Saint Joan of Arc

by Vita Sackville-West

  fn2They were refunded later out of the royal treasury.

  fn3Procès, Vol. II, p. 457: Deposition of Bertrand de Poulengy.

  fn4Procès, Vol. I, pp. 104–5. Lui rescrist que il la rearoit, s’il vouloit, et qu’elle ne la vouloit point, et qu’elle ne valoit rien pour souffrir paine.

  fn5Procès, Vol. I, p. 55.

  fn6Siméon Luce, Jeanne d’Arc à Domremy, p. ccxiv, footnote.

  fn7Marquis de Pimodan, La première étape de Jeanne d’Arc, p. 36.

  fn8Procès, Vol. II, p. 437: Deposition of Jean de Metz.

  fn9Procès, Vol. III, p. 199: Deposition of Ausson Lemaistre.

  fn10We know for a fact, for instance, that the Bastard of Orleans had heard of her long before she reached Chinon. See Chapter 8, here, infra.

  fn11Procès, Vol. II, p. 438: Deposition of Jean de Metz.

  fn12Procès, Vol. II, p. 438: Deposition of Jean de Metz.

  fn13Procès, Vol. II, p. 457: Deposition of Bertrand de Poulengy.

  fn14J. Michelet, Histoire de France au Moyen Age.

  fn15Procès, Vol. II, p. 449: Deposition of Henri le Royer.

  fn16Marquis de Pimodan, La première étape de Jeanne d’Arc, p. 39.

  fn17Procès, Vol. III, p. 203: Deposition of Frère Seguin. There is also the evidence of Marguerite la Touroulde, who says that her companions had begun by thinking her mad and wanting to throw her into a ditch (see Chapter 13, here).

  fn18Chanoine Henri Bas et l’abbé Charles Pichon, Sainte Catherine de Fierbois, p. 115

  fn19Procès, Vol. I, pp. 75–6.

  fn20Anquetil, Histoire de France (1805).

  fn21Du Fresne de Beaucourt, Histoire de Charles VII, Vol. I, pp. 6–7.

  fn22Amelgard, quoted by Michelet, Histoire de France au Moyen Age: Il avait une physionomie agréable mais il n’était pas grand, il avail les jambes minces et grèles. Il paraissait à son avantage quand il était revétu de son manteau, le plus souvent, il n’avait qu’une veste courte de drap vert, et l’on était choqué de lui voir des jambes si menues, avec de gros genoux.

  fn23Anatole France, Vie de Jeanne d’Arc, Vol. I, p. 195.

  fn24G. du Fresne de Beaucourt, Histoire de Charles VII, Vol. II, pp. 194–5.

  fn25Martial d’Auvergne, 1440–1508, Les Vigilles du Roy Charles VII, Vol. I, p. 56.

  fn26Isabeau de Bavière, once reputed a beautiful woman, gave birth to twelve children between the years 1386 and 1407: Charles, who died aged three months; Jeanne, diedaged two; Isabelle, who lived to be twenty; Jeanne, who attained the age of forty; Charles, died aged nine; Marie, lived to forty-five; Michelle, died aged twenty-seven; Louis, died aged seventeen; Jean, died aged seventeen; Catherine, died aged thirty-seven; Charles VII, who surpassed them all by living till he was fifty-seven; and Philippe, who died on the day of his birth.

  fn27MS. Saint Germain français, No. 352, folio 77. Bibliothèque nationale.

  fn28Procès, Vol. I, p. 143.

  fn29For the information of non-Catholic readers, fasting means that you may eat only one full meal a day, of course excluding meat; abstinence, that you merely refrain from eating meat. No one under twenty-one or over sixty is bound to fast, nor any invalid; children under seven are likewise exempted from abstinence.

  fn30Procès, Vol. III, p. 115: Deposition of Simon Charles.

  fn31Procès, Vol. IV, pp. 126–7: Journal du siège d’Orléans; and Procès, Vol. IV, p. 207: Chronique de la Pucelle.

  fn32Procès, Vol. IV, p. 207: Chronique de la Pucelle.

  fn33Procès, Vol. III, p. 102: Deposition of Jean Paquerel. The translation of the words, negando Deum, by the old oath, Jarnidieu, meaning je renie Dieu, is, I think, justifiable, especially in view of what Jeanne then said to him. Jeanne’s own words are given in French in the text: ‘Ha! en nom Dieu, tu le renyes, et tu es si près de ta mort.’

  fn34Procès, Vol. III, p. 116: Deposition of Simon Charles; Procès, Vol. IV, p. 207: Chronique de la Pucelle.

  fn35Procès, Vol. IV, p. 52: Jean Chartier.

  fn36See Appendix C, here.

  fn37Procès, Vol. III, p. 103: Deposition of Jean Paquerel. There are several slight variants of Jeanne’s first words; e.g. ibid., Vol. III, p. 17: Deposition of Raoul de Gaucourt; ibid., Vol. III, p. 92: Deposition of the Duke of Alençon; ibid., Vol. III, p. 115; Deposition of Simon Charles; but they all amount to very much the same.

  fn38Procès, Vol. I, p. 75.

  fn39Procès, Vol. IV, p. 185: Journal du siège d’Oréans.

  fn40Procès, Vol. IV, pp. 52–3: Jean Chartier.

  fn41Procès, Vol. III, p. 103: Deposition of Jean Paquerel.

  fn42This would have fallen on November 1st, 1428.

  fn43Slightly abbreviated from the account of the anonymous author known as ‘l’Abbréviateur du Procès’: Procès, Vol. IV, pp. 258–9.

  fn44Procès, Vol. III, p. 116: Deposition of Simon Charles.

  fn45This theory that he was the son of Louis d’Orléans is open to dispute; it is even denied by recent historians that Isabeau de Bavière had ever been anything more to d’Orléans than merely his sister-in-law. But was he the son of Charles VI? A consideration of the following dates is not irrelevant to this enquiry: Charles VII was born on February 22nd, 1403. Therefore he must have been conceived some time towards the middle of the preceding month of May. Now, his official father, Charles VI, is known to have entered into one of his periods of madness just before Whitsunday, May 14th, although up to that date he seems to have been in normal health, as is attested by his taking part in a tournament which began on May 10th; and lasted for two days. We must therefore conclude that the attack of madness began on May 12th or 3th – possibly brought on by the exertion and excitement of the jousting – and we know, further, that it lasted until the beginning of June. It is only fair to add that the Queen spent practically the whole of the month of May in his palace of Saint Paul in Paris; but it is also fair, in the interests of truth, to reflect that the madness of her husband must have left her a considerable degree of liberty during that important fortnight in the latter half of May.

  The dates, of course, are not conclusive evidence, but they are at least suggestive. The legitimacy of Charles VII is just possible, but only just.

  fn46Procès, Vol. III, p. 116: Deposition of Simon Charles.

  fn47Procès, Vol. V, p. 133: Letter attributed to Alain Chartier, the Dauphin’s secretary, to a foreign prince.

  fn48Procès, Vol. III, p. 91. Deposition of the Duke of Alençon.

  fn49This is Charles d’Orléans, the poet. Among the many legends which have sprung up about Jeanne is one to the effect that she was Charles d’Orléans’ illegitimate daughter. There is nothing to be said for this theory, but it is amusing to reflect en passant that if Jeanne was Charles d’Orléans’ daughter, and the Dauphin Louis d’Orléans son, then the Dauphin and Jeanne were uncle and niece!

  Perhaps this genealogical table will make the pretended relationship clear:

  fn50Procès, Vol. IV, p. 10: Perceval de Cagny; and Procès, Vol. I, p. 254.

  fn51Procès, Vol. IV, p. II. Perceval de Cagny.

  fn52Procès, Vol. III, p. 92. Deposition of the Duke of Alençon.

  fn53I accept the figures given by the Marquis de Pimodan, himself a cavalry officer, and the distance estimated by L. Champion, Jeanne d’Arc écuyère.

  fn54A story of Jeanne’s visit to Nancy is given in the Chronique de Lorraine, that curious saga which credits her with the capture of Paris, Bordeaux, Bayonne, Dieppe, Harfleur, Honfleur, Caen, and all the towns of Normandy except Rouen. I append the story here, partly to give an example of the sing-song style of the chronicler, whose inversions and assonances throughout suggest that his chronicle is in reality nothing but a long poem broken up into prose: Comment! dit le duc, tu ne portas jamais armes, ne à cheval ne fus! La fille respondit que, quant elle auroit un arnois et un cheval, dessus je monteray; la verra on sije ne le scay guider. Le due luy donna un arnois et cheval, et la fit armer. Elle esroit legère; on amena
la cheval et des meilleurs, tout sellez, bridez; en présence de tous, sans mettre le pied en l’estrier, dedans la selle se rua. On luy donna une lance; elle veint en la place du chasteau; elle la couru. Jamais hommes d’armes mieux ne la couru. Toute la noblesse esbahy estoient.

  fn55He had been taken prisoner at Verneuil by the English.

  fn56Procès, Vol. IV, pp. 10–11: Perceval de Cagny; and Procès, Vol. III, p. 96: Deposition of the Duke of Alençon.

  fn57Procès, Vol. III, p. 103: Deposition of Jean Paquerel.

  fn58Procès, Vol. III, p. 102: Deposition of Jean Paquerel.

  fn59Procès, Vol. III, p. 17: Deposition of Raoul de Gaucourt.

  fn60Procès, Vol. III, pp. 65–7: Deposition of Louis de Contes.

  fn61Procès, Vol. IV, p. 209: Chronique de la Pucelle; ibid., p. 128: Journal du siège d’Orléans. The Journal differs slightly from the Chronique, in making Jeanne guess her destination by divine inspiration, but in substance the story is the same. Judging by what we know of Jeanne’s character, it seems highly unlikely that she would have allowed herself to be conducted half-way to Poitiers before asking where she was going; she probably asked before she started; her remark, however, reads with her authentic accent; and, indeed, as the Journal adds, c’estoit sa manière de parler.

  8. Poitiers to Orleans

  fn1 Procès, Vol. IV, p. 209: Chronique de la Pucelle.

  fn2 Procès, Vol. III, p. 82: Deposition of Jean Barbin.

  fn3 Procès, Vol. III, p. 74: Deposition of Gobert Thibault.

  fn4 Andrew Lang, The Maid of France, p. 94.

  fn5 Procès, Vol. III, p. 203: Deposition of Frère Seguin.

  fn6 Procès, Vol. IV, p. 209: Chronique de la Pucelle.

  fn7 Procès, Vol. IV, p. 210: Chronique de la Pucelle.

  fn8 Procès, Vol. III, pp. 204–5: Deposition of Frère Seguin: En nom Dieu, je ne suis pas venue à Poitiers pour faire signes. (In French in the original.)

  fn9 Procès, Vol. III, p. 205: Deposition of Frère Seguin. It should be noted that Jeanne’s claims had grown from two to four in number since she had first arrived at Chinon. Then, she claimed only that she would relieve Orleans and crown the Dauphin. It is worth noting, also, that these two prophecies only were fulfilled during her lifetime; the subjection of Paris and the release of the Duke of Orleans took place only after her death.

  fn10 Procès, Vol. III, p. 204: Deposition of Frère Seguin.

  fn11 Procès, Vol. III, p. 205: Deposition of Frère Seguin.

  fn12 Procès, Vol. IV, p. 210: Chronique de la Pucelle.

  fn13 Procès, Vol. III, p. 209: Deposition of Jean d’Aulon. Par lesquelles icelle Pucelle fut vue, visitée, et secrètement regardée et examinée es secrètes parties de son corps; mais après qu’elles eurent vu et regardé tout ce que faisoit à regarder en ce cas, ladicte dame dist et relata au roy qu’elle et sesdictes dames trouvoient certainement que c’estoit une vraye et entière pucelle.

  fn14 Procès, Vol. III, p. 84: Deposition of Jean Barbin.

  fn15 Procès, Vol. III, p. 3: Deposition of the comte de Dunois (the Bastard of Orleans).

  fn16 Procès, Vol. III. p. 101: Deposition of Jean Paquerel.

  fn17 Procès, Vol. III, p. 74: Deposition of Gobert Thibault.

  fn18 Procès, Vol. V, p. 96. I have, of course, greatly abbreviated the letter. The spelling of the old French is erratic and inconsistent, but I have reproduced it exactly, and the discrepancies are not due to misprints. The full text will be found in Appendix D, here.

  fn19 This refers to Jeanne’s hopes of a Crusade. Christine de Pisan wrote:

  ‘Des Sarrasins fera essart

  En conquérant la Sainte Terre.

  La menra Charles, que Dieu gard.’

  fn20 It is true also that Henry VI, then aged seven, was included in the text of the letter. His name, however, does not appear in the superscription.

  fn21 Procès, Vol. I, p. 235.

  fn22 Chanoine Henri Bas et l’abbé Charles Pichon, Sainte Catherine de Fierbois, p. 23.

  fn23 Procès, Vol. I, pp. 181 and 300–4. See also Appendix E, here, for a note on the standard.

  fn24 E.g. in two letters to the English, dated March 22nd and May 5th, 1429; a letter to the citizens of Tournay, June 25th, 1429; a letter to the Duke of Burgundy, July 17th, 1429; a letter to the Comte d’Armagnac, August 22nd, 1429; a letter to the Hussites, March 3rd, 1430.

  fn25 Procès, Vol. I, pp. 86 and 185.

  fn26 En blanc, or à blanc, does not mean in white, as might be supposed, but in armour which bore no gilding or coat of arms.

  fn27 Procès, Vol. V, pp. 107–8. Gui de Laval was no stylist, and his syntax is so confused that for the sake of clarity I have not attempted to reproduce it exactly. Here, however, is the text of the original French: La veis monter à cheval, armée tout en blanc, sauf la teste, unne petite hache en sa main sur un grand coursier noir, qui à l’huis de son logis se demenoit très fort, et ne souffroit qu’elle montast; et lors elle dit: ‘Menés-le à la croix,’ qui estoit devant l’eglise auprès, au chemin. Et lors elle monta, sans ce qu’il se meust, comme s’il fust lié. Et lors se tourna vers l’huis de l’eglise, qui estoit bien prochain, et dit en assés voix de femme: ‘Vous, les prestres et gens d’eglise, faites procession et prières à Dieu.’ Et lo rs se retourna à son chemin, en disant: ‘Tirés avant, tirés avant,’ son estendart ployé que portoit un gracieux paige, et avoit sa hache petite en la main.

  fn28 Procès, Vol. IV, p. 537. Jean Bouchet, Annales d’Aquitaine.

  9. Orleans (1)

  fn1 Procès, Vol V, p. 136.

  fn2 Procès, Vol. IV, p. 105: Journal du siège d’Orléans.

  fn3 Jollois, Histoire du siège d’Orléans, pp. 42–6.

  fn4 This softer stone appears to have sometimes been too soft to achieve its purpose; witness the one which broke to pieces on Jeanne’s helmet (see p. 194, infra).

  fn5 Procès, Vol. IV, p. 105: Journal du siège d’Orléans.

  fn6 Histoire du siège d’Orléans, p. 12 and footnote. M Jollois suggests that the pavois was an invention of the period of the siege of Orleans, and is obliged to go back to ancient Thebes before meeting with any similar device.

  fn7 Procès, Vol. III, p. 105: Deposition of Jean Paquerel.

  fn8 This is Gilles de Rais, of infamous memory.

  fn9 Procès, Vol. III, p. 4: Deposition of Dunois.

  fn10 Procès, Vol. IV, p. 143: Journal du siège d’Orléans.

  fn11 Nouvel abrégé chronologique de l’histoire de France.

  fn12 Procès, Vol. III, p. 67: Deposition of Louis de Contes.

  fn13 Procès, Vol. III, p. 5: Deposition of Dunois. The Bastard of Orleans was later known as comte de Dunois, but as he did not come into possession of this title until later, he will not be referred to as Dunois here except in footnote references. Bastardy was regarded as no disgrace to such scions of royal or noble houses: the Bastard of Orleans himself, at the age of twelve, had rejected his official father, a certain wealthy Aubert le Flamenc, seigneur de Chauny or Canny; had voluntarily forgone his inheritance, and had declared that he would henceforth be known only as Bastard of Orleans. He had, in fact, been adopted by Valentina Visconti, widow of his true father, Louis Duke of Orleans, and brought up with her own children. Of course, for the Dauphin the case of illegitimacy was different, involving, as it did, die question of succession to the throne.

  fn14 Procès, Vol. IV, p. 218; Chronique de la Pucelle; and Procès, Vol. III, p. 6: Deposition of Dunois.

  fn15 The bridge at Blois was the nearest by which they could have crossed, all the others being in the hands of the English.

  fn16 Procès, Vol. IV, p. 219: Chronique de la Pucelle.

  fn17 Procès, Vol. III, p. 7: Deposition of Dunois.

  fn18 Mathieu de Goussancourt, Martyrologe des chevaliers de St Jean de Jerusalem; Le Brun des Charmettes, Histoire de Jeanne d’Arc, Vol. II, p. 18.

  fn19 Procès, Vol IV, pp. 152–3: Journal du siège. Lest this account of Jeanne’s entr
y into Orleans should be suspected of being fanciful, I append the original French: A huyct heures au soir, malgré tous les Angloys, qui oncques n’y mirent empeschement aucun, elle y entra armtée de toutes pièces, montée sur ung cheval blanc; et faisoit porter devant elle son estandart, qui estoit pareillement blanc, ouquel avoit deux anges tenans chacun une fieur de liz en leur main; et ou panon estoit paincte comme une Annonciacion (c’est l’image de Nostre-Dame ayant devant elle ung ange luy presentant ung liz).

  Elle ainsi entrant dedans Orléans, avoit à son cousté senestre le bastart d’Orléans, armé et monté moult richement. Et aprez venoyent plusieurs autres nobles et vaillans seigneurs, escuyers, cappitaines et gens de guerre, sans aucuns de la garnison, et aussy des bourgoys d’Orléans, qui luy estoyent allez au devant. D’autre part, la vindrent recevoir les autres gens de guerre, bourgoys et bourgoyses d’Orléans, portans grant nombre de torches, at faisans autel joye comme se ilz veissent Dieu descendre entre eulx.

  fn20 Procès, Vol. IV, p. 219: Chronique de la Pucelle. The Chronique also states that she had spent the whole day on horseback without dismounting, but this must be an inaccuracy, as it cannot have taken her more than two hours to ride from Chécy. On the other hand, the statement that she dipped sops of bread in wine mixed with a great deal of water as her only refreshment during a whole day is supported by the Bastard, although on a different day (Procès, Vol. III, p. 9: Deposition of Dunois).

  fn21 Franklin, La vie privée d’autrefois, Vols. II and XIX, passim.

  fn22 J. Quicherat, Aperçus nouveaux sur Jeanne d’Arc, and Procès, Vol. IV, p. 426. Quicherat, contrary to his usual scholarly habit, contradicts himself as to the date of the letter. In the Aperçus nouveaux he says April 12th; in the Procès he says April 22nd. In either case, the letter was written some time before Jeanne received her wound.

  10. Orleans (2)

  fn1Procès, Vol. III, p. 7: Deposition of Dunois.

  fn2Vie de Guillaume de Gamaches. Jollois, Histoire du siège d’Orléans, p. 77, and Procès, Vol. IV, pp. 358–9. M Quicherat, however, has the poorest opinion of the accuracy of this story.