Stilicho: The Vandal Who Saved Rome

by Ian Hughes

  The course of the invasion

  Before the reinforcements could arrive, the Vandals, Alans and Sueves began to attack the cities of northern Gaul. It would appear that, although the Franks, Alamanni and Burgundians were not prepared to join the assault on Gaul, the Saxons had no such scruples. According to Prosper they mounted a raid into Gaul that coincided with the invasion.39

  20. The barbarian invasions of Gaul.

  By taking the list of cities given by Jerome in order, and adding information found in Salvian, it is possible to set an itinerary to the invaders’ movements (Map 20).40 However, it should be acknowledged that attempts to trace the movements of the invading peoples is open to doubt, since it cannot be decided with certainty that Jerome placed his list in chronological order, or that it is extensive. The first city to fall was Moguntiacum (Mainz), after which they moved south to Vangium (Augusta Vangionum: Worms), before heading West and attacking Durocortorum (Reims). They then moved north-west, taking Samarobriva (Amiens), Atrebatum (Arras), and Tervanna (Therouanne), before heading east and sacking Tornacum (Tournai).

  However, at this point they changed direction, marching south around the Ardennes forest to attack Augusta Treverorum (Trier). This city is not mentioned by Jerome, probably because it successfully resisted the invaders and so avoided being sacked, but by Salvian.41 Finally, the invaders continued on to Nemetum (Speyer) and Argentoratum (Strasbourg).42 As a last piece of detail to the attacks of 407, Paulinus of Nola writes of an attack on one of his houses, though we are not given a precise location.43

  Although, as has already been noted, this account relies heavily on the accuracy of Jerome’s letter, it does give a valid course of events. However, there is still the need to account for their sudden reversal of direction and their possible failure to capture Trier. This would appear to be the result of events in the north of Gaul.

  Constantine44

  We are not told when the news of the invasion of Gaul arrived in Britain. Although traversing the channel could be difficult in the winter months, suggesting a date in spring, the experience of traders travelling between Gaul and the Rhine may have allowed the news to reach Britain early in the new year.45 There was now a delay of up to several weeks before it was realized that Gratian was not going to cross to Gaul to defend the provinces and make the attempt to take control of the West.

  As a result, after a reign of four months in Britain – possibly from November 406 to March 407 – Gratian was overthrown because of his ‘refusal to go on the offensive’ and he was replaced by the more aggressive Flavius Claudius Constantinus, better known as Constantine III.46 Apparently a seasoned soldier, according to Orosius he had no merit other than his name, but according to Procopius he was a ‘not obscure man’.47 His actions once in control of the army suggests that the latter view is more likely; it would be surprising if a common soldier without experience of rank would have been able to devise and implement the strategic and political plans that Constantine applied.

  However, ‘Flavius Claudius Constantine’ was not elevated simply due to his aggressive stance. He was chosen in part at least because of his name.48 It appears that there was a superstitious link back to Constantine I, who less than one hundred years before had also been elevated in Britain and had gone on to become sole ruler of the whole Empire.49 In order to reinforce this perception he appears to have changed the names of his sons to Constans and Julian, who had both been members of the Flavian (Constantinian) dynasty that had ruled in the West.50

  The above chronology helps to explain the confusion in Zosimus regarding the date of the barbarian invasion of Gaul. Constantine was certainly elevated due to the invasion of Gaul. Zosimus knew that Constantine had been elevated due to the invasion across the Rhine and naturally assumed that the previous two incumbents had been promoted for the same reason. Zosimus, and modern historians who have followed him, are confused by the chronology of events.51 There is no need to move the invasion of Gaul back to 405 to allow for it to influence events in Britain.

  Constantine quickly collected an army together and crossed to Gaul, landing at Bononia (Boulogne). The dating of his crossing is unknown but it was probably as late as April 407; when Honorius issued an edict on 22 March 407 (exempting those who had risen to the rank of military tribune or provost from the liability of supplying military recruits) there was no sign of panic.52 By the middle of March the news of his landing had yet to reach Italy.

  It is possible that he appointed a colleague before he sailed, as may be suggested by the numismatic evidence, but the attribution is insecure.53 What is certain is that he appointed Justinianus, a Briton, and Nebiogast (sometimes spelt Nebeogast), a Frank, as magistri militum before he crossed.54

  The size of the forces mustered by Constantine is also unclear. The army in Britain will have been weakened by Stilicho’s request for troops to fight Alaric in 401 and Radagaisus in 405. As a result, modern historians have estimated that the forces with Constantine numbered around or slightly below 6,000 men and comprised the whole of the ‘field army’ of Britain.55

  Having set up his headquarters at Bononia (Boulogne), he appears to have quickly won the support of the local garrisons that remained in the area. This is hardly surprising; given the disregard they had received from Italy, the troops in Gaul were more than willing to follow a local leader. It seems that the rest of the army in northern Gaul quickly followed suit. Having secured their loyalty, Constantine now reorganized his forces to meet his own needs.56

  At this point, we are told by Zosimus that Constantine defeated an enemy that later reorganized itself ready for a second attack.57 This is usually accepted as either a doublet for the battle of Pollentia or as possibly referring to an attack on the remnant of the third Gothic group that had invaded Italy under Radagaisus and appears to have left Italy via the Cottian Alps.58 Given the confused nature of Zosimus’ account, either of these remains a possibility. However, there is a third alternative. When Constantine arrived in the north of Gaul he quickly defeated the bands of invading Saxons that Prosper states had previously invaded and it is likely that this is the conflict referred to in the sources.59 Although the theory must be classed only as a possibility, the fact that Zosimus claims that Constantine quickly made the Rhine completely secure adds weight to the speculation.60 The speed with which Constantine – or more likely one of his two magistri – defeated the invading Saxons would further help to explain why the Gallic army was quick to change their allegiance. This leader was prepared to fight to protect Gaul, and he had either personal military ability or was served by men who did.

  There is little doubt that Constantine would need to establish a relationship with the Germanic tribes on the border, and especially the Franks. In this he may have been helped by the fact that his magister militum, Nebiogast, was a Frank. This clearly illustrated that he was willing to use men of ability, no matter their origin, and would have given hope to any Franks who were thinking of a career in the Roman army. Furthermore, the Franks had only just been defeated by the invading tribes and so any strong forces arriving in their support would no doubt have been welcome. The Franks appear to have quickly changed allegiance from Stilicho to Constantine.

  The arrival of Constantine and the swift defeat of the Saxon invaders help explain one dilemma. Prior to his arrival the Vandals, Alans and Sueves who had invaded Gaul were heading towards the northern coast. After reaching Tournai they heard of his arrival at Bononia and the inroads of the Saxons in the north. Consequently, they immediately reversed direction, heading back towards the Rhine; if the worst should happen, they might be able to cross the river and escape into the German interior. Unfortunately for them, Constantine appeared to be ready to follow them (Map 20).

  Having secured the northern Rhine frontier for at least a short period, Constantine now moved deeper into Gaul. The barbarians could wait; first, he needed to secure his position in Gaul against the emperor in Italy. He sent Nebiogast and Justinianus to secure the new
capital of the praefectus praetoriano Galliarum at Lyon. These actions were of direct benefit to the inhabitants of Trier (Augusta Treverorum). Discovering that Constantine was fighting the Saxons, the Vandals, Alans and Sueves had laid siege to the city. Hearing of Constantine’s advance, they raised the siege and moved further to the south-east.

  Constantine and his troops completely ignored them, instead continuing south and capturing the city of Lyon. At the same time, Nebiogast and Justinianus also secured the passes from Italy to the Rhone valley, so restricting any potential counter-attack launched by the government in Italy.61 With the defection of the Gallic army the ministers who were loyal to Stilicho appear to have had no means of defence. The praefectus praetoriano Galliarum (either Petronius or Limenius) vacated the new capital and the governor of Viennensis (whose name is unknown) left Vienne and established a new capital at Arelate (Arles).62 Constantine moved his headquarters to the newly conquered seat of government in Lyon, where he was strategically placed to maintain contact with his armies in the south whilst still being in a position to supervise the continuing restoration of the Rhine frontier.63

  Furthermore, he immediately began to mint coins.64 The minting of these coins offers a valuable clue both to one of the reasons for his success and an insight into his political policy towards the government in Ravenna. Firstly, Constantine clearly had a reserve of gold – possibly including money found during the capture of Lyon – and so he had a means of subsidising the tribes on the Rhine frontier, so ensuring their cooperation. These reserves of gold would also give him the means to pay for German mercenaries to supplement his forces.65

  Far more importantly, Constantine followed the traditional method of using his coins to make political statements. The coins that he minted at Lyon in the first year of his reign are extremely interesting. Some bear the title ‘Restitutor Rei Publicae’ (Restorer of the Republic) and they and others bear on the reverse a female figure symbolizing the Empire with her foot on a defeated foe – no doubt in this case representing the Saxons.66 However, on some at least of the earliest coins the reverse bears the legend ‘VICTORIA AAAUGGGG’ (see Plate 15). The four ‘Gs’ illustrate that the coin designated the rule of four separate emperors. The four emperors represented were Constantine himself and Honorius in the West, and Arcadius and Theodosius II in the East. It is clear that at this early date Constantine was not setting himself up as a rival; he was aiming to achieve partnership with Honorius and he will have sent ambassadors to the court at Ravenna in an attempt to reach an agreement with the emperor.

  Yet at the same time he could not guarantee acceptance of his position in the West. Accordingly, he needed to strengthen his position militarily. His main problem, apart from uncertainty concerning the reaction of Honorius, was the activities of the Vandals, Alans and Sueves in Gaul. Although that part of the Alans who were ruled by Goar had doubtless pledged their loyalty by this time, the other tribes remained at large, plundering and causing unrest wherever they went. Obviously, this could not be allowed to continue; not only would the disruption undermine his financial viability, since his money was bound to run out at some point, but any failure to destroy or at least control the invaders could easily lead to discontent and his own downfall – the death of Gratian had shown just how tenuous loyalties could be in the West.

  With these practicalities in mind, Constantine opened negotiations with the barbarian intruders.67 Still in the region around Argentoratum (Strasbourg), they had obviously been scared of the large military forces passing through Gaul and bypassing them on the way south. Unsure of where to go, after sacking Argentoratum they appear to have remained relatively stationary for a short time.

  It is interesting to note that the letter earlier referred to in which Jerome listed the cities overrun by the barbarians breaks off after the fall of Argentoratum.68 The letter appears to be dated 409 or 410.69 After specifically attesting the sack of Argentoratum Jerome only vaguely describes their attacks in the south of Gaul except for acknowledging an attack on Toulouse. This implies that he had specific information on the earlier devastation, but had only just received news of the renewed barbarian attacks.70 This suggests that the invaders were relatively inactive from mid-late 407 until late 408 to early 409. In fact, all of the more reliable evidence suggests that their presence in southern Gaul at the later date may be in association with later events, which will be covered in due course.71

  It is almost certain that by a combination of force and diplomacy Constantine brought the invaders under control and used them to swell his own ranks – although the sources suggest that not all of the tribes involved adhered to their agreements or were happy to serve in Constantine’s army.72 The fact that Constantine was able to quickly restore Roman administration in the north and that the mint at Trier began to strike coins in Constantine’s name suggests that the invaders had ceased to be a major problem.73

  There is no doubt that Constantine used diplomacy rather than force to overcome the invaders. The reasons for this are easy to understand. The major factor was that he badly needed recruits and the invaders were a ready supply of manpower. It was cheaper and quicker to enrol the barbarians than face the need to collect, train and equip raw recruits. Furthermore, by recruiting them and giving them a position in the army he stopped their attacks. His success at stopping their attacks enabled him to secure the loyalty of the Gallic administration and he was able to bring it under his own control. This allowed him to collect taxes from the region. It would also mean that it was no longer necessary to detach troops from his limited resources to counter the barbarians’ movements. Finally, it gave relief to the frightened citizens of Gaul, helping to add to his military reputation and so lessen the chances of a revolt against his own administration. As a consequence, after the sack of Argentoratum the three tribes halted their predatory attacks and became part of the army of Constantine. In this way too it is probable that the wishes of at least some of the barbarian leaders to attain high rank in the imperial armies were met.

  But apart from these factors, it is likely that even at this early stage there was a further aspect to be borne in mind; the invaders were increasingly becoming a force to be reckoned with.

  Barbarian recruitment

  The activities of the bacaudae strongly suggests that the inhabitants of Gaul were no longer unswervingly loyal to the Empire. The presence in their midst of a strong force of warriors must have tempted many to switch their allegiance, either in return for protection from the newcomers or simply in order to join them in their plundering. Yet this will have been a relatively slow process, as the invaders did not have everything their own way. Some towns, such as Trier, successfully resisted their attacks and the activities of the armies under Constantine no doubt acted to hinder their movements.

  Despite this the size of their forces grew. It is only after their entry into the Empire that they began to assume the size reported by popular myth. Alongside the bacaudae, there are indications that they may have been joined by those refugees from Radagaisus’ attack on Italy that crossed into Gaul.74 As they grew in size, so their effects on districts they passed through grew to be ever more serious. A large army, with dependents, requires a large amount of provisions to survive.

  Once the invaders became allies of Constantine the situation in Gaul calmed down and Constantine was allowed to focus upon his attempts at reconciliation with Honorius. One measure that he took in order to assure the emperor of his good will was that he left the south-east of Gaul in imperial hands. This was an astute move, since control of this area would have caused panic in Italy, as it was the natural springboard for an assault upon Milan and Ravenna from the West.75

  Spain

  To add to the woes of the Western government, the governors of Spain had recognized Constantine before he had gone far into Gaul.76 This is understandable; after all, Gaul was the only land route through to Spain and the Spanish governors would have been alarmed at the news that a large number of barbari
ans had entered Gaul and that the government in Italy seemed paralyzed. Constantine’s response was to dispatch iudices (judges) to take control of Spain, where, according to Orosius, they were obediently received.77

  Conclusions

  The rapidity with which Constantine took control of Gaul and Spain demonstrates that Stilicho’s policies towards the Empire, focused as they were on the need to maintain the goodwill of the Senate, alienated the peoples of those provinces as much as they had the people of Britain. In reality, the barbarian attack on Gaul should have been repulsed with relative ease, especially when the fact that Radagaisus’ invasion had been defeated so quickly and his men used to bolster the army is taken into account. Yet in the end the invasion turned into a disaster for Stilicho. His failure to provide instant imperial support in strength to repel the invaders – as had been the case with Radagaisus – resulted in the Gallic army feeling that they had been deserted.78 Yet credit must be given to Constantine III. Unlike Gratian, he was willing to gamble on the support of the Gallic army and, when Stilicho failed to act, he seized the opportunity with both hands. The question of why Stilicho failed to react remains to be answered.

  Chapter Fourteen

  Stilicho Responds to the Invasions, 407–4081

  Stilicho

  These events could not have occurred at a worse time for Stilicho. Poised for the invasion of Illyricum, he had sent Alaric into Epirus. This, in itself, was a declaration of war. Before he could sail to join the Gothic forces, news had arrived that Alaric was dead. Unsure of whether the invasion would be feasible without the support of Alaric’s Goths, and uncertain as to who would take control of them now, Stilicho received news of the invasion of Gaul. News of the barbarian invasion caused worry, but the situation was not yet critical.