Hearts Touched by Fire

by Harold Holzer

  As soon as Longstreet’s attack commenced, General Warren was sent by General Meade to see to the condition of the extreme left. The duty could not have been intrusted to better hands. Passing along the lines he found Little Round Top, the key of the position, unoccupied except by a signal station. The enemy at the time lay concealed, awaiting the signal for assault, when a shot fired in their direction caused a sudden movement on their part which, by the gleam of reflected sunlight from their bayonets, revealed their long lines outflanking the position. Fully comprehending the imminent danger, Warren sent to General Meade for a division.2 The enemy was already advancing when, noticing the approach of the Fifth Corps, Warren rode to meet it, caused Weed’s and Vincent’s brigades and Hazlett’s battery to be detached from the latter and hurried them to the summit. The passage of the six guns through the roadless woods and amongst the rocks was marvelous. Under ordinary circumstances it would have been considered an impossible feat, but the eagerness of the men to get into action with their comrades of the infantry, and the skillful driving, brought them without delay to the very summit, where they went immediately into battle. They were barely in time, for the enemy were also climbing the hill. A close and bloody hand-to-hand struggle ensued, which left both Round Tops in our possession. Weed and Hazlett were killed, and Vincent was mortally wounded—all young men of great promise. Weed had served with much distinction as an artillerist in the Peninsular, Second Bull Run, and Antietam campaigns, had become chief of artillery of his army corps, and at Chancellorsville showed such special aptitude and fitness for large artillery commands that he was immediately promoted from captain to brigadier-general and transferred to the infantry. Hazlett was killed whilst bending over his former chief, to receive his last message. Lieutenant Rittenhouse efficiently commanded the battery during the remainder of the battle.

  The enemy, however, clung to the woods and rocks at the base of Round Top, carried Devil’s Den and its woods, and captured three of Smith’s guns, who, however, effectively deprived the enemy of their use by carrying off all the implements.

  The breaking in of the Peach Orchard angle exposed the flanks of the batteries on its crests, which retired firing, in order to cover the retreat of the infantry. Many guns of different batteries had to be abandoned because of the destruction of their horses and men; many were hauled off by hand; all the batteries lost heavily. Bigelow’s 9th Massachusetts made a stand close by the Trostle house in the corner of the field through which he had retired fighting with prolonges fixed. Although already much cut up, he was directed by McGilvery to hold that point at all hazards until a line of artillery could be formed in front of the wood beyond Plum Run; that is, on what we have called the “Plum Run line.” This line was formed by collecting the serviceable batteries, and fragments of batteries, that were brought off, with which, and Dow’s Maine battery fresh from the reserve, the pursuit was checked. Finally some twenty-five guns formed a solid mass, which unsupported by infantry held this part of the line, aided General Humphreys’s movements, and covered by its fire the abandoned guns until they could be brought off, as all were, except perhaps one. When, after accomplishing its purpose, all that was left of Bigelow’s battery was withdrawn, it was closely pressed by Colonel Humphreys’s 21st Mississippi, the only Confederate regiment which succeeded in crossing the run. His men had entered the battery and fought hand-to-hand with the cannoneers; one was killed whilst trying to spike a gun, and another knocked down with a handspike whilst endeavoring to drag off a prisoner. The battery went into action with 104 officers and men. Of the four battery officers one was killed, another mortally, and a third, Captain Bigelow, severely wounded. Of 7 sergeants, 2 were killed and 4 wounded; or a total of 28 men, including 2 missing; and 65 out of 88 horses were killed or wounded. As the battery had sacrificed itself for the safety of the line, its work is specially noticed as typical of the service that artillery is not infrequently called upon to render, and did render in other instances at Gettysburg besides this one.

  When Sickles was wounded General Meade directed Hancock to take command of the Third as well as his own corps, which he again turned over to Gibbon. About 7:15 P.M. the field was in a critical condition. Birney’s division was now broken up; Humphreys’s was slowly falling back, under cover of McGilvery’s guns; Anderson’s line was advancing. On its right, Barksdale’s brigade, except the 21st Mississippi, was held in check only by McGilvery’s artillery, to whose support Hancock now brought up Willard’s brigade of the Second Corps. Placing the 39th New York in reserve, Willard with his other three regiments charged Barksdale’s brigade and drove it back nearly to the Emmitsburg road, when he was himself repulsed by a heavy artillery and infantry fire, and fell back to his former position near the sources of Plum Run. In this affair Willard was killed and Barksdale mortally wounded. Meanwhile the 21st Mississippi crossed the run from the neighborhood of the Trostle house, and drove out the men of Watson’s battery (“I,” 5th United States), on the extreme left of McGilvery’s line, but was in turn driven off by the 39th New York, led by Lieutenant Peeples of the battery, musket in hand, who thus recovered his guns, Watson being severely wounded.

  CULP’S HILL.

  VIEW OF CULP’S HILL FROM THE POSITION OF THE BATTERIES NEAR THE CEMETERY GATE. FROM PHOTOGRAPHS.

  1. Position of Stevens’s 5th Maine Battery which enfiladed Early’s division in the charge upon East Cemetery Hill. 2. Left of the line of field-works on Culp’s Hill. 3. Position of the 33d Massachusetts behind the fence of a lane where the left of the Confederate charge was repulsed.

  —EDITORS.

  EARLY’S CHARGE ON THE EVENING OF JULY 2 UPON EAST CEMETERY HILL.

  Birney’s division once broken, it was difficult to stem the tide of defeat. Hood’s and McLaws’s divisions—excepting Barksdale’s brigade—compassed the Devil’s Den and its woods, and as the Federal reënforcements from other corps came piecemeal, they were beaten in detail until by successive accretions they greatly outnumbered their opponents, who had all the advantages of position, when the latter in turn retired, but were not pursued. This fighting was confined almost wholly to the woods and wheat-field between the Peach Orchard and Little Round Top, and the great number of brigade and regimental commanders, as well as of inferior officers and soldiers, killed and wounded on both sides, bears testimony to its close and desperate character. General Meade was on the ground active in bringing up and putting in reënforcements, and in doing so had his horse shot under him. At the close of the day the Confederates held the base of the Round Tops, Devil’s Den, its woods, and the Emmitsburg road, with skirmishers thrown out as far as the Trostle house; the Federals had the two Round Tops, the Plum Run line, and Cemetery Ridge. During the night the Plum Run line, except the wood on its left front (occupied by McCandless’s brigade, Crawford’s division, his other brigade being on Big Round Top), was abandoned; the Third Corps was massed to the left and rear of Caldwell’s division, which had reoccupied its short ridge, with McGilvery’s artillery on its crest. The Fifth Corps remained on and about Round Top, and a division [Ruger’s] which had been detached from the Twelfth Corps returned to Culp’s Hill.

  When Longstreet’s guns were heard, Ewell opened a cannonade, which after an hour’s firing was overpowered by the Federal artillery on Cemetery Hill. Johnson’s division then advanced, and found only one brigade—Greene’s—of the Twelfth Corps in position, the others having been sent to the aid of Sickles at the Peach Orchard. Greene fought with skill and determination for two or three hours, and, reënforced by seven or eight hundred men of the First and Eleventh corps, succeeded in holding his own intrenchments, the enemy taking possession of the abandoned works of Geary and Ruger. This brought Johnson’s troops near the Baltimore pike, but the darkness prevented their seeing or profiting by the advantage then within their reach. When Ruger’s division returned from Round Top, and Geary’s from Rock Creek, they found Johnson in possession of their intrenchments, and immediately prepared to drive him
out at daylight.

  CONFEDERATE SKIRMISHERS AT THE FOOT OF CULP’S HILL.

  It had been ordered that when Johnson engaged Culp’s Hill, Early and Rodes should assault Cemetery Hill. Early’s attack was made with great spirit, by Hoke’s and Avery’s brigades, Gordon’s being in reserve; the hill was ascended through the wide ravine between Cemetery and Culp’s hills, a line of infantry on the slopes was broken, and Wiedrich’s Eleventh Corps and Ricketts’s reserve batteries near the brow of the hill were overrun; but the excellent position of Stevens’s 12-pounders at the head of the ravine, which enabled him to sweep it, the arrival of Carroll’s brigade sent unasked by Hancock,—a happy inspiration, as this line had been weakened to send supports both to Greene and Sickles,—and the failure of Rodes to coöperate with Early, caused the attack to miscarry. The cannoneers of the two batteries, so summarily ousted, rallied and recovered their guns by a vigorous attack—with pistols by those who had them, by others with handspikes, rammers, stones, and even fence-rails—the “Dutchmen” showing that they were in no way inferior to their “Yankee” comrades, who had been taunting them ever since Chancellorsville. After an hour’s desperate fighting the enemy was driven out with heavy loss, Avery being among the killed. At the close of this second day a consultation of corps commanders was held at Meade’s headquarters. I was not present, although summoned, but was informed that the vote was unanimous to hold our lines and to await an attack for at least one day before taking the offensive, and Meade so decided.

  * * *

  1 Lieutenant O. S. Barrett, in a pamphlet sketch of the “Old Fourth Michigan Infantry” (Detroit, 1888), relates a similar occurrence in the Second Corps. He says:

  “We arrived at Hanover, Pennsylvania, on the afternoon of July 1st.… An aide-de-camp came riding along, saying, ‘Boys, keep up good courage, McClellan is in command of the army again.’ Instantly the space above was filled with the hats and caps of the gratified soldiers.… I knew this was untrue myself, but it served its purpose, as intended.”—EDITORS.

  2 Before the Committee on the Conduct of the War General Warren testified that he went to Little Round Top “by General Meade’s direction.” In a letter dated July 13th, 1872, General Warren says:

  “Just before the action began in earnest, on July 2d, I was with General Meade, near General Sickles, whose troops seemed very badly disposed on that part of the field. At my suggestion, General Meade sent me to the left to examine the condition of affairs, and I continued on till I reached Little Round Top. There were no troops on it, and it was used as a signal station. I saw that this was the key of the whole position, and that our troops in the woods in front of it could not see the ground in front of them, so that the enemy would come upon them before they would be aware of it. The long line of woods on the west side of the Emmitsburg road (which road was along a ridge) furnished an excellent place for the enemy to form out of sight, so I requested the captain of a rifle battery just in front of Little Round Top to fire a shot into these woods. He did so, and as the shot went whistling through the air the sound of it reached the enemy’s troops and caused every one to look in the direction of it. This motion revealed to me the glistening of gun-barrels and bayonets of the enemy’s line of battle, already formed and far outflanking the position of any of our troops; so that the line of his advance from his right to Little Round Top was unopposed. I have been particular in telling this, as the discovery was intensely thrilling to my feelings, and almost appalling. I immediately sent a hastily written dispatch to General Meade to send a division at least to me, and General Meade directed the Fifth Army Corps to take position there. The battle was already beginning to rage at the Peach Orchard, and before a single man reached Round Top the whole line of the enemy moved on us in splendid array, shouting in the most confident tones. While I was still all alone with the signal officer, the musket-balls began to fly around us, and he was about to fold up his flags and withdraw, but remained, at my request, and kept waving them in defiance. Seeing troops going out on the Peach Orchard road, I rode down the hill, and fortunately met my old brigade. General Weed, commanding it, had already passed the point, and I took the responsibility to detach Colonel O’Rorke, the head of whose regiment I struck, who, on hearing my few words of explanation about the position, moved at once to the hill-top. About this time First Lieutenant Charles E. Hazlett of the Fifth Artillery, with his battery of rifled cannon, arrived. He comprehended the situation instantly and planted a gun on the summit of the hill. He spoke to the effect that though he could do little execution on the enemy with his guns, he could aid in giving confidence to the infantry, and that his battery was of no consequence whatever compared with holding the position. He staid there till he was killed. I was wounded with a musket-ball while talking with Lieutenant Hazlett on the hill, but not seriously; and, seeing the position saved while the whole line to the right and front of us was yielding and melting away under the enemy’s fire and advance, I left the hill to rejoin General Meade near the center of the field, where a new crisis was at hand.”

  —EDITORS.

  CHAPTER 6

  THE THIRD DAY AT GETTYSBURG.

  Henry J. Hunt, Brevet Major-General, U.S.A., Chief of Artillery, A.P.

  In view of the successes gained on the second day, General Lee resolved to renew his efforts. These successes were:

  1st. On the right, the lodgment at the bases of the Round Tops, the possession of Devil’s Den and its woods, and the ridges on the Emmitsburg road, which gave him the coveted positions for his artillery.

  2d. On the left, the occupation of part of the intrenchments of the Twelfth Corps, with an outlet to the Baltimore pike, by which all our lines could be taken in reverse.

  3d. At the center, the partial success of three of Anderson’s brigades in penetrating our lines, from which they were expelled only because they lacked proper support. It was thought that better concert of action might have made good a lodgment here also.

  Both armies had indeed lost heavily, but the account in that respect seemed in favor of the Confederates, or at worst balanced. Pickett’s and Edward Johnson’s divisions were fresh, as were Posey’s and Mahone’s brigades of R. H. Anderson’s, and William Smith’s brigade of Early’s division. These could be depended upon for an assault; the others could be used as supports, and to follow up a success. The artillery was almost intact. Stuart had arrived with his cavalry, excepting the brigades of Jones and Robertson, guarding the communications; and Imboden had also come up. General Lee, therefore, directed the renewal of operations both on the right and left. Ewell had been ordered to attack at daylight on July 3d, and during the night reënforced Johnson with Smith’s, Daniel’s, and O’Neal’s brigades. Johnson had made his preparations, and was about moving, when at dawn Williams’s artillery opened upon him, preparatory to an assault by Geary and Ruger for the recovery of their works. The suspension of this fire was followed by an immediate advance by both sides. A conflict ensued which lasted with varying success until near 11 o’clock, during which the Confederates were driven out of the Union intrenchments by Geary and Ruger, aided by Shaler’s brigade of the Sixth Corps. They made one or two attempts to regain possession, but were unsuccessful, and a demonstration to turn Johnson’s left caused him to withdraw his command to Rock Creek. At the close of the war the scene of this conflict was covered by a forest of dead trees, leaden bullets proving as fatal to them as to the soldiers whose bodies were thickly strewn beneath them.

  HAND-TO-HAND FOR RICKETTS’S GUNS ON THE EVENING OF THE SECOND DAY.

  STEUART’S BRIGADE RENEWING THE CONFEDERATE ATTACK ON CULP’S HILL, MORNING OF THE THIRD DAY.

  Longstreet’s arrangements had been made to attack Round Top, and his orders issued with a view to turning it, when General Lee decided that the assault should be made on Cemetery Ridge by Pickett’s and Pettigrew’s divisions, with part of Trimble’s. Longstreet formed these in two lines—Pickett on the right, supported by Wilcox; Pettigrew on the left, wi
th Lane’s and Scales’s brigades under Trimble in the second line. Hill was ordered to hold his line with the remainder of his corps,—six brigades,—give Longstreet assistance if required, and avail himself of any success that might be gained. Finally a powerful artillery force, about one hundred and fifty guns, was ordered to prepare the way for the assault by cannonade. The necessary arrangements caused delay, and before notice of this could be received by Ewell, Johnson, as we have seen, was attacked, so that the contest was over on the left before that at the center was begun. The hoped-for concert of action in the Confederate attacks was lost from the beginning.

  On the Federal side Hancock’s corps held Cemetery Ridge with Robinson’s division, First Corps, on Hays’s right in support, and Doubleday’s at the angle between Gibbon and Caldwell. General Newton, having been assigned to the command of the First Corps, vice Reynolds, was now in charge of the ridge held by Caldwell. Compactly arranged on its crest was McGilvery’s artillery, forty-one guns, consisting of his own batteries, reënforced by others from the Artillery Reserve. Well to the right, in front of Hays and Gibbon, was the artillery of the Second Corps under its chief, Captain Hazard. Woodruff’s battery was in front of Ziegler’s Grove; on his left, in succession, Arnold’s Rhode Island, Cushing’s United States, Brown’s Rhode Island, and Rorty’s New York. In the fight of the preceding day the two last-named batteries had been to the front and suffered severely. Lieutenant T. Fred Brown was severely wounded, and his command devolved on Lieutenant Perrin. So great had been the loss in men and horses that they were now of four guns each, reducing the total number in the corps to twenty-six. Daniels’s battery of horse artillery, four guns, was at the angle. Cowan’s 1st New York battery, six rifles, was placed on the left of Rorty’s soon after the cannonade commenced. In addition, some of the guns on Cemetery Hill, and Rittenhouse’s on Little Round Top, could be brought to bear, but these were offset by batteries similarly placed on the flanks of the enemy, so that on the Second Corps line, within the space of a mile, were 77 guns to oppose nearly 150. They were on an open crest plainly visible from all parts of the opposite line. Between 10 and 11 A.M., everything looking favorable at Culp’s Hill, I crossed over to Cemetery Ridge, to see what might be going on at other points. Here a magnificent display greeted my eyes. Our whole front for two miles was covered by batteries already in line or going into position. They stretched—apparently in one unbroken mass—from opposite the town to the Peach Orchard, which bounded the view to the left, the ridges of which were planted thick with cannon. Never before had such a sight been witnessed on this continent, and rarely, if ever, abroad. What did it mean? It might possibly be to hold that line while its infantry was sent to aid Ewell, or to guard against a counter-stroke from us, but it most probably meant an assault on our center, to be preceded by a cannonade in order to crush our batteries and shake our infantry; at least to cause us to exhaust our ammunition in reply, so that the assaulting troops might pass in good condition over the half mile of open ground which was beyond our effective musketry fire. With such an object the cannonade would be long and followed immediately by the assault, their whole army being held in readiness to follow up a success. From the great extent of ground occupied by the enemy’s batteries, it was evident that all the artillery on our west front, whether of the army corps or the reserve, must concur as a unit, under the chief of artillery, in the defense. This is provided for in all well-organized armies by special rules, which formerly were contained in our own army regulations, but they had been condensed in successive editions into a few short lines, so obscure as to be virtually worthless, because, like the rudimentary toe of the dog’s paw, they had become, from lack of use, mere survivals—unintelligible except to the specialist. It was of the first importance to subject the enemy’s infantry, from the first moment of their advance, to such a cross-fire of our artillery as would break their formation, check their impulse, and drive them back, or at least bring them to our lines in such condition as to make them an easy prey. There was neither time nor necessity for reporting this to General Meade, and beginning on the right, I instructed the chiefs of artillery and battery commanders to withhold their fire for fifteen or twenty minutes after the cannonade commenced, then to concentrate their fire with all possible accuracy on those batteries which were most destructive to us—but slowly, so that when the enemy’s ammunition was exhausted, we should have sufficient left to meet the assault. I had just given these orders to the last battery on Little Round Top, when the signal-gun was fired, and the enemy opened with all his guns. From that point the scene was indescribably grand. All their batteries were soon covered with smoke, through which the flashes were incessant, whilst the air seemed filled with shells, whose sharp explosions, with the hurtling of their fragments, formed a running accompaniment to the deep roar of the guns. Thence I rode to the Artillery Reserve to order fresh batteries and ammunition to be sent up to the ridge as soon as the cannonade ceased; but both the reserve and the train had gone to a safer place. Messengers, however, had been left to receive and convey orders, which I sent by them; then I returned to the ridge. Turning into the Taneytown pike, I saw evidence of the necessity under which the reserve had “decamped,” in the remains of a dozen exploded caissons, which had been placed under cover of a hill, but which the shells had managed to search out. In fact, the fire was more dangerous behind the ridge than on its crest, which I soon reached at the position occupied by General Newton behind McGilvery’s batteries, from which we had a fine view as all our own guns were now in action.