A Pepys of Mongul India (1653-1708)

by Niccolao Manucci

  Accordingly this I did, and he said to me that he had spoken to the king, who ordered that the property should be sent to the Governor of Surat for the purpose of being made over to Mestre Jonh (Mr. Young), with the exception of the Arab horse, which the king kept for himself, giving an order to pay to the said Jonh (Young) one thousand patacas, the price at which it had been valued. He took nothing else but the letter which was destined for him.

  After this I made a fresh application to the secre-

  tary (wazir) that he would order my property to be given to me; but his answer was that the whole must go to Surat, and be made over to Mestre Jonh (Mr. Young), who, if he liked, might give them to me. Thus he was unable to dispose in any way of this property. But if 1 consented to live with him he would give me a great deal more, and repeated that he would cherish me as his son, and many other promises. For all these words and the kindness he had displayed I gave him thanks over and over again; but as for living with him that could never be. It was not right for me to do so, being a Christian. The secretary (wazir) cut short my speech, and, losing his temper, said angrily: " You do not know that you are the king's slave."

  Hearing these words I rose to my feet, and answered that Europeans were not and never would be slaves of anyone, and in great haste I left the hall, resolved to give my life rather than live in his house. Coming out at the door, I vaulted lightly on to my horse, and took my way somewhat hurriedly, dreading lest the secretary (wazir) might send someone after me to attack me. Then my groom warned me that two foot soldiers were hurrying after us, trying to overtake us. Then I turned my horse round, and, putting my hand on my cutlass, set off to face them. I asked what they wanted. They made me a bow, and answered that the secretary (wazir) sent me ten gold rupees for the purchase of betel. I took them, and went on my way. I was determined to return to Surat that I might find myself among Europeans.

  At this time I met Clodio Malier, who carried me off to his house, and there I told him of my resolve. He did not approve. Then by his arguments he succeeded in persuading me. Having got as far as the court, what was the good of leaving it again without first seeing what there was there, so that I might report on the riches and greatness of the kings of

  the Mogul, exceeding the riches of other kings (as may be seen in the course of this my book)?

  As I was a youth carried away by curiosity, but still more by the friendship shown to me by Clodio, and reflecting that I had already in him one friend who could do me some good in this kingdom, and be of help to me in some affair, I determined to remain where I was.

  After three days had elapsed, Clodio Malier was sent for to the palace of Prince Dara, who inquired if he knew of the arrival of a European youth, who had come with the ambassador of England, and a few days before had appeared in the king's presence to make a complaint of injuries done by a captain of artillery and other Englishmen. Clodio answered that he knew me well, that, seeing me unprotected, he had taken me into his house, adding that I was a youth of quality. He wished that, before allowing me to leave the Mogul kingdom, I should see something of the king's and princes' riches, so that on my return to Europe I might declare the wealth and grandeur of the Moguls.

  Thereupon the prince said to him that he wanted to speak to me, and thus he must not fail to find a way to bring me to his presence. When Clodio Malier came home, he said to me at once, with a joyous countenance, that I had already captured good fortune, for the eldest prince, a generous man and friendly to Europeans, had shown himself interested about me and wanted to speak to me.

  I rejoiced at this good news, knowing that the Europeans who served this prince had a good life of it, and received adequate pay. Thus I, too, was desirous of obtaining some employment at his court. I made up my mind for that reason not to put off my visit, and I asked Clodio if we should have to wait long before complying with the prince's desire. My friendly shelterer replied to me that it was not wise to delay, otherwise we might lose the favourable

  opportunity. For the resolves of the great were like birds: if the bird-lime stuck to them they were easily caught, but if once they flew away it was very hard to lay hold of them a second time.

  For these reasons we started the very same day, and repaired to the court of the above-named prince. As soon as he was informed of our arrival, he gave the order to allow us to enter. When I reached his presence, and had made the usual obeisances, he asked me if I could speak Persian, and put some other questions with a pleased and friendly expression on his face. He was delighted at seeing a youth of not more than eighteen years, and a foreigner, with such quick-wittedness that he had learned to make the proper obeisance without any shyness. Then I answered the questions, showing myself acquainted with Turkey and Persia and other important matters. The whole of my replies were in Persian, by which 1 proved to the prince that I could speak sufficiently well the language about which he had asked me.

  At the conclusion of the above talk he directed that the ambassador's letter be given to me. It had already been opened; and I was directed to translate it into Persian. The letter was in Latin, written in letters of gold, and it differed but little from the letter presented to the King of Persia. Being thus alread} T acquainted with the business, 1 had little difficulty in translating it. Next the prince asked what the letter was written on, for it seemed to him like a skin and not paper. I answered that it was of vellum skin, and it was the usage of European kings, when forwarding letters to far-off kingdoms, to have the more important matters written on vellum skin, in order that they might be better protected against the inclemencies of the weather and of the journey than they would be if they were on paper.

  At the end of this conversation Dara asked me if I wished to remain for a time in the Mogul country, to which I replied affirmatively. He said to me with

  a smile on his face: " Would you like to enter my service?" As this was the very question and none other that 1 was hoping for, I replied that I should have put to very good use the weariness and fatigues of my journey if I had the good fortune to serve under so famous a prince.

  He then directed that every month they should give me eighty rupees of pay, a sum equal to forty patacas. He ordered them to deliver to me at once, in his presence, a serpao (sarapa), and thirty rupees and a good horse. He put me in charge of one of his trusted eunuchs, called Coja Mosquis (Khwajah Miskin), with instructions to look after the little European and see that he was well trained and educated. I returned thanks to the prince, and seeing how well Dara was inclined towards me, I prayed leave to entreat another favour—that is to say, the liberty of the two English prisoners; and through the mediation of the prince, they were released in a few days by order of the king.

  I came out from the prince's presence. Although Dara desired that Khwajah Miskin should teach me the court ceremonial in order to turn me into a courtier, I took means to prevent my being made into a Mahomedan. So I did not go to seek out the said Khwajah Miskin, but kept in the company of the Europeans. Some of these were surgeons, but the greater number artillerymen in the Mogul service, an honourable employment. For European artillerymen who took service in that branch had only to take aim; as for the rest—the fatigue of raising, lowering) loading, and firing—this was the business of artificers "or labourers kept for the purpose. However, when Aurangzeb came to the throne, he, seeing the insolent behaviour and the drunkenness of such-like men, deprived them of all their privileges, except that of distilling spirits, and forced them to do sentry duty like other soldiers, thus leaving them with no estimation or reputation in the army. But the old plan continued in force up to the evacuation of the fortress

  of Bacar (Bhakkar) and the beheadal of Prince Dara, as farther on I shall relate.

  For some time I dwelt in the house of Clodio, and when I had acquired the means I hired a separate house. Then came a man to me who said that he would put me in the way of gaining money. I inquired from him what it was he wanted. He told me he wanted nothing beyond permission to distil spirits
under my protection and close to my house. He would give me ten rupees every day; thus I should be put to no expense; all I had to do was to assert that he was my servant. I agreed to the bargain, and out of regard for me no one said a word to him, for the Europeans in the service of Dara had this privilege of distilling spirits and selling them without hindrance.

  Finding myself with sufficient pay, and in good condition, I wrote to Mestre Jonh (Henry Young) at Surat, giving him notice of the king's orders—how he had ordered all the ambassador's property to be placed in the hands of the Governor of Surat, with directions to make it over to him. After some months he replied that he had then received delivery of everything.

  When I left Venice I already knew sufficiently how to speak the Italian language, and, in addition, a little French. During this journey I learnt the Turkish and Persian languages. Finding myself established in India, 1 now set to work to learn the Indian tongue. Furthermore, as I was desirous of knowing about matters in the Mogul kingdom, I found an aged man of letters, who offered to read to me the " Royal Chronicles of the Mogul kings and princes." Therefore I am of opinion that the reader will be glad to listen to me, seeing that I have special information. I will speak of all the Mogul kings in my second book, which will close with the death of Aurangzeb's brothers, and therein will be seen what happened to me.

  [Not long after entering Dara's service, Manucci had

  to follow his master to the wars. King Shahjahan fell ill, and at the news of his illness three of his sons, Shah Shuja', Murad Bakhsh, and Aurangzeb made preparations to seize the throne by force. Unable to take the field himself, Shahjahan deputed Dara to take his place.]

  Finding himself in bodily weakness and desirous of pleasing Dara, he transferred to him all his powers and dignities, and ordered everyone to yield him obedience. He wanted to try if, by this means, he could rid himself of all the ills from which he suffered, including the danger in which he stood of being captured by Aurangzeb, and dispossessed of his authority.

  Some authors, recording what they have been told, say that Dara seized his father and divested him of power by force; but I assert this to be a great untruth, for I know, and have tested it that Dara was quite submissive. He did nothing without communicating it to his father. I might produce several proofs of what I say; but I will ask the reader to do me the favour of recollecting what I have said as to the letters written by Muhammad Amin Khan and Shaistah Khan. On account of these Dara wanted to have them decapitated, yet they were liberated by the order of Shahjahan. If Dara had, as others write, taken possession of his father and of his authority, he would have exercised this absolute power to order their heads to be cut off, as justice required.

  Another case I will bring forward in proof of what I say. A few days before we took the field against Aurangzeb, the police seized a Genoese youth for having in his possession a bottle of wine, a thing not prohibited for Europeans. In order to petition for his release I went off to the magistrate, who at once placed me alongside the youth. I made a sign to my servant, who rushed off to tell my friends—artillerymen in Prince Dara's service. These men came in a body, all of them armed, and, breaking down

  the doors of the prison, liberated us. The soldiers ran from the police-office, leaving the magistrate by himself in a state of astonishment at what was going on. Being aggrieved as I was, I thereupon went up to the magistrate and put a pistol to his breast; I did not slay him, but took compassion upon him on his humbling of himself. This affair was brought before Shahjahan, who complained to Dara of what his artillerymen had done. To satisfy the king, Dara ordered the captain of artillery to administer a reproof to the Genoese. We all went in a body to the captain to lodge a complaint against the magistrate for the disgrace done to us, the king having accorded us the right to drink wine. Now, if Dara had been as others say, no one would have had the audacity to displease his employes, nor to complain of them to Shahjahan.

  On finding that the King Shahjahan had delivered himself with all his authority and his army into the hands of Prince Dara, everybody seized their weapons ; there was great uproar, each man acting on his own inclination. More than one hundred thousand horsemen assembled, and more than twenty thousand infantry. There were one hundred pieces of field artillery, every one of them carrying shot of from eight to twelve pounds; in addition, there was a twenty-pounder culverin, and over two hundred European artillerymen. There were no want of subordinates, of shopkeepers who furnish supplies for the sustenance of the whole realm and army, a large number of sarrafos (sarrdf), who provide the cash required by the whole army; many majestic and well-armoured elephants, and five hundred camels. On each of the latter was a man seated atop with a swivel-gun, carrying a ball of from three to four ounces, which he loaded and fired without dismounting. There were also five hundred elephants with their howdahs, and in these sat two men with two guns like those upon the camels.

  DEPARTURE FROM AGRAH ft

  After all these preparations we issued from the city of Agrah on the I4th of May, one thousand six hundred and fifty-six (correctly 1658). When on the march we covered the ground as far as the horizon, making a brave and splendid show. What disconcerted me was that no one would say that Dara was sure of gaining the battle with all this grand array.

  The greater number of the soldiers that Dara had newly enlisted were not very warlike; they were butchers, barbers, blacksmiths, carpenters, tailors, and such-like. It is true that on their horses and with their arms they looked well at a review; but they had no heart, and knew nothing of war. If only Sulaiman Shukoh had arrived in time, there would have been no need of men like these, nor of Khalilullah Khan. The wife of the latter had warned Dara to put no reliance on her husband, nor trust to his soft speeches, for she knew him well, and, given the occasion, he would invariably engineer some treachery. Nor should he rely upon the thirty thousand Mogul troopers in his father's service.

  Shahjahan earnestly desired that Dara should not offer battle until Sulaiman Shukoh had arrived. But Dara's two brothers and enemies came on with such haste that they left him no chance of delaying. I have been assured that Aurangzeb professed such determination as to say that, if Taimur-i-lang and all his descendants came against him, on no account would it be fitting for him to retreat. He was resolved to give battle, putting his faith in the traitors to be found in Dara's camp.

  When placed in the field, our army was so well distributed that it looked like a lovely city adorned with beautiful tents, flying innumerable flags of all colours and different shapes, each tent having its own flag and device so that it might be recognised. The prince Dara went to take leave of the king, his father, and of Begam Sahib, his sister, who at that time were living in the fort of Agrah. On beholding the son 5

  and brother so well beloved, they melted into floods of tears. The king began to speak, and thus addressed Dara :

  " My loved and cherished son ! I have always been well inclined towards you as being my first-born son and full of good qualities—above all of the quality of obedience, which you have always displayed towards me. Your father hoped to see you become king peacefully, but none can fathom the secrets of the Lord Most High. My desire was to leave you in this fortress, and go forth myself against those rebels Aurangzeb and Murad Bakhsh, unworthy of the name of my sons or of your brothers. I had hoped to chastise the rebels and traitors who take the side of my enemies; but you have had compassion on my years and infirmities, and mean to expose your life for the peace of the kingdom, the freedom and the safety of your father. Not to dishearten you, I consent to your doing as you wish, but entreat you, my beloved son, to avoid a battle until the arrival of Sultan Sulaiman Shukoh your son. You will thus increase your chance of victory. I beg of you to curb your ardour. Being incapable of doing more, I pray that your life may be spared and that you may survive to become Emperor of all Hindustan, and that our enemies may be slain. I place you in the hands of God, in whom we trust to give us the victory and make us triumph over rebels and traitors."
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  Having bade farewell to his father, Dara soon appeared in the army; but the march could not be undertaken that day. Some of the war materiel was still wanting, nor did the astrologers judge the hour auspicious for a start. On the third day this huge army began its march. When Dara was about to mount his magnificent elephant Fatejang (Path Jang) —that is to say "Victor in War"—he said these words: " Guerrib maf, magrur marg " (Gharib mu*af, maghrur marg) —that is to say : " To the humble pardon, to the haughty death." The generals then present

  replied simultaneously " Hixa Alia" (Inshallah)—that is to say : " By the favour of God."

  We began the march in such great order that it seemed as if the sea and land were united. Prince Dara amidst his squadron appeared like a crystal tower, resplendent as a sun shining over all the land. Around him rode many squadrons of Rajput cavalry whose armour glittered from afar, and their lance heads with a tremulous motion sent forth rays of light. There were other squadrons of calvary armed with lances, in front of whom went many ferocious elephants clad in shining steel with chains on their trunks, their tusks encrusted with gold and silver, and broad cutlasses affixed thereto by rings. In advance was one with a handsome flag, and the driver, who guided the elephant, was armed with armes blanches (sword and shield).

  A marvellous thing was it to behold the march, which moved over the heights and through the vales like the waves of a stormy sea. Thus we held on our way for four days, until we reached the bank of the River Chambal, where was a village called Dolpur (Dholpur). Our powerful army took up position on this ground, and entrenched the crossing, placing its pieces of artillery to cover the most exposed points.