A Pepys of Mongul India (1653-1708)

by Niccolao Manucci

  We awaited the enemy, who was already near; he appeared afar off after three days. Being fully prepared, and in every way desirous of finding ourselves engaged in battle, we begged for leave to attack the enemy. But Dara for two reasons would not consent. The first was that he was waiting for Sultan Sulaiman Shukoh and his force, who could not be very long in coming; even if they were delayed, he was sure the enemy would never risk a crossing at this place, which was well occupied and fortified. The second reason was the inadvisability of attacking the enemy in a situation full of hollows and rocks, and altogether a dangerous place.

  At this time Aurangzeb persisted in his usual

  stratagems and intrigues. After having encamped his army on the farther side, not far from the river, he called together his generals. He said to them that they must be prepared to deliver battle, and be every one ready with his force of cavalry. In making haste lay their chance of victory, and, full of confidence in their courage, he hoped in a brief space to be victorious. They could not postpone the battle, seeing the danger of Sultan Sulaiman Shukoh's arrival. A report of the above speech reached the army of Dara, and was received with pleasure. Everybody made his preparations with the greatest eagerness, and expected every day that the enemy would come to attack us.

  But Aurangzeb's secret plan was to win over Rajah Champet (Champat), to whom he sent valuable presents, proposing for him high rewards and making him liberal offers. He asked the rajah to allow him to pass through his territories in order to get across the river by another unknown ford, situated twelve leagues from us. These demands were conceded by Rajah Champat, hoping to avenge himself on Shahjahan for the acts I have already told you of. Gained over by entreaties, and all unwitting of the misfortune that he had to undergo, the rajah accompanied Aurangzeb. The route was so difficult, the march so impeded by jungle and uneven ground, that Aurangzeb was unable to take with him the whole of his forces. He left his tents standing, and some of his men behind, by way of formality in order to conceal his design the more effectually. He crossed the river (as I was told) with over eight thousand horsemen, and though they were all much fatigued, he made himself master of the crossing on the thirtieth of May, 1656 (i.e. 1658).

  This day was as full of joy for Aurangzeb as it was full of sadness for Dara. The latter, receiving a report of the carrying out of the above design, fell into a great rage with Champat, who had given his word that in no case would he allow Aurangzeb to cross, and it was for this reason that Dara had not

  blocked the ford in question. When the news came that Aurangzeb had actually crossed, Dara was desirous of moving personally in pursuit of him.

  He was, however, well advised by the General Hebraim Can (Ibrahim Khan), son of Alimerda Can ('All Mardan Khan), to send instead, with the greatest expedition, twelve thousand horsemen to fall suddenly upon Aurangzeb and his soldiers, who were much fatigued, very scattered, and lying about on the river bank. But the traitor Khaltlullah Khan, having heard that Dara had decided to make this attempt, came to him and said that it was inadvisable, it would not add to his credit or reputation. For, of a certainty, the name and fame of any victory would accrue to the commander, and not to his Highness. He ought not to listen to the advice of these boys, quite inexperienced in war, and it was a mistake to detach those twelve thousand cavalry from his division, for by so doing the victory which was now a certainty would become doubtful. The following day we marched in pursuit of Aurangzeb, but it was already too late. For during the night, and very early on the following morning, almost the whole remaining army of Aurangzeb came up, and, quitting the river, we arrived in an extensive plain.

  It was the ist of June of one thousand six hundred and fifty-six (i.e. 1658). We made use with great labour of the water in the ponds in the open fields, and the heat was stifling. Between the two armies there was not more than a league and a halfs distance. During the time we were taking up ground for our army, the rest of Aurangzeb's force continued to join his ranks, but the whole of his artillery and baggage had not arrived. Having detailed information of everything in Aurangzeb's force, and knowing his men were exhausted, Dara wanted to commence the action. But the traitors intervened on astrological grounds by saying that neither the day nor the hour was favourable. He must postpone the battle. He was already sure of the 5*

  victory, because he had a good army, with valiant and high-spirited soldiers quite sufficiently numerous for the destruction of Aurangzeb, who in comparison to him was an invisible speck on this earth. All this they did solely that Aurangzeb might have time to take rest, to refresh his people, and secure the arrival of his guns.

  The traitors had made an agreement with Aurangzeb that when he was ready to give battle he should warn them by three discharges of cannon, and thereupon they would make dispositions for delivering Dara into his hands. Meanwhile Aurangzeb gave proof of how he understood recompensing those who helped him in his unjust undertaking. He caused his friend Champat to be sent for, who was waiting not far from his tents, in expectation of the many favours and presents promised to him. When he reached the presence, having no anticipation of what was about to happen to him, Aurangzeb instantly caused him to be bound, and carried to the route along which he designed to advance next morning to give battle; there he was to be offered up a sacrificial victim and beheaded. This command was executed.

  On the 2nd of June (1658) Dara received a letter from his father Shahjahan, directing his retreat to Agrah, there to entrench himself until the arrival of Sulaiman Shukoh. This could not be done, because if Dara retreated, the enemy would without fail resume his advance with still greater spirit, while our troops would lose all confidence in the valour of their prince and commander. They would imagine if he retired that he had not the courage to attack. The greater part of our army, directly they saw such a movement, would inevitably transfer themselves to the enemy's side.

  So far was Dara from following the advice of his father that he had, on the contrary, made up his mind to deliver battle. In reply to his father, he wrote that he ought to take his ease and keep in good heart. He

  promised him that within three days he would drag Aurangzeb and Murad Bakhsh bound into his presence, when he might punish them as he saw fit. The truth is that he (Dara) wished to fight on the 3rd of June, a Saturday. But the traitors, taking advantage of a shower of rain which fell in our camp, said it was not a good time to attack, for already the skies wept over his defeat as soon as they heard that he meant to fight. It would be much better to delay until the next day, which was known to be the first day, when God created light—a very auspicious day on which, without doubt, he would be victorious. All this they said because if Dara had attacked the enemy on that day he would have gained a certain victory. For Aurangzeb had not then his ranks in proper order, nor had the agreed-on signal been given.

  The presumption that I found in Dara afflicted me, seeing him give credit to the words of traitors. But I consoled myself a good deal, being young, with the hope of getting some experience of war. On the whole I did not feel satisfied, finding that Dara was not making the exertions required for the good ordering of such a huge army. He had not sufficient experience in matters of war, having been brought up among the dancing-women and buffoons of his father, and gave undue credit to the words of the traitors.

  On the 3rd of June, at midnight, the enemy fired three pieces of artillery, the signal agreed upon with the traitors, showing them that Aurangzeb had now made his dispositions for giving battle at daybreak. We replied with three other shots. After one hour had elapsed Dara emerged from the camp through the midst of our artillery, for which it was necessary to take down my tent to allow a passage for his exit with the few cavalry in his retinue.

  A short time afterwards I mounted my horse and went forth out of curiosity to know what was going on, this being the first battle that I had been able to see. Trusting to my good horse, I went on, and

  halted on a height adjoining an uninhabited village; thence I saw, though it was sti
ll dark, many horsemen leave our army for that of Aurangzeb, and never return.

  Almost at daybreak there came forth from the army of Aurangzeb several camels laden with bombs, escorted by some horsemen and many men on foot, who halted in the village and distributed themselves at considerable distances. As the light grew clearer I saw that Aurangzeb was advancing very leisurely with his whole army. It was formed into five divisions of cavalry.

  In the first division, placed in the middle, was the strong and valiant Aurangzeb seated on a large elephant, accompanied by fifteen thousand horsemen well armed with lances, bows and arrows, and matchlocks. At his right hand he had his son, Sultan Muhammad, and Mfrbaba (Mir Baba) his foster-brother, to whom on this occasion he gave the title of Badercan (Bahadur Khan) at the head of another fifteen thousand horsemen. The third division, on the right hand of Sultan Muhammad, had also fifteen thousand horse under the command of Nezebetcan (Najabat Khan) and other generals. The fourth division was composed of another fifteen thousand well-armed cavalr}^ with whom was Prince Murad Bakhsh, seated on a lofty elephant, which rose like a tower in the midst of his squadrons. With him sat his little son.

  The remainder of Aurangzeb's army consisted of one division of problematical value, made up of low-class men of unwarlike habits, in addition to baggage, carts, camels, and unloaded oxen; these had their place on the left of Murad Bakhsh. Behind followed all the artillery. As this army continued its advance in tranquillity, so I in the same manner retired until I saw that they had arrived close to the deserted village. Then the artillery was ordered to the front, behind them the musketeers, behind them again some camels

  carrying swivel guns (trilhoens). In their rear was the army, as I have above described. I answer for all this with all confidence.

  I awaited the approach of our army in order to take my place. But seeing from afar that it did not stir, 1 went back close to it, where there were several scattered horsemen. There I halted to look at it, and consider our great army and its disposition. I noticed that while I had been away to look at the army of Aurangzeb, Dara had arrayed his forces in the following order: The artillery was all in one row, and each carriage bore two scarlet pennons. This row of guns served as a wall to protect the musketeers behind it, to the number of twenty-five thousand men. These were supported by five hundred camels with swivel guns (trilhoens), to their rear stood the armour-clad elephants, and then the cavalry, twenty-eight thousand horsemen. Last of all was Dara on his magnificent elephant, followed by numerous elephants carrying drums, trumpets, and all manner of music, forming his retinue.

  In the division to the right of Dara was Ramsing Rotella (Ram Singh, Rathor) with his fifteen thousand Rajputs, all well-armed men of war. On their right was Khalflullah Khan with thirty thousand Moguls, whose orders were to encounter the miscellaneous division of which I spoke, this being his (Khalflullah Khan's) own pretext. On the left of Dara was posted the valorous General Rustomcan Dacanj(Rustam Khan, Dakhini) with fifteen thousand horse in all; at his left Raja Chartersilara (Chhatarsal Rae) with fifteen thousand horsemen, the greater part of them Rajputs. All this array made a lovely sight, both by the beauty of the arms and by the number of the standards and pennons of so many colours.

  Be it known to the reader that these two armies were not ordered in the disposition obtaining in Europe. But one division was close to another as the trees of a pinewood, in the order that I have described.

  I remained where I was in safety, there being no firing from either side. It was already eight o'clock of the day, when there came an order from our army that all the scattered horsemen must retire, because they wanted to discharge the artillery. Thereupon everyone withdrew into the army, and a poor Mogul cavalier riding behind me, not getting back in time, fell at the first fire of our artillery. Repeated orders poured in to keep up a continuous artillery fire, although the shot did no damage. They fell short of Aurangzeb's men, who were at a great distance from us. I was much amazed at their making us work thus for nothing. During the time that we were making this deafening din with our guns the enemy saluted us with nothing but a few bombs with tails, after the style of rockets.

  After the first discharge Aurangzeb ordered one of his pieces of artillery to be fired in continuation of the signal to the traitors. After we had fired again several times he let off two pieces together. When we had fired ten times he replied with three pieces at once. This was the desired signal by which he was to let the traitors know that he was prepared to receive attack where he was, without moving towards Dara. Then, leaving his division, Khalllullah Khan came in search of Dara. On reaching his presence he greeted him as victor, speaking thus : " May the victory be auspicious to the invincible Dara. Without'losing any of his men, solely by use of his artillery he has destroyed the greater part of the enemy, and little effort remains to gain a complete victory. It is not desirable to continue the artillery fire, but we must now advance and lay hold of the enemy."

  Orders were given not to discharge the artillery any more, and the well-reputed General Rustam Khan was sent for in order to hear what he advised. When the latter heard the views of Khaltlullah Khan, he replied that it would be better to await the enemy and leave him to attack us, for he had come a great distance to seek us, and, according to usage, he could not avoid

  being the attacker. When he came on we could receive him with the fury and valour befitting the advantage that we had over him.

  This advice was most prudent, but the cunning Khalilullah Khan turned it into disparagement of Rustam Khan, saying: " I am greatly amazed that a captain so famous should tell us at such a juncture to show ourselves such cowards and of so little courage that after we have almost destroyed the enemy, we should } 7 et be afraid to take the offensive." Dara, without listening to other arguments, adopted the counsels of Khalilullah Khan, and set his elephant in motion in order to attack the enemy with his heavy divisions. Orders were given to Rustam Khan to return to his division, and give evidence of his well-known valour. The artillery was ordered to be unchained to allow the troops to pass through the line.

  Khalilullah Khan, pleased at having accomplished his purpose of exposing Dara to the risk of death, went with him half-way and then returned to his own command, the enemy being still at some distance. On this side, when Dara started with his division against the enemy, everything fell into confusion. The barbers, butchers, and the rest turned right about face, abandoning the artillerymen and the guns. Many made for the baggage train to plunder it, which they did, breaking open the chests of silver and gold and carrying off what they could lay hands on. This resulted in many men being murdered while trying to rob their companions.

  Dara pursued his route courageously, making signs with his hands from the top of his elephant that all should hasten to take part in the victory. To this intent he ordered his drums to beat. I admired Dara's high spirit, and I noticed that the enemy did not stir, contenting himself with a discharge of shells until Dara had come quite close. Then all of a sudden the enemy discharged his cannon, musketry, and swivel pieces, which struck us and frightened numbers of our

  men, who scattered this way and that. Finding himself in imminent peril, Dara ordered the guns to be dragged forward and the musket-men to advance, the franquis (Europeans) were also to join the movement. But it was no longer time, for all his men were in disarray, and everyone had taken his own road.

  In spite of all this he (Dara) did not lose heart, but waving his hands made signs to continue the advance. Then Rustam Khan and Chhatar Sal Rae, although they had suffered by the first discharge of the enemy, came up and collected as many fresh men as they could. Dara did the same. Then with such vigour, courage, wrath, and violence did he attack his opponents that he broke through the guns and penetrated to their camp, putting to rout camels, infantry, and everything that was to be found in that direction.

  Seeing the boldness of Dara, the enemy sent as reinforcement a large division led by Secmir (Shekh Mir), teacher of Aurangzeb, and other famou
s captains. This body made all haste, and at this point arose the hottest of the fighting on both sides. At length, coming to closer quarters, they took to their swords with the greatest vigour. Dara continued to hold his ground, seated on his elephant, shouting and making signs with his hands. He advanced always with the greatest composure, until, unable to bear up against this stout resistance, the enemy was forced to retire.

  I saw in this action, as in so many others where I was afterwards present, that the only soldiers who fought were those well to the front. Of those more to the rear, although holding their bared swords in their hands, the Moguls did nothing but shout " Boquox, boquox ! " (Ba-kush, ba-kush /), and the Indians " Mar, mar!" (Mar, mar!)—that is to say, "Kill, kill!" If those in the front advanced, those behind followed the example, and if the former retired the others fled, a custom of Hindustan quite contrary to that of Europe; and if they begin to take flight, by no method is it possible to stop them.

  Owing to the great disorder of his people, caused by the valour of Dara, Aurangzeb, who was not very far away, ran great risk of being taken. But he disregarded the danger, and ordered a large division of his best cavalry, which was close at hand, to take up the resistance to Dara's advance. He tried to raise the courage of the few soldiers left to him by calling to the principal men, each by his name, saying: u Mardaney delavaram bahader vactas" (Mardanl, dilaivaran-i-bahadur ! waqt ast /)—that is to say, "Men of power, valour, and courage! now is the time!" Then, raising his hands to heaven, he exclaimed: 11 Hia Coda! hia Coda!" (Yd Khuda! Yd Khuda /)— " O God ! O God ! in you is my trust! I will sooner die on this spot than give way." Placing his hands upon his morion, he ordered them to attach iron chains to the feet of his elephant as an attestation of his resolve. He pricked his elephant a little onward to reanimate the leaders who had gathered round him, all pledging him their word that they would yield their lives in his sight rather than recede one single step.