Sources of Chinese Tradition, Volume 2

by Wm. Theodore de Bary

  After the Flood, the devilish king of Egypt, whose ambition was mediocrity and who was possessed by the demons, envied the Israelites in their worship of God and bitterly persecuted them. Therefore, the Heavenly Father in his great anger led the Israelites out of Egypt. In this, the second instance of the Heavenly Father’s great anger, was the great proof of his great powers displayed.

  However, the rulers and people of that time still had not completely forgotten the Heavenly grace. But since the emergence of Daoism in the [Chinese] Qin [dynasty] and the welcoming of Buddhism in the Han [dynasty], the delusion of man by the demons has day by day increased, and all men have forgotten the grace and virtue of the Heavenly Father. . . . The Heavenly Father once again became greatly angered; yet if he were to annihilate them completely, he could not bear it in his heart; if he were to tolerate them, it would not be consonant with righteousness. At that time, the elder son of the Heavenly Father, the Heavenly Elder Brother Jesus, shouldered the great burden and willingly offered to sacrifice his life to redeem the sins of the men of the world. . . .

  Let us ask your elder and younger brothers: formerly the people sacrificed only to the demons; they worshiped the demons and appealed to the demons only because they desired the demons to protect them. Yet how could they think that the demons could really protect them? . . . To worship them is of no avail. However, the men of the world sank even deeper, not knowing how to awaken themselves. Therefore, the Heavenly Father again became angry.

  In the dingyou year [1837], our Heavenly Father displayed the heavenly grace and dispatched angels to summon the Heavenly King up to Heaven. There He clearly pointed out the demons’ perversities and their deluding of the world. He also invested the Heavenly King with a seal and a sword; He ordered the Savior, the Heavenly Elder Brother, Jesus, to take command of the Heavenly soldiers and Heavenly generals and to aid the Heavenly King, and to attack and conquer from Heaven earthward, layer by layer, the innumerable demons. After their victory they returned to Heaven and the Heavenly Father, greatly pleased, sent the Heavenly King down upon the earth to become the true Taiping Sovereign of the ten thousand nations of the world and to save the people of the world. He also bade him not to be fearful and to effect these matters courageously, for whenever difficulties appeared, the Heavenly Father would assume direction and the Heavenly Elder Brother would shoulder the burden. [8a–9a]

  Several instances are then given of the way in which God’s power was manifested in the triumphant campaigns of the Taiping forces and of how His will was made known to them. After describing their progress from Guangxi through Hunan to Wuchang on the Yangzi, the account tells of their drive down the river to Nanjing.

  From Wuchang to Jinling [Nanjing] the land extends as far as a thousand li; how strategic and important are the passes and river crossings, and how strong and firm are the cities and moats! To attack and capture the cities seemed difficult; even if victory could have been secured, it appeared that it would take a very long time. Yet in not more than one month’s time, we had followed the stream eastward from Wuchang, passing Jiangxi, crossing Anhui, and pushing directly up to Jinling, without the least resistance. After reaching this provincial capital, we found the height and thickness of the city walls and the vastness of the land to be indeed twice that of other provincial cities; to attack it seemed far more difficult. Who would have known that within ten days one single effort would bring success? Jinling was captured with our hands hanging at our sides. Had it not been for our Heavenly Father’s power, how could things have been so quick and easy? From this we can again see the Heavenly Father’s power to predetermine things. [12b–14a]

  There follow accounts of the individual Taiping leaders showing how each triumphed over adversities and suffered great hardships in order to advance the cause.

  Even the Eastern King in his holiness and the several kings in their eminence had to undergo cleansing and polishing and repeatedly demonstrate great fortitude before they could enjoy true happiness. How much more must we elder and younger brothers preserve our fortitude in order that we may seek abundant blessings. . . .

  Recollecting the past, from the righteous uprising in Jintian to the capture of Jinling, we have received great mercy from our Heavenly Father and Heavenly Elderly Brother; we have established our Heavenly capital and in a few years we have been able to enjoy the great happiness of our Heavenly Father. All this has been due to the work of our Heavenly Father and our Heavenly Elder Brother, who alone can bring such speedy results. Hence, if, with additional efforts toward improvement and perfection, we, with united hearts, combine our strength for the immediate extermination of the demons, our Heavenly Father will display his great powers and instantaneously the seas and lands will be cleared and the hills and rivers united under one command. Then our younger brothers and sisters will be reunited with their families, and blood relations will again be together. How fortunate that will be! [19a–b]

  There follows a long section dealing with disobedient and traitorous officers who serve as object lessons of the futility of deserting or betraying the Taiping cause. It is shown how God, who knows and sees all, revealed their wicked designs to the Taiping leaders. Thus their cowardice and self-seeking brought them only the most severe punishment.

  We brothers and sisters, enjoying today the greatest mercy of our Heavenly Father, have become as one family and are able to enjoy true blessings; each of us must always be thankful. Speaking in terms of our ordinary human feelings, it is true that each has his own parents and there must be a distinction in family names; it is also true that as each has his own household, there must be a distinction between this boundary and that boundary. Yet we must know that the ten thousand names derive from the one name, and the one name from one ancestor. Thus our origins are not different. Since our Heavenly Father gave us birth and nourishment, we are of one form though of separate bodies, and we breathe the same air though in different places. This is why we say, “All are brothers within the four seas.”7 Now, basking in the profound mercy of Heaven, we are of one family. . . .

  We brothers, our minds having been awakened by our Heavenly Father, joined the camp in the earlier days to support our Sovereign, many bringing parents, wives, uncles, brothers, and whole families. It is a matter of course that we should attend to our parents and look after our wives and children, but when one first creates a new rule, the state must come first and the family last, public interests first and private interests last. Moreover, as it is advisable to avoid suspicion [of improper conduct] between the inner [female] and the outer [male] and to distinguish between male and female, so men must have male quarters and women must have female quarters; only thus can we be dignified and avoid confusion. There must be no common mixing of the male and female groups, which would cause debauchery and violation of Heaven’s commandments. Although to pay respects to parents and to visit wives and children occasionally are in keeping with human nature and not prohibited, yet it is only proper to converse before the door, stand a few steps apart and speak in a loud voice; one must not enter the sisters’ camp or permit the mixing of men and women. Only thus, by complying with rules and commands, can we become sons and daughters of Heaven. [29a–30a]

  At the present time, the remaining demons have not yet been completely exterminated and the time for the reunion of families has not yet arrived. We younger brothers and sisters must be firm and patient to the end, and with united strength and a single heart we must uphold God’s principles and wipe out the demons immediately. With peace and unity achieved, then our Heavenly Father, displaying his mercy, will reward us according to our merits. Wealth, nobility, and renown will then enable us brothers to celebrate the reunion of our families and enjoy the harmonious relations of husband and wife. Oh, how wonderful that will be! The task of a thousand times ten thousand years also lies in this; the happiness and emoluments of a thousand times ten thousand years also lie in this; we certainly must not abandon it in one day. [37b–38a]

&nbs
p; [From Xiao Yishan, Taiping Tianguo congshu, ce 5, pp. 1–38]

  1. The commentary of the Taiping expositor has been omitted except for the last four commandments.

  2. It was a common practice of the time, especially in Guangdong, to bet on who would succeed in the state examinations. Gambling clubs were established for this purpose. The Guangdong government first fined such gambling and later collected a gambling tax from the clubs.

  3. Through the loving care of your parents.

  4. These two lines are adapted from the opening passage of the Classic of Changes.

  5. A paraphrase of Mencius 1A: 7.

  6. The liang sima, official in charge of each twenty-five-family group.

  7. Analects 12: 5.

  PART 6

  Reform and Revolution

  Chapter 30

  MODERATE REFORM AND THE SELF-STRENGTHENING MOVEMENT

  The defeat of the Taipings was only one of the more hopeful signs for the Manchus in the early 1860s, after two decades of losses and near-disaster for the dynasty. The foreign occupation of Beijing in 1860 had been followed by a reorganization of leadership at court, with stronger and more flexible men rallying forces loyal to the dynasty and working toward better relations with the foreign powers. The new diplomatic missions established in the capital and foreign concessions in treaty ports up and down the coast, though forced upon the court originally, had now made it both necessary and possible for the Chinese to come into closer contact with Westerners—contact that slowly and imperceptibly widened their horizons on the world. In the provinces, able commanders like Zeng Guofan, Zuo Zongtang, and Li Hongzhang, who had shown great personal resourcefulness and determination in suppressing the rebels and had even demonstrated a readiness to adopt Western guns and naval vessels for use against the Taipings, continued individually to promote modernization projects that would strengthen their military positions and enhance the basis of their own regional power.

  If, to Western observers, these developments suggested some hope for China’s future, to the Chinese there were other grounds for encouragement—enough to justify calling this period a “revival” or “restoration” in the life of the nation and the ruling dynasty. In foreign relations, the Chinese could at most be gratified by a respite from the constant pressure of the Western powers. In internal affairs, however, they could observe with satisfaction the restoring of peace and stability after several major revolts (besides the Taipings, the Nian rebellion in Anhui and Shandong in 1853–1868, and the Muslim rebellions in both the southwestern provinces, in 1855–1873, and the northwestern provinces, in 1862–1877); so, too, a gradual improvement in local administration and steps taken to rehabilitate the economy along more or less traditional lines—the encouragement of agriculture, land reclamation and development, irrigation, flood control, tax reform, and so on. The genuine effectiveness of such time-honored measures can be appreciated in terms of their contribution to the traditional agrarian economy (upon which, obviously, so many millions of Chinese depended for their daily life), even if such methods fell far short of meeting the economic challenge of the West.

  To conservative Confucians there was reassurance in all this, not only that age-old methods and institutions seemed to stand the test of these times but that men of ability and character had appeared who could make them effective. It was leadership, rather than the techniques or institutions themselves, in which the Confucians placed hope. It was the “noble man,” pursuing virtue and learning rather than power and profit, who would save China. From such a point of view, no more basic or radical a change could take place than that which transformed the people inwardly and united them in support of worthy rulers. To talk of drastic changes in social or political institutions was almost unthinkable, and certainly uncalled for.

  On this fundamental point there was virtually unanimous agreement, even among those who felt that the danger from the West prompted fundamental reexamination and reform. They might believe it necessary to adopt Western guns and ships—even to master the languages, the knowledge, the techniques required for the production and use of these weapons—but such measures would be indispensably linked to a regeneration of the national life, a reassertion of traditional values in government, a renewed concern for the livelihood of the people, and a kind of moral rearmament based on self-cultivation and tightened social discipline. A reexamination in these terms tended, therefore, to focus on two types of weakness: military inferiority to the West, which called for the employment of new methods, and moral inadequacy with respect to traditional ideals, which called for self-criticism and an intensified effort to uphold old standards.

  Reform along these lines was most strikingly exemplified in the so-called self-strengthening movement. Its immediate objective was a buildup in military power; its ultimate aim was to preserve and strengthen the traditional way of life. In the following selections are presented the views of men prominently identified as exponents of reform on this basis: namely, that the adoption of Western arms could be justified on grounds of utility and practicality, as a means of defending China and preserving Chinese civilization. These reform ideas emerged naturally from the statecraft scholarship discussed in earlier chapters. Self-strengthening itself appealed to one of the heroic ideals in Neo-Confucian teaching: self-reliance, self-discipline, and taking responsibility for the Way and the world on oneself.

  FENG GUIFEN: ON THE MANUFACTURE OF FOREIGN WEAPONS

  Feng Guifen (1809–1874), a classicist, teacher, and official, came to recognize the need for modernization and the importance of scientific studies when he was forced to take refuge in Shanghai from the Taipings and came into contact with Westerners defending the city. Later, as an adviser to some of the leading statesmen of his time, Feng demonstrated an acute grasp of both state and foreign affairs. His essays advocating a wide variety of reforms were highly regarded by some leaders and became increasingly influential toward the end of the century. It was at his suggestion that a school of Western languages and sciences was established in Shanghai in 1863.

  Feng had few illusions regarding the ease with which China might undertake reform. He appreciated the difficulty of adopting weapons that presupposed a considerable scientific knowledge and technological development. Even more, he recognized the disturbing fact that Western superiority lay not in arms alone but also in leadership. In his eyes, however, the qualities of character and mind displayed by Westerners were simply those long recognized as essential to leadership within the Chinese tradition. The foreigners’ example might be edifying, and indeed a reproach to the deplorable state of Chinese public life, but it was not a lesson in the sense that China had anything new to learn from the West. The lesson was simply that it had more to make of its own learning.

  Such is the two-pronged attack by Feng on Chinese complacency, as expressed in these excerpts from his book of essays, Protests from the Study of Jiaobin (1861). Note again that when a Confucian reformer seeks to make changes, he must come to grips with the civil service system, which was so pervasive an influence on educated Chinese.

  According to a general geography compiled by an Englishman, the territory of China is eight times that of Russia, ten times that of the United States, one hundred times that of France, and two hundred times that of Great Britain. . . . Yet we are shamefully humiliated by the four nations, not because our climate, soil, or resources are inferior to theirs, but because our people are inferior. . . . Now, our inferiority is not due to our allotment [i.e., our inherent nature] from Heaven, but is rather due to ourselves. If it were allotted us by Heaven, it would be a shame but not something we could do anything about. Since the inferiority is due to ourselves, it is a still greater shame but something we can do something about. And if we feel ashamed, there is nothing better than self-strengthening. . . .

  Why are the Western nations small and yet strong? Why are we large and yet weak? We must search for the means to become their equal, and that depends solely upon human effort. With regar
d to the present situation, several observations may be made: in not wasting human talents, we are inferior to the barbarians; in not wasting natural resources, we are inferior to the barbarians; in allowing no barrier to come between the ruler and the people, we are inferior to the barbarians; and in the matching of words with deeds, we are also inferior to the barbarians. The remedy for these four points is to seek the causes in ourselves. They can be changed at once if only the emperor would set us in the right direction. There is no need to learn from the barbarians in these matters. [58b–59a]

  We have only one thing to learn from the barbarians, and that is strong ships and effective guns. . . . Funds should be allotted to establish a shipyard and arsenal in each trading port. A few barbarians should be employed, and Chinese who are good in using their minds should be selected to receive instruction so that in turn they may teach many craftsmen. When a piece of work is finished and is as good as that made by the barbarians, the makers should be rewarded with an official juren degree and be permitted to participate in the metropolitan examinations on the same basis as other scholars. Those whose products are of superior quality should be rewarded with the jinshi degree [ordinarily conferred in the metropolitan examinations] and be permitted to participate in the palace examinations like others. The workers should be paid double so that they will not quit their jobs.