Millenium

by Tom Holland

  Yet to cast Cluny in such a role did rather beg a further question: what of the earthly Jerusalem? Abbot Hugh's church might be glori­ously qualified to serve as a light to the world, yet not even the altars of the maior ecclesia could compare for sheer holiness with the spot where Christ Himself had hung upon a cross and then risen in tri­umph over death. To Urban, listening to his former brethren as they filled Christendom's most majestic space with the strains of their angelic singing, this reflection could hardly help but appear a trou­bling one. If it were true that monasteries far and wide derived their sanctity from that of Cluny, then so likewise did the world itself take its character from the holy city that stood at its head; a holy city that for centuries had been positively leprous with the pollution of pagan rule. How, then, to a pope who had devoted his entire life to the heroic labour of setting Christendom upon a proper order, could the knowledge of this not serve as both a torment and a ferocious reproach? Great things had certainly been achieved over the previous decades; but Urban, praying before the altars of the maior ecclesia, would have known deep within his soul that the cause of reform could never truly be completed until the Holy Sepulchre had been wrested from Saracen control. 'For if the head is diseased, then there is not a limb but will suffer pain from its ailing.'124 A great and terri­ble challenge - but not one, in the final reckoning, that Urban was prepared to duck.

  And the time was fast approaching for him to demonstrate as much. A month after his dedication of the maior ecclesia, and Urban was presiding over his second council of the year: an even larger assembly of reform-minded bishops and abbots than Piacenza had seen. The set­ting was a potent one: the ancient town of Clermont, in the rugged heart of the Auvergne. Here, as the delegates to the council busied themselves with looking to the future of the Church, reminders of the past were all around them. Looming on the eastern horizon, for instance, there rose a great dome of volcanic rock, where a pagan temple still stood: a sobering memorial to a time when there had been no Christian people at all, but only worshippers of demons. Long and gruelling had been the task of reordering the world, and bringing it under the protection of Christ. In Clermont, as if to bear witness to the process by which Christendom had been fashioned, almost every church contained within its walls antique stonework, or columns, or sarcophagi.125 Nor was the labour of constructing a truly Christian order completed yet. Much still remained to be done - and Clermont could testify to this. Back in 958, the town had hosted the first assem­bly to be directed specifically against the predations of bullying lords; and although, since the millennial anniversary of Christ's Resurrection, the Peace of God had faded as a mass movement, it had certainly not been forgotten. Violence continued endemic across much of France. Urban, with his background, knew this well enough. Accordingly, during the week of the Council of Clermont, he sought not only to resurrect the Peace, but to extend it throughout Christendom.

  To all those without weapons, wherever and whoever they might be — whether women or peasants, merchants or monks — the full and fearsome protection of the Roman Church was now officially extended. Son of a French nobleman that he was, however. Urban made sure to appeal as well to the lords themselves, and the castellans, and their followers. To the old dream of the peace campaigners - that braggart knights might somehow be transfigured into warriors of Christ - he was preparing to add a novel and fateful twist. On 27 November, with the council drawing to a close, the Pope announced that he would do as the leaders of the Peace of God had done decades previously, and address an assembly of the Christian people in an open field. The number of those who gathered there in the mud and cold of the early Auvergnat winter was not large - perhaps no more than three or four hundred - but what they heard was fated to echo far beyond the limits of Clermont. No accurate record of Urban's sermon was made; but as to the core of its message there could be no doubt. Listed as an official decree of the council, here was a startling and wholly electrifying formula for salvation: if any man sets out from pure devotion, not for reputation or monetary gain, to liberate the Church of God at Jerusalem, his journey shall be reckoned in place of all penance.'126

  Only a century before, contemplating how 'infidels had won the ruling of the sacred places', another Frenchman, a native of the Auvergne who had grown up not a hundred miles from Clermont, had despaired of Christian arms ever winning back the Holy Sepulchre. They were, so Gerbert of Aurillac had flatly declared, 'too weak'.127 Certainly, by any objective standard, the ambition of secur­ing Jerusalem for Christendom appeared no less impractical in 1095 than it had done back in the lifetime of the first French pope. To embark on a mission that would require the average lord to raise per­haps four or five times his annual income;128 to aim at the defeat of enemies who had already brought the oldest and most powerful state in Christendom to the very brink of ruin; and to attempt it all for the sake of a city that had not the slightest strategic or military value: here were considerations, it might have been thought, fit to weigh on the mind of any adventurer.

  Perhaps even Urban himself, well aware as he would have been of how Gregory's attempt to win the Holy Sepulchre had subsided into fiasco, was initially braced for a less than enthusiastic response. Certainly, it seemed never to have crossed his mind that the gauntlet which he had flung down with such gusto at Clermont, a challenge targeted squarely at the men of his own class, might prove irresistible as well to those who did not belong to the ranks of the nobility or the castellans. There were forces in play much greater than the Pope had ever appreciated — and now, despite all his reputation for prudence, it was he who had set them loose. The disciple and heir of Gregory he may have been — and yet still, even for Urban, the full scale of the recent changes in Christendom, and of the revolution in the affairs of the Christian people, appeared almost too great to grasp.

  'Dew vult!’ the crowds had shouted at Clermont: 'God wills it!'129 The utter conviction of this, spreading like wildfire wherever the Pope's message was reported, spoke partly of excitement - and partly as well of sheer relief. To be cleansed, to be spotless, to be at one with the celestial host of the angels: here was a yearning that any man or woman might share. No longer, if it had ever been, was it confined to the ranks of monks, or of those who had sought, over the course of many decades now, and at the cost of unprecedented convulsions, to secure the reform of the Church. A warrior too, one at the service of his lord, and armed with weapons soon to be sticky with blood, might feel it - and feeling it, shiver with dread, knowing the crossroads before which he stood. 'For which of the two paths was he to follow: that of the Gospels or of the world?'130

  Such a question, even for those secure in the righteousness of their own cause, even for those fighting beneath a banner of St Peter, had never been a simple one to answer. No matter, for instance, back in 1066, that William's men had been following their duke to war against a usurper, and with the full blessing of the Pope himself: they had still been obliged, in the wake of the slaughter at Hastings, to undertake penance or else to remain filthy with the sin of murder. A great and excruciating tension, then: for it had set the desperation for salvation against the need — and perhaps the longing — to fight. Now, however, with a single sermon, a single ordinance, that tension appeared resolved. No wonder, then, as news of what had been decreed by- Urban spread, that there should have been 'a great stirring of heart throughout all the Frankish lands'131 — and far beyond. A whole new road to the City of God had suddenly opened up before the Christian people. The heroic labour of buttressing the world against Antichrist, and of preparing for the dreadful hour of Judgement, had all of a sudden become one in which the great mass of them could share. Not a pilgrim but he could know, as he set off for the Holy Sepulchre, that he was helping to set the universe to rights.

  'Then will appear the sign of the Son of Man in heaven.'132 Sure enough, five months after the Council of Clermont, and even as the Pope was celebrating Easter in central France, a mysterious cross mat­erialised in the sky. Just as it
had done many centuries before, during the fabled reign of the first Christian Caesar, now it struck those who saw it as a certain portent of victory. Yet as thousands upon thousands of pilgrims set to sewing the image of it upon their clothes, or brand­ing it on their flesh, or, as Guiscard's eldest son would do, ripping up their cloaks to fashion crosses out of the shredded fabric, they were preparing for war unprompted by any Constantine. The crusaders, as they would come to be known, followed no emperor.133 Henry, still an excommunicate, still cooped up haplessly in northern Italy, would hardly have deigned to set himself at the head of anything summoned by Urban - even had he not been impotent to do so. Alexius, informed to his consternation that 'the whole of the West was on the march'134 and descending directly on Constantinople, worked hard to bribe and browbeat the leaders of the pilgrimage into a nominal obedience to himself - but hardly with the intention of leading them onwards to Jerusalem. Better than anyone else, he knew what such a venture would demand.

  True, Alexius was careful not to wallow openly in pessimism. He even went so far as to float the odd rumour, hinting mysteriously that it was his destiny to lay down his crown before the Holy Sepulchre.135 Conspiratorial whisperings such as this, however, were intended exclusively for Western consumption. In reality, the beleaguered Basileus had not the slightest desire to play at being the last emperor. The preservation of Constantinople, not the liberation of Jerusalem, was his true responsibility. Fortunately, once the crusaders had all been transported across the Bosphorus, safely away from the Queen of Cities, it proved possible, albeit briefly, for the two ambitions to be squared. In June 1097, Nicaea was brought to capitulate, and the banner of the Second Rome fluttered once again over the birthplace of the Christian creed. Then, the following month, in a bloody and desperate struggle, the crusaders broke a formidable Turkish army in open battle. For the remainder of the year, even as they lumbered on their way through increasingly bleak and hostile territory, the Turks shrank from confronting them head on.

  The following spring, taking full advantage of his enemies' reverses, Alexius dispatched his brother-in-law to mop up in the crusaders' wake. Then, in the summer, he led out a second army himself. By June, perhaps half of the territories lost to the Turks in the wake of Manzikert had been restored to imperial rule. Meanwhile, of the cru­saders themselves, the news was grim in the extreme. Alexius, who had been pondering whether to join forces with them, was reliably informed by a deserter that the entire expedition stood on the verge of utter destruction. Accordingly, rather than risk his gains, the Basileus opted to consolidate them. He withdrew to Constantinople, leaving the crusaders to their fate.

  A decision that had been, by all objective standards, the only rational one. The reports brought to Alexius that the crusade faced certain ruin were only marginally exaggerated. The odds against the winning of the Holy Sepulchre, always steep, had become, by the summer of 1098, astronomical. The Sultan of Baghdad, resolved to annihilate the invaders once and for all, had dispatched an immense army, 'swarming everywhere from the mountains and along different roads like the sands of the sea'.136 Against this prodigious task force, the crusaders, who had numbered perhaps one hundred thousand the previous spring as they streamed towards Constantinople, could muster at best a threadbare twenty thousand — non-combatants included.137 Disease, starvation and casualties in battle; the loss of vir­tually the entire expedition's supply of horses and mules, so that even dogs had ended up being employed as pack animals; the lack of any­thing approaching a unified leadership: all these factors, as the crusaders themselves freely acknowledged, should have spelled their doom. 'For certainly, in my opinion,' as one contemporary put it, 'what they went through was an ordeal without precedent. Never before had there been among the princes of the world men who exposed their bodies to such suffering, solely in the expectation of a celestial reward.'138

  No wonder, then, when the ferociously outnumbered crusaders succeeded in yet again shattering the Turks upon their steel, when they continued to win famous cities long lost to Christendom, and when, on 7 June 1099, they finally arrived in triumph before the walls of Jerusalem, there were few among them who doubted that they had arrived as well at a turning point in the order of heaven and earth. No one could know for certain what wonders might follow their capture of the Holy Sepulchre - but merely to win it would rank as wonder enough. Ambition, greed and ingenuity: all these qualities, honed by the three long and terrible years of the pilgrimage, had served to bring the crusaders to the very brink of a miracle. Yet in the mingled sense of urgency and brutality that they had displayed, and in their convic­tion that there was nothing in the world that might not be changed and improved by their own labours, there lay the proof of a revolution long pre-dating their taking up of the Cross. For better and for worse, the previous century had seen Christendom, and the Christian people, transformed utterly. The arrival of the crusaders before the walls of the Holy City was merely a single - albeit the most spectacular - man­ifestation of a process which, since the convulsive period of the Millennium, had made of Europe something restless, and dynamic, and wholly new. Nor would it be the last.

  A thousand years had passed now since an angel, parting the veil which conceals from mankind the plans of the Almighty for the future, had given to St John a revelation of the last days. And the saint, writing it down, had recorded how a great battle was destined to be fought; and how the Beast, at its end, would be captured and thrown into a lake of fire. But before that could be brought about, and the world born anew, Christ Himself, 'clad in a robe dipped in blood', was destined to lead out the armies of heaven. 'From his mouth issues a sharp sword with which to smite the nations, and he will rule them with a rod of iron; he will tread the wine press of the fury of the wrath ofGod the Almighty.'139

  On 15 July, the crusaders finally broke into Jerusalem and took pos­session of the object of all their yearnings. The wine press was duly trodden: the streets were made to flow with blood. And at the end of it, when the slaughter was done, and the whole citv drenched in gore, the triumphant warriors of Christ, weeping with jov and disbelief, assembled before the Sepulchre of the Saviour and knelt in an ecstasy of worship.

  Meanwhile, on the Temple Mount, where it had been foretold that Antichrist would materialise at the end of days enthroned in fearsome and flame-lit glory, all was stillness. The slaughter upon the rock of the Temple had been especially terrible, and not a living thing had been left there to stir. Already, in the summer heat, the corpses were starting to reek.

  Antichrist did not appear.

  Bibliography

  Primary sources

  Sources for medieval history tend to be much less freely available than their equiv­alents from the classical period. Not only do a majority remain untranslated, but many are accessible only in intimidating volumes of nineteenth-century scholar­ship. Two resources are particularly indispensable. One is the Patnlogia Latina, an immense compendium of sermons, saints' lives and other writings on ecclesiasti­cal themes, gathered together in no fewer than 221 volumes by a single French priest, Jacques-Paul Migne. The other is the Momimenta Germaniat Hislorica, an even more titanic anthology of sources for the study of medieval history, begun in 1826 and ongoing to this day. Its title notwithstanding, the range of texts it embraces is far from confined to Germany. It is, however, authentically monumental. The following abbreviations were unavoidable:

  A ASS: Acta Sanctorum Quoiquol Orbe Qihmier, ed. Societe des Bollandistes (Antwerp, Brussels and Paris, 1643-1940)

  EHD: English Historical Documents I, c. 500-1012, ed. Dorothy Whitelock (London, 1979)

  MGH: Monumenta Germanise Historica AA: Auctores Antiquum Libelli: Libelli de lite imperatorum el pontificum SRG: Scriplores Renin Germanicarwn in usum scholarum sepantti editii SS: Scriptores PG: Patrologia Graeca PL: Patrologia Latina

  All quotations from the Bible are from the Revised Standard Version. All quota­tions from the Qur'an are from the translation by Abdullah Yusuf Ali (Indianapol
is, 1992).

  Abbo of Fleury: Apologeticus ad Hugonem et Rodbertum Reges Francorum, in PL 139 Abd Allah b. Buluggin al-Ziri al-Sanhaji: Al-Tibyan, tr. A. T. Tibi (Leiden, 1986)

  Adalbero of Laon: Poeme au rot Robert, ed. C. Carozzi (Paris, 1979) Adam of Bremen: History of the Archbishops of Hamburg-Bremen, tr. Francis J. Tschan (New York, 2002)

  Ademar of Chabannes: Ademari Cibmuasis Chronica, ed. Pascal? Bouigain (Turnhout, 1999)

  Adso of Montier-en-Der: 'Letter on the Origin and Time of the Antichrist', in Apocalyptic Spirituality: Treatises and Letters ofLactantius, Adso of Montier-en-Der, Joachim of Fiere, The Franciscan Spirituals, Savonarola, tr. Bernard McGinn (New York, 1979) Aelfric: Colloquy, ed. G. N. Garmonsway (London, 1947) Aelfric: Aelfric's Catholic Homilies, ed. Malcolm Godden (London, 1979) Albert of Aachen: Historia lerosolimitana, ed. Susan B. Edgington (Oxford, 2007) Albert of Metz: Fragmentum ed Deoderico primo episcopo Mettensi, in MGH SS 4 (Hanover, 1854)

  Alcuin: Letters, in AlcuinofYork, c. A.D. 732 to 804: His Life and Letters, by Stephen Allott (York, 1974)

  Amatus of Monte Cassino: The History of the Normans, tr. Prescott N. Dunbar

  (Woodbridge, 2004) Andrew of Fleury: Miraculi Sancti Benedict!, ed. Eugene de Certain (Paris, 1858) Andrew of Fleury: Vie deGataliit, Abbe de Fleury, ed. Robert-Henri Bautier (fcris, 1969) Angilbertus: Karolus Magnus et Leo Papa, in MGH Poetae Lattni aevi Kaivlini 1 (Berlin, 1881) Anna Comnena: The Alexiad, tr. E. R. A. Sewter (London, 2003) Armies Hildesheimenses. in MGH SRG 8 (Hanover, 1878) Annates Quedlmburgenses, in MGH SS 3 (Hanover, 1839) Annals of Ulster, tr. Sean Mac Airt and Gearoid Mac Niocail (Dublin, 1983) ArcAiVes d'Anjou, ed. Paul Marchegay, 3 vols. (Angers, 1843-56) Ari Thorgilsson: Book of the Icelanders, ed. Halldor Hermannsson (Ithaca, 1930) Arnold of Regensburg: Vita S. Emmerami, in MGH SS 4 (Hanover, 1841) Arnulf of Milan: Liber Gestorum Recentium, in MGH SRG 67 (Hanover, 1994) Augustine: City of God, tr. Henry Bettenson (London, 2003) Augustine: On Order, tr. Silvano Borruso (South Bend, 2006) AvitusofVienne: Epistulae, in MGH AA 6.2 (Berlin, 1888) Battle of Maldon, in BHD