65. Black Organization Grows from Hearing on Racism, Fort Hood United Front pamphlet, Division of Rare and Manuscript Collections, Cornell University.
66. Derrick Morrison, “Black Caucus Exposes Military Racism,” Militant, December 3, 1971.
67. Zeiger interview.
68. Black Organization Grows from Hearing on Racism, Fort Hood United Front pamphlet. See also “Military Race Relations Held Explosive,” New York Times, November 18, 1971; and Honorable Louis Stokes, “Racism in the Military: A New System for Rewards and Punishment,” Congressional Black Caucus Report, Congressional Record, 92nd Cong., 2nd sess., October 14, 1972.
69. Cortright, Soldiers in Revolt, 88–89.
70. Zeiger, History of the Oleo Strut Coffeehouse, 20–21.
71. Letter, Counterpoint, September 20, 1969, 4, Underground GI Newspapers, The Sixties Project digital archives.
72. United States, Congress, House, Committee on Internal Security, Workers World Party and Its Front Organizations, 21. The Committee on Internal Security report refers to the American Servicemen’s Union as one of the (Socialist) Workers World Party’s primary American front organizations. Before forming the ASU, Stapp had been court-martialed in the late 1960s for his antiwar activities. The ASU evolved into a forceful presence within the Vietnam-era GI movement before dissolving in the years after the war.
73. “Report on the March and Rally,” Counterpoint, February 24, 1969; “Report on Antiwar Actions,” ibid., April 14, 1969, Underground GI Newspapers, The Sixties Project digital archives.
74. “Report on Antiwar Actions.”
75. Peck, Uncovering the Sixties, 12–14.
76. United States, Congress, House, Committee on Internal Security, Investigation of Attempts to Subvert the United States Armed Services (hereafter United States, Investigation), part 1, 6411.
77. Kindig, “Demilitarized Zone,” 16.
78. Ibid., 18.
79. United States, Investigation, part 1, 6414.
80. “Woman Leads ‘Invasion’ at Coast’s Fort Lewis,” Pittsburgh Press, July 14, 1969; “Fort Invaders Given Warning,” Spokane Daily Chronicle, July 14, 1969; “Peace Invaders,” Ellensburg (Wash.) Daily Record, July 12, 1969; “Fort Lewis ‘Liberation’ Falls Flat; 7 Arrested,” Lodi (Calif.) News-Sentinel, July 14, 1969.
81. “The Great Invasion,” Counterpoint, August 7, 1969, Underground GI Newspapers, The Sixties Project digital archives; Peter Arnett, “Major Describes Move,” New York Times, February 8, 1968. Coontz was referring to one of the most famous quotes of the Vietnam War, from an article by AP correspondent Peter Arnett. Writing about the provincial capital, Bến Tre, on February 7, 1968, Arnett reported, “‘It became necessary to destroy the town to save it,’ a United States major said today. He was talking about the decision by allied commanders to bomb and shell the town regardless of civilian casualties, to rout the Vietcong.”
82. “The Great Invasion,” Counterpoint, August 7, 1969, Underground GI Newspapers, The Sixties Project digital archives.
83. Staff editorial, Fed Up!, vol. 1, no. 1, October 13, 1969, Underground GI Newspapers, The Sixties Project digital archives.
84. Lewes, Protest and Survive, 46.
85. Seattle Times, October 21, 1969, 6.
86. Rinaldi, “The Olive-Drab Rebels,” 37–38.
87. Steven V. Roberts, “17 G.I.’s Sue to Clarify Speech and Assembly Rights,” New York Times, October 29, 1969.
88. Stapp, Up against the Brass, 88–90.
89. “GIs Refuse Vietnam Duty,” A Four Year Bummer, vol. 2, no. 6, August 1970.
90. “Hands Off the Shelter Half,” Fed Up!, vol. 1, no. 3, January 16, 1970, Underground GI Newspapers, The Sixties Project digital archives; Capt. H. W. Stauffacher, letter on behalf of Armed Forces Disciplinary Control Board, to proprietor of Shelter Half Coffeehouse, December 11, 1969, reprinted in Waterhouse and Wizard, Turning the Guns Around, 78–79.
CHAPTER 3
1. United States, Congress, House, Committee on Internal Security, Subversive Involvement.
2. Hunt, David Dellinger, 215–28. See also Sossi, Voices of the Chicago Eight.
3. United States, Congress, House, Committee on Internal Security, Investigation of Attempts to Subvert the United States Armed Services (hereafter United States, Investigation), part 2, 2667–68.
4. Ibid., 2681.
5. Ibid.
6. Ibid., 2673.
7. For a wider discussion of Heinl and the internal conflict concerning military policy during the later years of the Vietnam War, see Cincinnatus, Self-Destruction, 10.
8. United States, Investigation, part 2, 7080–81.
9. By 1971, HUAC, which had been in charge of the first congressional investigation of the GI coffeehouse network, had significantly diminished in power and public esteem. The stain of McCarthyism haunted the committee throughout the 1960s, and many Americans regarded the institution as a relic of an unpleasant era. Public disdain for HUAC’s investigations caused the committee to change its name in 1969, removing the politically divisive term “Un-American” and rebranding itself the “Committee on Internal Security.” In 1975, the House of Representatives voted to abolish the committee altogether; its functions were folded into the House Judiciary Committee. Navasky, Naming Names, 12–15; Staples, Encyclopedia of Privacy, 284.
10. United States, Investigation, part 2, 6382.
11. Ibid.
12. In his 1971 article, Heinl referred to the “communist” National Mobilization Committee as the coffeehouse network’s main ideological supporters, despite the fact that the Mobe had disintegrated in the late 1960s.
13. Thomas Geogheghan, “By Any Other Name. Brass Tacks,” Harvard Crimson, February 24, 1969. Geogheghan captured the wider cultural changes that undermined HUAC’s authority: “In the fifties, the most effective sanction was terror. Almost any publicity from HUAC meant the ‘blacklist.’ Without a chance to clear his name, a witness would suddenly find himself without friends and without a job. But it is not easy to see how in 1969 a HUAC blacklist could terrorize an SDS activist. Witnesses like Jerry Rubin have openly boasted of their contempt for American institutions. A subpoena from HUAC would be unlikely to scandalize Abbie Hoffman or his friends.”
14. United States, Investigation, part 2, 7002.
15. “Council May Use New Ordinance to Bar Coffeehouse in Muldraugh,” Louisville Courier-Journal, September 24, 1969; Frank Ashley, “Muldraugh Coffeehouse Scene of Quiet Protest,” ibid., October 16, 1969.
16. “Fact Sheet on GI Coffeehouse,” Fun Travel Adventure, no. 16, September 1969, Tamiment Library, New York University.
17. Fort Knox Coffeehouse Report, supplement to USSF newsletter, December 1969.
18. Bill Peterson, “Viet Veteran Defends Coffeehouse as Muldraugh Eviction Trial Ends,” Louisville Courier-Journal, September 26, 1969; Bill Peterson, “Exiles by Choice,” ibid., September 23, 1971.
19. “Letter to the Editor,” Killeen Daily Herald, May 18, 1971.
20. Ibid., May 23, 1971.
21. Ibid., October 28, 1971.
22. Ibid.
23. Mark Lane, “The Covered Wagon: Finding the Power to Affect our Destinies,” Helping Hand, no. 10, May 1972, Underground GI Newspapers, The Sixties Project digital archives.
24. “The Covered Wagon,” letter to the New York Review of Books, December 30, 1971. The letter was signed by a number of the USSF’s most visible public supporters, including Noam Chomsky, Faye Dunaway, Jane Fonda, Dick Gregory, and Arthur Miller.
25. Ibid.
26. “Visit From a Former P.O.W. George Smith,” Helping Hand, no. 8, February 1972, Underground GI Newspapers, The Sixties Project digital archives.
27. “Fort Dix Coffeehouse Bombing,” USSF transcription of phone call from Leroy Townley, http://sirnosir.com/archives_and_resources/library/pamphlets_publications. Townley was a member of the Fort Dix Coffeehouse collective and a witness to the incident.
28. “Soldier Is Still Hospi
talized after Bombing at Fort Dix,” New York Times, February 17, 1970.
29. Paul Eberle, “Dr. Levy on GI Repression,” Los Angeles Free Press, May 15, 1970.
30. Ibid.
31. Letter dated July 5, 1968, http://www.icdc.com/~paulwolf/cointelpro/director5july1968.htm, digital scan accessed July 17, 2010. For more on the counterintelligence program’s specific targeting of New Left groups, see Davis, Assault on the Left; Jeffreys-Jones, FBI; and Cunningham, There’s Something Happening Here.
32. “Politics Are Off Limits at Fort Lewis,” Black Panther, January 17, 1970.
33. “Coffeehouse to Fight Off-Limits Designation,” Tacoma News Tribune, December 18, 1969.
34. “Hands Off the Shelter Half,” Fed Up!, vol. 1, no. 3, January 16, 1970, Underground GI Newspapers, The Sixties Project digital archives. Other popular Fort Lewis–area GI antiwar publications included B Troop News and Lewis-McChord Free Press (Tillicum, Wash.).
35. Cortright, Soldiers in Revolt, 76–77.
36. “‘Trial’ Finds Army Guilty,” Seattle Post-Intelligencer, January 22, 1970; “Trial of the Army,” Fed Up!, vol. 1, no. 4, February 26, 1970, Underground GI Newspapers, The Sixties Project digital archives.
37. From the Shelter Half pamphlet, February 1970, http://sirnosir.com/archives_and_resources/library/pamphlets_publications/repression/shelter_half/page1.html, accessed July 19, 2010.
38. “Coffeehouse Claims GI Held in ‘Reprisal,’” Tacoma News Tribune, January 26, 1970.
39. “On Limits,” Fed Up!, vol. 1, no. 4, February 26, 1970, Underground GI Newspapers, The Sixties Project digital archives.
40. Lee, “Fed Up at Fort Lewis,” 21–23.
41. From the Shelter Half.
42. Cortright, Soldiers in Revolt, 174.
43. Other “identity”-based GI antiwar publications included Black Unity (Camp Pendleton, Calif.), and the Native American–focused Broken Arrow (Selfridge Air Force Base, Mich.).
44. Memorandum, Major General Kenneth G. Wickham, Adjutant General, to Commanding Generals, May 28, 1969, subj.: Guidance on Dissent, Records of the Historical Services Division Relating to Army Organizations and Operations, National Archives and Records Administration, Record Group 472, box 14, 3.
45. Ibid., 6.
46. Ibid., 4.
47. Keeney, “Resistance,” 58.
48. McAninch, “UFO,” 7.
49. Grose, “Voices of Southern Protest during the Vietnam War Era,” 158.
50. Lee Bandy, “FBI Files Tell of Work against USC Left, UFO,” The State, December 16, 1977, A1.
51. McAninch, “UFO,” 7.
52. Giles, “Antiwar Movement in Columbia, South Carolina,” 13.
53. Ibid., 12.
54. Quoted in Myers, Black, White, and Olive Drab, 203.
55. The State, August 2, 1969.
56. Transcript of testimony at 125, State v. Hannafan, Court of General Sessions, Indictment No. 240, Fifth Judicial Circuit of South Carolina (April 15, 1970, through April 28, 1970).
57. McAninch, “UFO,” 7.
58. Ibid.
59. The State, January 14, 1970.
60. Ibid., January 18, 1970.
61. “Students and Soldiers Protest Closing of Antiwar Coffeehouse,” New York Times, January 19, 1970, 4.
62. McAninch, “UFO,” 4.
63. Giles, “Antiwar Movement in Columbia, South Carolina,” 19.
64. USSF newsletter, January 24, 1970, http://sirnosir.com/archives_and_resources/library/pamphlets_publications.
65. The State, March 4, 1970.
66. Ibid., February 2, 1970, and February 5, 1970.
67. Giles, “Antiwar Movement in Columbia, South Carolina,” 19.
68. Quoted in McAninch, “UFO,” 7.
69. Myers, Black, White, and Olive Drab, 203.
70. Giles, “Antiwar Movement in Columbia, South Carolina,” 19.
71. John D. Spade, “USC Group Says Foard ‘Threatens Freedom,’” The State, May 1, 1970.
72. Ibid.
73. Quoted in McAninch, “UFO,” 8.
74. For more on the John Foard saga, including details on his political connections and power over the university, see Lesesne, History of the University of South Carolina, 221–36.
75. Giles, “Antiwar Movement in Columbia, South Carolina,” 26–29.
76. Charlotte Observer, June 8, 1970.
77. Myers, Black, White, and Olive Drab, 204.
78. Bass and Nelson, Orangeburg Massacre. On February 8, 1968, local police opened fire on a crowd of (largely black) students at the University of South Carolina, Orangeburg, just forty-five miles south of Columbia. The crowd was protesting the continued segregation at a local bowling alley. The incident preceded both the Jackson State and Kent State shootings later in the era and produced a flood of civil rights activism in the area. In Columbia, the UFO coffeehouse became a natural meeting place for activists in the wake of the Orangeburg shooting.
79. McAninch, “UFO.”
80. Lesesne, History of the University of South Carolina, 235.
81. McAninch, “UFO,” 7. McAninch details his discovery of Solicitor Foard’s correspondences within a file that included the UFO trial transcript located at the Southern Regional Office of the ACLU in Atlanta, Georgia. The letters were sent to the office after Foard’s death.
CHAPTER 4
1. Wills, Nixon Agonistes, 191. See also Perlstein, Nixonland, 657. According to Perlstein, by the time Nixon was elected, “Americans hated the war. They hated the antiwarriors more.”
2. Cortright, Soldiers in Revolt, 13.
3. The most comprehensive institutional history of the U.S. military’s transition to the all-volunteer force is Griffith, U.S. Army’s Transition to the All-Volunteer Force. Other more sociologically driven histories include Rostker, I Want You!, and Flynn, Draft.
4. Appy, Working Class War, 51–60.
5. Foley, Confronting the War Machine. Foley’s work separates the phenomenon of “draft-dodging” (evading the draft through fraudulent deferments, fleeing to Canada, or other means) from “draft resistance,” which constituted young men taking political action against the draft, most often in the form of public protest and/or civil disobedience.
6. Cortright, Soldiers in Revolt, 84.
7. Vineberg and Taylor, Summary and Review of Studies of the VOLAR Experiment, 1971, 6.
8. “Hood Opens Coffee House,” Killeen Daily Herald, October 28, 1971.
9. Fonda, My Life So Far, 238.
10. Lewis, Hard Hats, Hippies, and Hawks, 45.
11. GI News and Discussion Bulletin, no. 10, January 1972, 1.
12. Westmoreland’s official title was Deputy Commander of Military Assistance Command, Vietnam, the military’s generic name for all operations in Vietnam.
13. Steven V. Roberts, “Girls, Bands, and Ticker Tape Greet Troops from Vietnam in Seattle,” New York Times, July 11, 1969.
14. “Royal Welcome Set for Vietnam Vets,” Tacoma News Tribune, July 6, 1969, A2; “Cheers, Anti-war Chants Greet Returning Soldiers,” Seattle Times, July 10, 1969, 1; “Token Pullout Met with Demand: Bring All the Troops Home Now!,” Militant, July 25, 1969, 1; “Seattle Demonstrators: ‘Bring ’em All Home!,” Militant, July 25, 1969, 10.
15. Anderson, “GI Movement and the Response from the Brass,” 98.
16. Cortright, Soldiers in Revolt, 55.
17. Daly, Covering America; Peck, Uncovering the Sixties; Starr, Creation of the Media. The rise of the underground press in the 1960s occurred within a longer historical period of corporate consolidation in the newspaper industry, which replaced the rich landscape of urban newspapers that had arisen in the nineteenth century with a relatively tiny group of elite media sources owned by multinational business interests. In New York City, for example, there were more than fifteen major news publications in circulation in 1900, yet by 1967 only three major newspapers (the New York Times, the New York Post, and the New York Daily News) remained. Though “counterculture�
�� media’s existence was not entirely a reaction to this larger phenomenon, the increasingly closed-off nature of mainstream print journalism undoubtedly contributed to the popularity and appeal of alternative news sources in the 1960s and 1970s.
18. Memorandum, Major General Kenneth G. Wickham, Adjutant General, to Commanding Generals, May 28, 1969, subj.: Guidance on Dissent. National Archives and Records Administration, Record Group 472, box 14, 3.
19. Lewes, Protest and Survive, 83.
20. Quoted in Ostertag, People’s Movement, People’s Press, 141.
21. Quoted in ibid., 144.
22. Hajdu, Ten-Cent Plague; Duncan and Smith, Power of Comics, 53–54. Duncan and Smith credit Mad magazine as the inspiration for a whole generations of comic artists and publishers. By the early 1960s, they argue, Mad’s influence was evident not only in other comic publications but also in the wider aesthetic and attitude of American youth culture. This orientation made underground comics (“comix”) inherently political: “Comix not only defied the sources of authority in conventional society by breaking their taboos, but they also went on the direct attack. Authority figures are presented as inept or brutish and always corrupt. The structures of society, institutions, and bureaucracies are portrayed as soulless and oppressive. As German media critics Rheinhold Reitberger and Wolfgang Fuchs correctly observed from their outside perspective, ‘the underground cartoonists and their creations attack all that middle America holds dear.’” Duncan and Smith, Power of Comics, 53–54.
23. A series of books published by military leaders and critics in the 1970s took issue with the Vietnam-era Officer Corps and its focus on careerism and professionalization. See Gabriel and Savage, Crisis in Command; King, Death of the Army; and Grandstaff, “Making the Military American.”
24. “The Hours of Boredom, the Seconds of Terror,” New York Times, February 8, 1970.
25. Lifton, Home from the War, 231.
26. Barber, Hard Rain Fell, 15–19. For more on Black Power’s impact on the New Left, see Joseph, Waiting ’til the Midnight Hour.
27. Quoted in Zinn, Power of Nonviolence, 39.
28. Quoted in Haas, Assassination of Fred Hampton, 27.
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