of pure instrumentalist analysis, informed by rational choice theory.

  73. Paul Nugent reports arriving in Ghanian Eweland in 1985 expecting to find strong cross-border identity, but, despite the weakness of the Ghana state at the time and notwithstanding the fact that much trade and smuggling was taking place across the frontier, he discovered that villagers “regarded Togo as a foreign land where unpredictable (and often unpalatable) things were likely to happen” (Smugglers, Secessionists and Loyal Citizens on the Ghana-Togo Border: The Life of the Borderlands since 1914 [Oxford, UK: James Currey, 2002], 7).

  74. William F. S. Miles, Hausaland Divided: Colonialism and Independence in Nigeria and Niger (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1996), 1.

  75. James Ferguson, Expectations of Modernity: Myths and Meanings of Urban Life in the Zambian Copperelt (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1999).

  76. Jacques Kago Lele, Tribalisme et exclusions au Cameroun (Yaoundé: CRAC, 1995), 6. Lele also reports that in 1966, a professor at the national school of administration publicly called for Bamileke’s extermination (17). Though he was dismissed from his position by President Ahidjo, the incident shows that Bamileke had good reason to fear the animosity of others and react with enhanced identity intensity.

  77. Carolyn Hamilton, Terrific Majesty: The Powers of Shaka Zulu and the Limits of Historical Invention (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1998).

  78. The Kabaka of Uganda (Sir Edward Mutesa II), The Desecration of My Kingdom (London: Constable, 1967), 78–79.

  79. I elaborate further on this point in The Politics of Cultural Pluralism, 45–46.

  80. John Lonsdale, “Moral and Political Argument in Kenya,” in Ethnicity and Democracy in Africa, ed. Bruce Berman, Dickson Eyoh and Will Kymlicka (Oxford, UK: James Currey, 2004), 73–95. This distinction resembles the contrast drawn over three decades ago by Peter Ekeh in a classic article distinguishing the moral community and normative order operative at the ethnic level from the amoral realm of the state; see “Colonialism and the Two Publics in Africa: A Theoretical Statement,” Comparative Studies in Society and History 17.1 (1975): 91–112.

  81. Examples include V. Spike Peterson, “The Politics of Identity and Gendered Nationalism,” in Foreign Policy Analysis: Continuity and Change in its Second Generation, ed. Laura Leack, Jeanne A. K. Hey, and Patrick J. Hanay (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall, 1995), 167–86, and Nira Yuval-Davis, Gender and Nation (New York: Routledge, 1997).

  82. I am indebted to Thomas Spear for this point.

  83. Leroy Vail, introduction, The Creation of Tribalism, 15.

  84. Aili Mari Tripp, Women and Politics in Uganda (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 2000). In a subsequent collaborative work, she reinforces this point by extending it to other African states; see Aili Mari Tripp, Isabel Casamiro, Joy Kwesiga, and Alice Mungwa, African Women’s Movements: Changing Political Landscapes (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009).

  85. Constituent Assembly proceedings of 5 August 1994, quoted in Aili Mari Tripp, “Women’s Movements and Challenges to Neopatrimonial Rule: Preliminary Observations fro Africa,” Development and Change 32.1 (January 2001): 33–54.

  86. I offer an extended treatment of Arab identity in The Politics of Cultural Pluralism, 373–427.

  87. The Egyptian press scornfully dismissed the Algerians as not only territorial others but as pseudo-Arabs, whose innate Berberhood was concealed under a thin veneer of Arabism (Jeune Afrique, 15–21 November 2009, 24–28).

  88. Cited in Jowitt, “Ethnicity,” in Ethnopolitical Warfare, 28.

  89. For some examples among many, see the pair of articles by Jimmy D. Kandeh on the 2002 and 2007 Sierra Leone elections, “Sierra Leone’s Post-Conflict Elections of 2002,” Journal of Modern African Studies 41.2 (2003): 189–216, and “Rogue Incumbents, Donor Assistance, and Sierra Leone’s Second Post-Conflict Elections of 2007,” Journal of Modern African Studies 46.4 (2008): 603–36, as well as Peter Arthur, “Ethnicity and Electoral Politics in Ghana’s Fourth Republic,” Africa Today 56.2 (2009): 45–74.

  90. Jean Bazin, “A chacun son Bambara,” in Au coeur de l’ethnie: Ethnies, tribalisme et état en Afrique, ed. Jean-Loup Amselle and Elikia M’Bokolo (Paris: Découverte, 1985), 97.

  91. Mary C. Waters, Ethnic Options: Choosing Identities in America (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990). Most Euroamericans are only loosely if at all constrained in their ethnic options, as their ancestries are often scrambled and they may have scant knowledge of the origins of their forebears.

  92. Claude Ake, Democracy and Development in Africa (Washington, DC: Brookings Institution, 1996), 132. See also Joshua B. Forrest, Subnationalism in Africa: Ethnicity, Alliances, and Politics (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 2004).

  93. Yoweri Museveni, Sowing the Mustard Seed: The Struggle for Freedom and Democracy in Uganda (London: Macmillan, 1997), 189.

  94. Excellent treatments of the national question in Ethiopia are provided by Edmond J. Keller, “Making and Remaking State and Nation in Ethiopia,” in Borders, 87–134, David Turton, ed., Ethnic Federalism: The Ethiopian Experience in Comparative Perspective (Oxford, UK: James Currey, 2006), and Katsuyoshi Fukui and John Markakis, Ethnicity and Conflict in the Horn of Africa (Oxford, UK: James Currey, 1994).

  95. In one of the rare studies of citizenship in Africa, Jeffrey Herbst shows in a survey of forty constitutions the predominance of jus sanguinis principles (States and Power in Africa, 227–48).

  96. The insidious effect of indigneity doctrines where they have achieved prominence in Ivory Coast, Cameroon, and Congo-Kinshasa receive incisive treatment in Peter Geschiere, The Perils of Belonging: Autochtony, Citzenship, and Exclusion in Africa and Europe (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2009).

  97. Philip Ostien, “Jonah Jang and the Jasawa: Ethno-Religious Conflict in Jos, Nigeria,” Muslim-Christian Relations in Africa, www.sharia-in-africa.net, August 2009, accessed 8 April 2012.

  98. Finnström in his numerous interviews with young Acholi in Uganda finds ample evidence of the coexistence of the three identity tracks that echo many of my conversations with Africans in many countries: “In everyday life, my informants would refer to themselves as Ugandans just as often as they portrayed themselves as Acholi or Luo. It all depends on context. Often, young informants referred to themselves as Africans more than anything else. In the present situation, with war, social breakdown, ethnic tensions, and political turmoil, these young men and women found inspiration and hope from pan-Africanist ideas” (Living with Bad Surroundings: War, History, and Everyday Movements in Northern Uganda [Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2008], 37).

  CHAPTER 9. THE AFRICAN POSTCOLONIAL STATE

  1. Pierre Englebert, Africa: Unity, Sovereignty and Sorrow (Boulder: Lynne Rienner, 2009), 1; Goran Hyden, African Politics in Comparative Perspective (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008), 271. By a different line of reasoning, Robert Bates also suggests that state failure is a dominant outcome for sub-Saharan Africa; see When Things Fell Apart: State Failure in Late-Century Africa (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008).

  2. William Easterly and Ross Lev
ine, “Africa’s Growth Tragedy: Polities and Ethnic Divisions,” Quarterly Journal of Economics 112.4 (1997): 1203.

  3. Theodore Trefon, introduction, Réforme au Congo (RDC): Attentes et désillusions, ed. Theodore Trefon (Paris: L’Harmattan, 2009), 15.

  4. “AFDB/IMF/World Bank: Divergent Predictions,” Africa Research Bulletin, Economic Financial and Technical Series, 46.10 (2009), 18451.

  5. High hopes were vested in the designation of John Githongo as presidential deputy to document and prosecute corruption; he was driven into exile after unraveling the infamous Goldenberg, Anglo-Leasing, and other notorious scandals. He was a major source for Michela Wrong’s appalling chronicle of malfeasance, It’s Our Turn to Eat: The Story of a Kenyan Whistle-Blower (New York: HarperCollins, 2009)

  6. See Richard R. Marcus’s excellent “Marc the Medici? The Failure of a New Form of Neopatrimonial Rule in Madagascar,” Political Science Quarterly 125.1 (2010): 111–31.

  7. Crawford Young, The African Colonial State in Comparative Perspective (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1994), 283.

  8. Achille Mbembe, Afriques indociles: Christianisme, pouvoir et État en société postcoloniale (Paris: Karthala, 1988), 128–43.

  9. In her careful study, Ruth Collier does identify some contrasts in party type and system in the politics of decolonization and initial independence; see Regimes in Tropical Africa: Changing Forms of Supremacy, 1945–1975 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1982). These differences soon faded.

  10. Bates offers a more elaborated sketch of state failure in When Things Fell Apart.

  11. I here borrow the title Jan Vansina’s masterful Being Colonized: The Kuba Experience in Rural Congo, 1880–1960 (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 2010).

  12. Crawford Young, “The End of the Post-Colonial State in Africa? Reflections on Changing African Political Dynamics,” African Affairs 103.410 (2004): 48–49.

  13. Among the analysts pointing to the developmental legacy of Japanese colonial rule is Atul Kohli in State-Directed Development: Political Power and Industrialization in the Global Periphery (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004). More generally on the Japanese colonial legacy, see Ramon H. Myers and Mark R. Peattie, eds., The Japanese Colonial Empire, 1895–1945 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1984).

  14. Classic exponents of the developmental state model include Alice Amsden, Asia’s Next Giant: South Korea and Late Industrialization (New York: Oxford University Press, 1989), and Robert Wade, Governing the Market: Economic Theory and the Role of Government in East Asian Industrialization (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1990).

  15. Thomas M. Callaghy and John Ravenhill, “How Hemmed In? Lessons and Prospects of Africa’s Response to Decline,” in Hemmed In: Africa’s Responses to Decline, ed. Thomas M. Callaghy and John Ravenhill (New York: Columbia University Press, 1993), 585.

  16. Kohli, State-Directed Development; Peter M. Lewis, Growing Apart: Oil, Politics, and Economic Change in Indonesia and Nigeria (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2007). See also David Bevan, Paul Collier, and Jon Willem, Nigeria and Indonesia (New York: Oxford University Press, 1999).

  17. The striking spread of Naxalite presence is mapped in Economist, 19 August 2006.

  18. Paul Brass, The Politics of India since Independence, 2nd ed. (Cambridge: Cambridge University, 1994), 350.

  19. Atul Kohli, Democracy and Discontent: India’s Growing Crisis of Governability (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 19090), 378–79.

  20. Lloyd I. Rudolph and Susanne Hoeber Rudolph, In Pursuit of Lakshimi: The Political Economy of the Indian State (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1987), 400.

  21. Theodore Friend, Indonesian Destinies (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2003), 247; Crawford Young and Thomas Turner, The Rise and Decline of the Zairian State (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1995), 178–82.

  22. Lewis, Growing Apart, 270.

  23. Friend, Indonesian Destinies, 233.

  24. Deborah J. Yasher, “Civil War and Social Welfare: The Origins of Costa Rica’s Competitive Party System,” in Building Democratic Institutions: Party Systems in Latin America, ed. Scott Mainwaring and Timothy R. Scully (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1995), 72.

  25. Claudio Veliz, The Centralist Tradition in Latin America (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1980); James Lang, Commerce and Conquest: Spain and England in the Americas (New York: Academic Press, 1975). The bureaucratic-authoritarian state model originates with Guillermo O’Donnell in Modernization and Bureaucratic-Authoritarianism (Berkeley: Institute of International Affairs, University of California, 1973). Influential comparative analysis capturing the authoritarian moment includes David Collier, ed., The New Authoritarianism in Latin America (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1979), and James M. Malloy, ed., Authoritarianism and Corporatism in Latin America (Pittsburgh, PA: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1979).

  26. Mainwaring and Scully, eds., Building Democratic Institutions.

  27. Barbara Stallings and Wilson Peres led a team of political economists who evaluated Latin American economic reform; they found it brought some improvement, though less than its most fervent advocates expected (Growth, Employment, and Equity: The Impact of the Economic Reforms in Latin America and the Caribbean [Washington, DC: Brookings Institution Press, 2000]).

  28. Benno J. Ndulu, Stephen A. O’Connell, Robert H. Bates, Paul Collier, and Chukwuma C. Soludo, eds., The Political Economy of Economic Growth in Africa, 1960–2000, 2 vols. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008).

  29. Benno J. Ndulu et al., introduction, The Political Economy of Economic Growth in Africa, 1:5.

  30. Jeffrey Herbst, States and Power in Africa: Comparative Lessons in Authority and Control (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2000).

  31. Benno J. Ndulu and Stephen A. O’Connell, “Policy Plus: African Growth Performance, 1960–2000,” in The Political Economy of Economic Growth in Africa, 1:3–75.

  32. William Easterly and Ross Levine, “Africa’s Growth Tragedy: Policies and Ethnic Divisions,” Quarterly Journal of Economics 112.4 (1997): 1203–50.

  33. Some of these are examined in Crawford Young, ed., Ethnic Diversity and Public Policy: A Comparative Inquiry (Houndmills, UK: Macmillan, 1998).

  34. Joshua B. Forrest, Lineages of State Fragility: Rural Civil Society in Guinea-Bissau (Oxford, UK: James Curry, 2003); Pierre Kalck, Central African Republic: A Failure in Decolonization (New York: Praeger, 1971); Andreas Mehler, “The Shaky Foundations, Adverse Circumstances, and Limited Achievements of Democratic Transition in Central African Republic,” in The Fate of Africa’s Democratic Experiments: Elites and Institutions, ed. Leonardo A. Villalon and Peter VonDoepp (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2005), 126–52.

  35. William Reno, “Mafiya Troubles, Warlord Crises,” in Beyond State Crisis? Postcolonial Africa and Post-Soviet Eurasia in Comparative Perspective, ed. Mark R. Beissinger and Crawford Young (Washington, DC: Woodrow Wilson Center Press, 2002), 105–28.

  36. Clement Moore Henry and Robert Springborg, Globalization and the Politics of Development in the Middle East, 2nd ed. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010), 196.

  37. Among other sources, see Chris Alden, Apartheid’s Last Stand: The Rise and Fall of the South African Security State (Houndmills, UK: Macmillan Press, 1996), Robert M. Price, The Apartheid State in Crisis, 1975–1990 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1991), Annette Seegers, The Military in the Making of Modern South Africa (London: I. B. Tauris, 1996), and Joseph Hanlon, Beggar Your Neighbors: Apartheid Power in Southern Africa (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1986).

  38. UN forces have been deployed in Angola, Burundi, Central African Republic, Congo-Kinshasa, Eritrea-Ethiopia, Ivory Coast, Liberia, Rwanda, Sierra Leone, Somalia, and Sudan. An EU force served in Chad, and the AU sent forces to Comoros, Sudan, and Somalia. Senegal intervened unilaterally in Gambia and Guinea-Bissau, and South Africa in Lesoth
o.

  39. International Institute for Strategic Studies, The Military Balance 2008 (London: Routledge, 2008.

  40. This thesis was first set forth by Robert H. Jackson and Carl G. Rosberg in Why Africa’s Weak States Persist: The Empirical and the Juridical in Statehood,” World Politics 35.1 (1982), 1–24. See also Robert H. Jackson, Quasi-States: Sovereignty, International Relations and the Third World (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990), and Englebert, Africa: Unity, Suffering and Sorrow (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 2009).

  41. Nicolas van de Walle, African Economies and the Politics of Permanent Crisis, 1979– 1999 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001.

  42. “Africa: Illicit Outlfows,” Africa Research Bulletin, Economic, Financial, and Technical Series, 47.3 (2010): 18631.

  43. Michael G. Schatzberg, Political Legitimacy in Middle Africa: Father, Family, Food (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2001), 212.

  44. Englebert, Africa, 197.

  45. Patrick Chabal, Africa: The Politics of Suffering and Smiling (London: Zed, 2009), 97.

  46. Young, The African Colonial State, 38.

  47. Robert H. Bates, Markets and States in Tropical Africa: The Political Basis of Agricultural Politicies (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1981), 12–19.

  48. Goran Therborn, What Does the Ruling Class Do When It Rules? State Apparatuses and State Power under Feudalism, Capitalism and Socialism (London: NRB, 1978).

  49. For an example, see Vali Jamal, “Taxation and Inequality in Uganda,” Journal of Economic History 38.2 (1978): 418–38.

  50. E. H. Winter, Bwamba Economy (Kampala: East African Institute of Social Research, 1955), 34–35.

  51. This draws on a table of African government revenue constructed by Michael Schatzberg from CIA World Factbooks.

  52. CIA, The CIA World Factbook 2009 (New York: Skyhorse Publishing, 2008), 480. The debt-relief accord reflected in good part the credibility at the time of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, then led by Nuhu Ribadu, and the skills of the finance minister, Ngozi Okonjo Iweala.