Stilicho: The Vandal Who Saved Rome

by Ian Hughes

  Chapter Thirteen

  The British Revolt and the Invasion of

  Gaul, 406–407

  Nowhere do we miss the loss of Claudian’s poetry more than in the period from 406 to 408. We are forced to rely mainly on the fragments of Olympiodorus, the Chronicle of Prosper, and the histories of Sozomen and Zosimus for events. Unfortunately these accounts do not give many secure dates for events and where these are given doubt and controversy have arisen amongst modern commentators. As a result, it should be noted that none of the reconstructions given below are definitive, and that the sources can be used to support many different variations. Where appropriate, some of these alternatives are discussed, but it is impossible in a book of this size to completely cover all of the possibilities inherent in the sources.

  Revolt

  In 406, before the invasion of Gaul, unrest in Britain broke into open revolt. The precise causes are unknown, although the claim by Zosimus that this was due to the barbarian invasion of Gaul and a perceived threat to Britain is unlikely, as will be shown.1 Instead, it is probable that the revolt was caused mainly by feelings of insecurity and frustration.2 During the supremacy of Stilicho the imperial government had focused upon Italy and the East, largely ignoring the needs and problems of the provincials in the furthest reaches of the Empire. Despite the repulse of the Picts at the turn of the century, by 407 imperial concerns over Britain seem to have taken a back seat. As an example, it is possible that by this date the government was no longer paying the troops in Britain. Although an argument from absence, it is noteworthy that the last Roman coins to occur in large numbers in Britain date no later than 402.3 Furthermore, it would appear that Irish raids into Britain had resumed, especially if the association of the attacks of the Irish under Niall of the Nine Hostages can be dated to 405, as is usually claimed.4

  It should also be noted that the Empire appeared to be withdrawing from north-Western Europe; the movement of the praefectus praetorio Galliarum from Trier to Lyon in 402 illustrated that northern Gaul was no longer as important as it once was. Furthermore, this would likely have a domino effect on the British, who were further away and already feeling as if they were no longer relevant to the policy makers in Italy.

  The British finally decided to act. In the tradition of the island that had promoted Constantine the Great and Magnus Maximus as pretenders to the throne, an individual named Marcus was declared emperor in Britain.5 Unfortunately, we know nothing else about him. He was quickly assassinated and replaced by Gratian, a British native.6 The concept that he was a civilian, as is usually claimed, is based upon the word ‘municeps’, which has recently been noted as being used as early as Cicero to denote an indigenous native rather than a civilian.7 Therefore, he may in fact have been a member of the military establishment.

  However, due to the speed at which these events occurred and the fact that they happened so close to winter, when a crossing of the English Channel could be dangerous, it is possible that no official word was sent to Italy to declare that Britain was in revolt. In fact, several ancient writers took no notice of Marcus and Gratian, implying that the first they knew of a revolt was the arrival on the coast of Gaul of Constantine III and the British army. In point of fact it is possible that actual news of the revolt of Marcus and Gratian never reached Italy, with only rumours of a rebellion arriving at court – and it was not the custom of the court to react to mere rumours.8 Instead of sending messengers to announce the defection of the island, the local inhabitants appear to have concentrated upon securing their own situation prior to openly declaring their revolt. Before that could happen, a major event took place. On 31 December 406 a mixed force of Asding Vandals, Siling Vandals, Alans and Sueves crossed the Rhine and entered Gaul.

  Asding Vandals, Siling Vandals, Alans and Sueves

  Origins

  The origin of the Asding Vandals is unknown. There are two plausible theories. One is that the forces that crossed into Gaul are the remnants of one of the three groups of ‘Goths’ that Radagaisus led in Italy in 405–6. In this proposition, one of these groups escaped over the Julian Alps and crossed the Danube before travelling through Germany and finally arriving at the Rhine.9 Furthermore, it is proposed that the remnants of the third of Radagiasus’ contingents crossed the Cottian Alps into Gaul and later rejoined their compatriots.10 Although plausible, this is a very complicated course of events.

  The second theory is probably the correct version of events. This hypothesis accepts the claim of Procopius that the trans-Danubian lands of the Asding Vandals (Map 2) became insufficient to support their growing numbers, and that, furthermore, the Vandals and their neighbours were unhappy at being dominated by the growing power of the Huns.11 As a result of this pressure the Asdings, probably led by Godigisel, invaded Raetia in 401, where they were defeated by Stilicho.12 Some of these men were then forced to accept service in the Roman army and helped to defeat Alaric’s invasion of Italy in 402. The balance of the Asdings and Alans were either settled just inside the imperial borders or were forced to remain on the far side of the Danube. These men decided to migrate further West, forming the core of the Asding Vandals and Alans who appeared on the banks of the Rhine in 406.

  Size of the forces

  We have no clear idea of the size of the tribes that invaded Gaul. Earlier historians followed Jerome in claiming that the tribes crossing the Rhine were innumerable hordes bent on the destruction of the Empire.13 More recent historians have drastically reduced the numbers involved in the invasion, although some still refer to the invaders as a ‘vast horde’.14 However, most historians are – understandably – unwilling to put actual numbers to the invading ‘hordes’, with many simply avoiding the problem and others simply noting that the numbers of the invaders should probably be in the ‘tens’ rather than the ‘hundreds’ of thousands.15

  Yet there is a compelling argument that the initial invasion forces were not very large, instead being composed mainly of men of military age prepared to risk all to find a new life within the Empire.16 In this model the core of the invading tribes was relatively small. Only later were they swollen by new recruits and dependents joining them whilst they were in Gaul. This explanation receives some support from the Chronicle of Prosper. A close reading of this gives the impression that Prosper, writing in the mid-late fifth century, believed that little had changed between 406 and 418.17 This is hardly likely had vast numbers of barbarians swept through Gaul and Spain, pillaging as they went. Instead, Prosper sees the collapse of imperial rule as coming after 422.

  Although there is no need to see the invaders as beginning with a vast number of people, it is clear that they later grew in size and there is a need to identify where their reinforcements may have originated. The invaders had crossed large areas of border territory, including regions controlled by Franks, Alamanni and Burgundians; the only hint in any of the sources that these tribesmen were tempted to join the invasion in large numbers is the letter already referred to by Jerome. In this instance it is possible that it is only the invasion of their territory that forced the Burgundians to cross the frontier.18 Although the main tribal bodies did not join the invasion, separate cantons certainly did. These are the ‘Alamanni’ attested to in Jerome, along with one tribe at least from either the Marcomanni or the Quadi.19 When joined together, these tribes were referred to collectively as the Sueves in Roman sources.

  The joining of small numbers of individuals does not account for the tribal figures that were later needed to control large areas of Spain. The tribes needed to gain recruits from within the Empire in order to survive. Yet the size of their forces remained relatively small; when later they were settled in Spain they were attacked by the Goths originally led by Alaric and decimated. Although no doubt by that late date they were more numerous, it would appear that they were still not the vast hordes claimed in the sources.

  Aims

  The aims of the invading tribes are unknown, but as has already been noted it is lik
ely that their leaders were attempting to acquire a position similar to Alaric, with a military post and sufficient revenues to support their followers. It is likely that this prompted the attempt to invade Raetia and Pannonia in 401, and when news arrived in 406 of the defeat of Radagiasus and the assimilation of 12,000 Gothic warriors into the Roman army, it became clear that an assault on Italy was doomed to failure.

  With his people being trapped in the no-man’s land between Rome and the Huns in Raetia, Godigisel decided to lead his people to relatively-undefended Gaul in a second attempt to gain the Roman military position he needed. Again they were accompanied by the Alans, who were by now led by two kings, Goar and Respendial.20 They too will have realized that they had very little chance of playing an important part in imperial politics unless they took drastic action.

  The final group to invade the Empire is the Sueves. Their identity is usually ignored, since they are classed as being a contemporary tribal group living beyond the frontier. Yet this is not the case. ‘Sueves’ appears to be a label for a composite collection of tribes that incorporated sections of the Marcomanni, the Alamanni and the Quadi. It would appear that in their migration across the rear of the frontier zone the Vandals and Alans managed to attract support from at least two of these tribes; if only one tribal group was included, that group would have been identified by its own name, not that of the composite group. Given the route of the tribes, it is likely that the ‘Sueves’ consisted of distinct groupings of all three of the aforementioned tribes, joining with the hope of making careers in the West. This would explain why only the Franks are recorded as resisting the invasion; the Burgundians were too weak to fight and the Alamanni were unwilling to attack members of their own tribes. This interpretation of events allows for the inclusion of all of the ancient sources, whilst explaining the possible motives of the tribes and their leaders in wanting to enter the Empire. Finally, the four tribes approached the Rhine, ready to make a second attempt to enter the Empire.

  The combined army forced its way across Europe to the river Main, where they were joined by Siling Vandals. It is possible that, like the Asdings, the Siling Vandals who united with the coalition were either wary of the spread of the power of the Huns or were no longer capable of supporting themselves on the land. It is probable that their leaders also wanted to enter the Empire in order to carve out a glorious future for themselves.

  The invasion of Gaul

  The events surrounding the invasion across the Rhine are some of the hardest to unravel in the story of Stilicho, with one historian even placing the date in December 405 rather than December 406. This is based upon the claim in Zosimus that the revolt in Britain, which is firmly attested to 406, broke out due to the barbarian invasion of Gaul.21 As will be shown, the original date of 406 is still to be preferred, mainly due to the following interpretation of events.

  Confusion over the course of events is equally prevalent. The renowned report that the Rhine was frozen is not upheld by any of our ancient sources. It would appear to be a theory proposed by Gibbon, possibly to account for the lack of a Roman defence at any of the bridges and crossings that should have been defended, and to be based on the ancient sources that do say that the Rhine could freeze in bad winters.22 This has been repeated so often that it is now accepted as fact, rather than as theory.

  As the invaders arrived on the Rhine the four groups faced different dilemmas. Although their arrival was a surprise, which reinforces the concept that the original invading forces were small and relatively mobile, they faced resistance from the start. This was not helped by the fact that they were not working to a unified plan and so marched as separate tribes.23

  The independent groups arrived at different times on the banks of the Rhine, and straight away different attitudes appeared as to the goals of the march. Goar, one of the Alanic kings, immediately offered his services to the Romans and along with the people he led appears to have crossed into the Empire unhindered. He is later attested as serving Aetius during his tenure as leader of the West.24 Faced with Goar’s defection, Respendial decided to retire from the frontier and join the Asding Vandal forces under Godigisel.

  The federate tribes on the border also faced difficult choices. The Burgundians appear to have been either swept aside or forced into the Empire.25 There is no record of whether the Alamanni opposed the movement of the invaders, although this may simply be an omission in our admittedly poor sources for the event. The Franks, however, were unwilling to let the invaders pass without a fight.

  On the far bank of the Rhine there was a fierce battle between the Franks and the Asding Vandals.26 Given the approach route of the Vandals (Map 20) it is probable that many Burgundians took part in the battle, however there is no surviving evidence to corroborate this. King Godigisel was killed and the Asdings on the point of being overwhelmed when the Alans under Respendial, retiring from the Rhine, arrived on the scene and the Franks were defeated.27 Godigisel was succeeded by his son Gunderic, who was to lead the Asding Vandals for the next twenty-two years.28 It is interesting that the sources for the battle only write that the Franks fought the Vandals, nowhere giving them ‘federate’ status.29 Therefore, claims in modern works that the Franks were allied to Rome are not conclusive. However, the fact that these events were reported in Rome suggest that the Franks were indeed those federates who had agreed to defend the Empire. Having overcome the Frankish and Burgundian defences, the way was now clear for the Vandals, Sueves and remaining Alans to cross into the Empire.

  Gaul

  Since the frontier had remained quiet for the previous ten years – ever since Stilicho had led his lightning campaign in 396 – surprise appears to have been almost complete. Probably the first news that Gaul received of the invasion was that the Franks had been defeated and that the barbarians had already crossed into the Empire.

  The sudden arrival and ‘frightening mobility’ of the invaders, coupled with the neglect of the Gallic frontier, the focus upon Italy and the East, and the demoralizing effect these policies had had on the Gallic army, now had a major impact.30 There is no need to assume, as some have done, that the invasion was made easier due to troops being moved to the coast to face the British revolt.31 The frontier in this sector was defended by the Franks, who had been defeated. Furthermore, there is no evidence that tells us when the British rebellion came to the notice of the government in Italy. Instead, once the invaders had crossed the frontier there appears to have been a complete collapse of morale amongst the army in the affected areas, especially when they received news of the defeat of the Franks.32 It is likely that it was only at this point that information that the Rhine had been crossed was sent to Stilicho.

  Stilicho

  The news arriving in Italy would have been alarming, confusing, but also slightly heartening and suggesting that there was no real need for panic. Although Gaul had been invaded, the Franks, unaided, had almost defeated the enemy and had actually killed their king. However, the battle had still been a defeat and reinforcements were needed.

  Unaware of the nature of the invaders, and assuming that the invasion was composed of tribes from along the Rhine, Stilicho ordered those Vandals serving in Pannonia to go to the assistance of Gaul. As an aside, this implies that the Vandal forces that invaded Gaul may have been those peoples earlier (401) forced to remain outside the Empire.33 This may in part be supported by Jerome. In one of his letters he declares that the invasion was composed of Quadi, Vandals, Sarmatians, Alans, Gepids, Herulians, Saxons, Burgundians, Alamanni and ‘even the Pannonians’.34 Although usually believed to be a rhetorical flourish by Jerome, the support in Jordanes that the Pannonians were involved implies that the story may be true that Vandal reinforcements were sent by Stilicho to Gaul.

  Given the apparently small numbers of the attackers and the fact that they had allegedly lost 20,000 men in battle with the Franks, it was a reasonable response to send a few contingents to simply shore up the defences and defeat the invaders in Gaul
.35 Stilicho’s dispatch of the Pannonian Vandals was likely due to reports of separate, small invasions of separate barbarian tribes that could easily be defeated. As this is the only action Stilicho appears to have taken, it is possible that he believed that the invasion could be held by the troops in situ with minimal reinforcements.36 Despite the earlier removal of troops to reinforce the army of Italy, with the inclusion of the Germanic allies in the area there should still have been enough forces to deal with the crossing of the Rhine.

  The move was to be a mistake. As yet Stilicho would have had little information concerning the nature of the attackers. He was not to realize that sending the Pannonians would cause more problems for Gaul. Upon their arrival in Gaul the Pannonians found that the Gallic cities refused to acknowledge that they were serving Stilicho, deciding instead that they were simply a section of the Vandals already terrorising northern Gaul. It is almost certain that these Vandals had transferred to Gaul at short notice and that as a consequence they carried only the provisions needed for the journey. Quickly running out of food, as a last resort they were reduced to plundering the countryside for supplies.37 Realizing that these actions would be resented in Italy, they joined forces with the invaders, who thus received a welcome boost of recruits.

  As a further aside, the fact that the Pannonian Vandals joined the invaders may have confused Orosius. In his account he suggests that Stilicho ordered the Vandals settled in Pannonia to invade Gaul so that he could strip Honorius of the crown and give it to Eucherius.38 It would seem that Orosius had found evidence of Stilicho’s orders to the Pannonian Vandals to travel to Gaul. As they had joined in with the invasion, he then conflated the Vandals defeated and settled in Pannonia with the ‘free’ Vandals who had invaded Gaul. As a result, he assumed that the whole invasion was of Stilicho’s making.