How Rome Fell: Death of a Superpower
Page 56
18. On Elagabalus' sexual exploits, see Dio 8o. 13. 1-14. 1, 14. 3-17. 1, Herodian 5. 5. 6, 6. 1-2, SHA, Elagabalus 5. 1-5, 6. 5-7, 10. 4-7, 25. 4-6, 26. 3-5, 31. 1-8; Caracalla and the Vestal, see Dio 78. 16. 1-3.
19. Dio 8o. it. 1-12. 2, Herodian 5. 6. 3-10, 7. 2, SHA, Elagabalus3. 4-5, 6. 78. 3; Potter (2004), PP- 153-157•
20. Dio 8o. 17. 2-21. 3, Herodian 5. 7. 1-8. 10, SHA, Elagabalus 13.1-17. 3; on attempted rebellions during the reign, see Dio 8o. 7. 1-4; one of the very few biographies of Elagabalus is fairly sympathetic, J. Stuart Hay, The Amazing Emperor Heliogabalus (1911); disbanding of III Gallica, see ILS 2657.
21. Herodian 6. 1. 4-10; Dio 8o (81). 4. 2 on military mutinies; for the praetorians, see Dio 8o (81). 2. 2-3, 4. 2-5. 2; for a discussion of the reign, see R. Syme, Emperors and Biography: Studies in the Historia Augusta (1971), pp. 146- 16z, Potter (2004), pp. 158-166, and B. Campbell, in CAH2 XII (zoo5), PP- 22-27-
22. For Maximinus in general, see the discussion in Syme (1971), pp. 179-193; Herodian 6. 8. 1-8, SHA, Maximinus 2. 1-5. 1 on Maximinus and `humble origins'; Herodian 6. 9. 1-8 on the murder of Alexander, SHA, Maximinus 71-6; for his images, see Campbell (1984), pp. 68-69.
23. Dio 8o. 4. 1-2, 21. 2-3, see also R. Syme (1971), p. 142-
24. On the edict of Caracalla, see Dio 78. 9. 5, and SHA, Caracalla 5. 8 on his surviving a shipwreck; for discussion, see A. Sherwin-White, The Roman Citizenship (1973), PP. 275-287, 380-394, and Potter (2004), pp. 138-139.
4-King of Kings
L Res Gestae Divi Saporis 1-2, 6-8. This translation from M. Dodgeon & S. Lieu, The Roman Eastern Frontier and the Persian Wars, AD 226--363 (paperback edn 1991), pp. 34, 35-36. The full text is edited and translated by A. Maricq, Syria, 35 (1958), pp. 245-26o.
2. For Dura and its discovery, see C. Hopkins, The Discovery of Dura Europos (1979), S. James, Excavations at Dura-Europos 1928-1937: Final Report, VII, The Arms andArmour and Other Military Equipment (2004), pp. xxiii, 39, A. Perkins, The Art of Dura Europos (1971), and F. Millar, The Roman Near East, 31 BC-AD 337 (1993), PP- 445-452, 467-471.
3. See A. Perkins (ed.), The Excavations at Dura Europos: Final Report, V, Part 1, Papyri (1959), R. Fink, Roman Military Records on Papyrus (1971), pp. 18-86, 90-105, 125-136, etc., and the selection of texts in Dodgeon & Lieu (1991), pp. 328-335-
4. Epitaph, AE 1948, 124, and quoted in Dodgeon & Lieu (1991), p. 32, along with a piece of graffito recording the attack; extracts from the Dura strength reports are on pp. 328-331, esp. P. 331, n. 4 for the possible link between a drop in numbers and the Persian attack.
5. On the rise of Ardashir and the Sassanian state, see in general E. Yarshater (ed.), The Cambridge History oflran, Vol. 3 (s) (1983), esp. pp. 116-18o, R. Frye, in CAH' XII (2005), pp. 461-48o, E. Herzteld, Archaeological History of Iran (1934), J. Wiesehofer, Ancient Persia: From 550 BC to 650 AD (1996), B. Dignas & E. Winter, Rome and Persia in Late Antiquity: Neighbours and Rivals (2007), PP- 18-32, and the sources in Dodgeon & Lieu (1991), pp. 9-33; R. Chrishman, Arts ofMankind.• Iran: Parthians and Sassanians (1962) has good photographs of the triumphal monuments of Ardashir and Shapur I.
6. Dio 80. 3. 1-4. 2, Herodian 6. 2. 1-2; presence of Roman troops in Hatra, AE1958, 239-240, translated in Dodgeon & Lieu (1991), p. 33; E. Wheeler, `The Laxity of the Syrian Legions', in D. Kennedy (ed.), The Roman Army in the East (1996), pp. 229-276 shows that the poor quality of the armies in the east was a literary cliche. However, this does not mean that at some periods and in some circumstances legions stationed in the east might not actually be of low quality.
7. Herodian 6. 2. 3-7, 3. 1-6. 3, SHA, Alexander Severus 55. 1-3; mutiny in the army, 6. 4.; on the question of Persia's ambitions, see B. Isaac, The Limits of Empire (1992), pp. 20-33, 50-53.
8. Herodian 7. 5. 2 says that Gordian was eighty years old; for a full discussion, see R. Syme, Emperors and Biography: Studies in the Historia Augusta (1971), pp. 163-178.
9. For the fullest account, see Herodian, 7. 4. 1-6. 9, 9. I-10. I, SHA, The Three Gordian 7. 2-10. 8, 15. 1-16. 4.
io. Herodian 7.10.1-9.
ii. Herodian 8. 6. 1-8. 8, with D. Potter, The Roman Empire at Bay, AD 180-395 (2004), pp. 169-171, and J. Drinkwater, in CAH' XII (zoo5), PP. 31-33.
1z. Sources in Dodgeon & Lieu (1991), pp. 34-45; see also the summaries and discussion in Potter (2004), pp. 217-236, and Drinkwater, in CAIN XI I (zoo5), PP. 35-36.
13. See Potter (2004), pp. 236-241, Drinkwater, in CAH2 XII (zoo5), pp. 3638; the most recent biography of Philip in English is Y. Zahran, Philip the Arab: A Study in Prejudice (2001); the Greek of Shapur's inscription says denarii, which were silver, but it is generally accepted that the payment was in gold, see Potter (2004), p. 237 (p. 634, n. 94)-
14. See Dodgeon & Lieu (1991), pp. 45-48 for Philip's activity in the east and the appointment of his brother Pirscus as rector orientis.
15. On Decius, see Syme (1971), pp. 194-203, Drinkwater, in CAH2 XI I (2005), PP. 38-39, Potter (2004), 241-246, and J. Rives, `The Decree of Decius and the Religion of Empire', JRS, 89 (1999), pp. 135-154, including discussion of the edict on sacrifices.
16. On the synagogue, seePerkins (1971), pp. 55-65, M. Rostovtzeff, A. Bellinger, C. Hopkins & C. Wells (eds.), The Excavations at Dura-Europos: Preliminary Report of the Sixth Season of Work, October 1932-March 1933 (1936), PP- 309396, A. Bellinger, E Brown, A. Perkins & C. Wells (eds.), The Excavations at Dura-Europos: Final Report, VIII, Part r: The Synagogue (1956), and J. Gutman (ed.), The Dura Europos Synagogue: A Re-Evaluation (1932-1972) (1973)-
17. On the baptistery, see Perkins (1971), pp. 52-55, and M. Rostovtzeff (ed.), The Excavations at Dura-Europos: Preliminary Report of the Fifth Season of Work, October 1932 March 1932 (1934), PP. 259-289, and C. Bradford Welles, The Excavations at Dura-Europos: Final Report, VIII, Part 2: The Christian Building (1967).
18. The literature on the early Church is truly vast, but good starting places are W. Meeks, The First Urban Christians (1983), R. Wilken, The Christians as the Romans Saw Them (1984), M. Whittaker, Jews and Christians, Greco-Roman Views (1984), E. Dodds, Pagan and Christian in an Age ofAnxiety (1965), and R. Lane Fox, Pagans and Christians (1986), esp. pp. 419-492.
19. Tacitus, Annals 15. 44•
zo. Pliny, Letters 10. 96-97, with A. Sherwin-White, The Letters of Pliny: A Historical and Social Commentary (1966), pp. 691-712,-
21. See in general W. Frend, Martyrdom and persecution in the Early Church (1965), and T. Barnes, `Legislation Against the Early Christians', JRS, 58 (1968), PP. 32-50; Tertullian, Apology 1. 4-2. 20, 8. 1-20, 10. 1-11, 30. 1-32. 337. 4-8•
2z. Christianos ad leonem, see Tertullian, Apology 40. 1-z; Lyons, see Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 5. 1-63, and H. Musurillo, Acts of the Christian Martyrs (1972), pp. 62-85-
23. Musurillo (1972), `The Martyrs of Lyons', 1-10, 49-53, `The Martyrdom of Saints Ptolemaeus and Lucius', 1-10, `The Martyrdom of Saint Marinus', 1-2.
24. Musurillo (1972), `The Martyrdom of Saints Perpetua and Felicitas', 5. 24, `The Martyrdom of Polycarp', 4.
25. Musurillo (1972), `The Martyrdom of Bishop Fructuosus and His Deacons, Augurius and Eulogius', 2. 8-9. In Latin the exchange is even more laconic - Aemilianus praeses Fructuosum dixit: Episcopus es? Fructuosus dixit: Sum. Aemilianus dixit: Fuisti, et issuit eos vivos ardere; the two women in Africa, Musurillo (1972), `The Martyrdom of Saints Perpetua and Felicitas', zo. 1-4.
z6. Origen, see Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 6. 21. 3-4; 6. 36. 3 for his writing letters to the Emperor Philip; Philip described as a Christian, 6. 34. 1; Alexander Severus, S HA, Alexander 29. 2.
27. G. Clarke, in CAH2 XII (2005), pp. 625-637; Origen's death following imprisonment as part of the Decian persecution, see Potter (2004), p. 209 with references.
28. Drinkwater, in CAH2 XII (2005), pp. 38-44, Potter (2004), pp• 241-257•
29. The sources for these campaigns can be found in Dodgeon & Lieu (1991), PP. 49-67.
30. For the final siege of Dura Europos, see James (2004
), PP. 21-25, 30-39; for the asphyxiation of the Roman soldiers, see S. James, `The Deposition of Military Equipment During the Final Siege at Dura-Europos, With Particular Regard to the Tower 19 Countermine', Carnuntum Jahrbuch 2005 (2005), pp. 189-zo6. There will also be a summary in the same author's, Rome and the Sword (provisional title, forthcoming, Thames and Hudson). I am very grateful to Simon for giving me the details of his fascinating analysis.
5-Barbarians
i. Dexippus, fragment 28, translation from E Millar, `P. Herennius Dexippus: The Greek World and the Third-Century Invasions', JRS, 59 (1969), pp. 12-29, p. 27-28, which gives the full passage and a commentary.
2. For the Abrittus campaign, see Zosimus 1. 23, Zonaras 12. 20, Aurelius Victor De Caesaribus 29, Jordanes, Getica 101-103, the summary in D. Potter, Prophecy and History in the Crisis of the Roman Empire (1990), pp. 278-283, and The Roman Empire at Bay (2004), p. 246, P. Heather, The Goths (1996), p. 40, and J. Drinkwater, in CART (2005), pp. 38-39.
3. For relations between Romans and Germans, see T. Burns, Rome and the Barbarians, 100 BC-AD 400 (2003), pp. 1-193, M. Todd, The Early Germans (2nd edn, 2004), PP- 44-61, and P. Wells, The Barbarians Speak: How the Conquered Peoples Shaped Roman Europe (1999), pp. 64-98; for more specific discussion of Caesar's campaigns, see A. Goldsworthy, Caesar: The Life of a Colossus (2006), pp. 224-232, 270-278, 306-310; for Augustus, see C. Wells, The German Policy ofAugustus (1972).
4. On the Bastarnae, see Tacitus, Germania 46; for overviews of Germanic society and culture, see Todd (2004), pp. 8-43, 62-135, Wells (1999), pp. 99170-
5. Todd (2004), pp. 64-75, CAH2 (2005), pp. 447-450, and Burns (1999), pp. 244-255.
6. Tacitus, Germania 7, 13-4; C. Fabech, `Booty Sacrifices in Southern Scandinavia - A History of Warfare and Ideology, in E. Bjorklund, Roman Reflections in Scandinavia (1996), pp. 135-138, Wells (,999), pp. 4-6, E. Nylam, `Early Gladius Swords in Scandinavia', Acta Archaeologia, 34 (1963), and p. 185, J. Ilkjxrm `The Weapons' Sacrifice at Illerup Adal, Denmark', in K. Randsbourg, The Birth of Europe (1989), pp. 54-61.
7. Tacitus, Germania 33, cf. 36; on warfare, see A. Goldsworthy, The Roman Army at War, zoo BC-AD 200 (1996), pp. 42-53, and H. Elton, Warfare in Roman Europe: AD 350-425 (1996), pp. 15-88.
8. Tacitus, Germania 41-42; in general, see also C. Whittaker, Frontiers of the Roman Empire: A Social and Economic Study (1994), esp. pp. 113-131, 222-240•
9. Burns (2003), pp. 167-174, 183-193, 212-247, and B. Cunliffe, Greeks, Romans and Barbarians: Spheres ofInter-action (1988).
1o. Todd (2004), pp. 63-71, and Wells (1999), pp. 245-258.
11. Caesar, Bellum Gallicum 6. 23; on raiding, see Whittaker (1996), pp. 210214.
12. L. Hedeager, `The Evolution of German society 1-400 AD', in R. Jones, J. Bloemers, S. Dyson & M. Biddle (eds.), First Millennium Papers: Western Europe in the 1st Millennium (1988), pp. 129-401.
13. CIL 3. 3385-
14. For discussion, see S. Dyson, The Creation of the Roman Frontier (1985), passim, and A. Goldsworthy, `War: The Late Republic and Principate', in P. Sabin, H. Van Wees & M. Whitby (eds.) The Cambridge History of Greek and Roman Warfare, Vol. 2 (2007), pp. 76-121.
15. On the Goths, see Heather (1998), pp. 11-39; on the Franks and Alamanni, see Burns (2003), pp. 275-290. The epitome of Dio (78. 13. 4) mentions the Alamanni in 213, but Burns argues that this is most likely a later interpolation. A stronger case for accepting the passage is made in J. Drinkwater, TheAlamanni and Rome 213-496.• Caracalla to Clovis (2007), pp. 41-44.
16. See Burns (2003), PP- 229-245, Todd (2004), pp. 54-56, and Wells (1999), pp. 189-191.
17. Burns (2003), PP. 244-260, Drinkwater, in CAH2 (2005), pp. 28-38.
i8. Goths, Zosimus i. 24. 2, Zonaras iz. zi.
19. Zosimus 1. 27-37, SHA, The Two Gallieni 5. 6-6. 9; Potter (2004), pp. 252256, Heather (1998), pp. 40-43, and Drinkwater, in CAH' (2005), PP- 40-44; see also chapter 4, pp. 100-101.
20. The inscription is AE 1993, 12,31 with comments in Potter (2004), pp. 256-257, Wilkes, in CAH2 (2005), pp. 222-223, and Burns (2003), pp. 281282; see also Todd (2004), pp. 56-59, including discussion of abandoned plunder.
2i. Orosius 7. 22. 7-8, Aurelius Victor, De Caesaribus 33. 3, Eutropius 9. 8. 2, with comments in J. Richardson, The Romans in Spain (1996), pp. 250-251, and M. Kulikowski, Later Roman Spain andIts Cities (2004), pp. 66-69, who argues that the impact was probably minimal.
22. Zosimus I. 42-43, Zonaras 12. 23, Millar (1969), pp. 26-29, and J. Camp, The Archaeology ofAthens (2001), pp. 2,23-231.
23. For discussions of the impact generally and in specific regions, see E. Wightman, Gallia Belgica (1985), pp. 193-199, 219-230, 243-250, G. Alfody, Noricum (1974), pp. 169-171, Burns (2003), pp. 267-271, 281-3oo, and J. Drinkwater, `The Germanic Threat on the Rhine Frontier: A Romano-Gallic Artefact', in R. Mathisen & H. Sivan (eds.), Shifting Frontiers in Late Antiquity (1996), pp. 20-30.
24. SeeJ. Lander, Roman Stone Fortification (1984), esp. pp. 151-262, S. Johnson, Late Roman Fortifications (1983), passim, but especially pp. 9-81, H. von Petri- kovits, `Fortifications in the North-western Roman Empire From the Third to Fifth centuries AD', JRS, 61 (1971), pp. 178-218, M. Mackensen, `Late Roman Fortifications and Building Programmes in the Province of Raetia', in J. Creighton & R. Wilson (eds.), Roman Germany: Studies in Cultural Interaction (1999), PP. 199-244, R. Wilson, Roman Forts: An Illustrated Introduction to the Garrison Posts ofRoman Britain (1980), Wightman (1985), p. 220, Camp (2001), pp. 223225, and R. MacMullen, Soldier and Civilian in the Later Roman Empire (1963), PP. 37-42-
25. For a robust defence of Gallienus, see L. de Blois, The Policy of the Emperor Gallienus (1976); on his campaigns, see Zosimus 1. 42-43, with Drinkwater, in CALF (2005), pp. 46-47, Heather (1998), p. 41, Potter (2004), pp. 263-266 with discussion of whether the campaign was actually fought in 269; rumour of Gothic mistress, SHA, The Two Gallieni 21. 3.
z6. See in general, J. Drinkwater, The Gallic Empire, Historia Einzelschriften, 52 (1987), pp. 1-270, and there is a brief summary in Potter (2004), pp. 260-262; the reference to `assuming power over the Gallic provinces' is from Eutropius 9. 9.
27. Gallienus' supposed cavalry reserve, see E. Luttwak, The Grand Strategy of the Roman Empire From the First Century AD to the Third (1976), pp. 185-186, Y. Le Bohec, The Imperial Roman Army (1994), pp. 197-198, de Blois (1976), pp. 26-30, with some criticism in M. Nicasie, Twilight of Empire (1998), pp. 35-38.
28. Zosimus 1. 40, SHA, The Two Gallieni 14. 15. 3, Aurelius Victor, De Caesaribus 33, with Potter (2004), pp. 263-264.
29. Potter (2004), pp. 264-269, and Drinkwater, in CAH' (2005), PP- 48-51•
30. Drinkwater (1987), pp. 41-44, SHA, Aurelian 39. 1 for the employment of Tetricus in the imperial administration.
31. W. Willems, Romans and Barbarians (1986).
32. Burns (2003) has a good discussion of this; use of Germanic mercenaries in civil wars, examples include Herodian 8. 7. 8, 8. 8. 2, SHA, The Two Maximini 24. 6, Maximus and Balbinus 12. 3, 13. 5, 14. 6-8, The Thirty Tyrants 6. 2; on bandits and deserters joining raiders, see R. MacMullen, Enemies of the Roman Order (1967), pp. 195, 211, 255-268.
33. H. Schonberger, `The Roman Frontier in Germany: An Archaeological Survey', JRS, 59 (1969), pp.144-197, esp. 175-179, and esp. L. Okamura, `Roman Withdrawals from Three Transfluvial Frontiers', in Mathisen & Sivan (1996), pp. 11-30, esp. 13-15 on Pfiinz and Niederbieder. Okamura argues that traces of undermining on one of the walls at Niederbieder provides a clear indication of siegecraft that only Roman attackers would possess. D. Baatz has recently shown that the damage to the wall was later in date and the result of natural subsidence and quarrying for stone rather than enemy action, see D. Baatz, `Cuiculus - Zur Technik der Unterminierung antiker Wehrbauten' in E. Schallmayer, Niederbieder, Postumus and der Limesfall (1996), pp. 84-89. I am very grateful to Kurt Kleemann for bringing this to my attention.
34. A. Diaconescu, `The towns of Roman Dacia: An Overview of Recent Archaological Research, in W. Ha
nson & I. Haynes, Roman Dacia: The Making of a Provincial Society (2004), pp. 87-142, esp. 128-137-
6-The Queen and the `Necessary' Emperor
1. SHA, Thirty Tyrants 15. 8 and Aurelian 37. 1. Similar sentiments about Aurelian are expressed elsewhere, e.g. John of Antioch, fragment 155, Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum, Vol. 4, P. 599.
2. Lactantius, De mortibus persecutorum 5, and see the other sources and references in M. Dodgeon & S. Lieu, The Roman Eastern Frontier and the Persian Wars, AD 226-363 (1991), pp. 58-63.
3. Dodgeon & Lieu (1991), pp. 65-67, J. Drinkwater, in CAH2 (zoo5), PP- 4445, and D. Potter, The Roman Empire at Bay, AD 180-395 (2004), p.256-259; SHA, Thirty Tyrants 13-14.
4. See E Millar, The Roman Near East, 31 BC-AD 337 (1993), pp. 157-158, 161173, J. Lang, `Two Sides of a coin', in R. Mathisen & H. Sivan (eds.), Shifting Frontiers in Late Antiquity (1996), pp. 59-71, esp. 61-62, Potter (2004), pp. 256, 259-261, and Drinkwater, in CAH2 (2005), pp. 45-46.
Against Rome (1992), esp. pp. 31-49.
5. For the sources, see Dodgeon & Lieu (1991), pp. 68-8o, and in particular S HA, Thirty Tyrants 15. 1-8, Gallienus 1o. 1-8, 12. 1, Zosimus 1. 39.
6. Assassination of Odaenathus, see Dodgeon and Lieu (1991), pp. 80-83, and esp. SHA, Thirty Tyrants 15. 5-6, Gallienus 13. 1, Zosimus 1. 39, Zonaras 12. 24.
7- R. Stoneman, Palmyra and its Empire: Zenobia's Revolt Against Rome (1992), esp. pp. 31-49.
8. On the culture, see Millar (1993), pp. 319-336; for a well-illustrated overview of the city's architecture, see I. Browning, Palmyra (1979).
9. Stoneman (1992), pp. 61-63, 76-79; the importance of heavy cavalry, Zosimus 1 50.
1o. Stoneman (1992), pp. 111-12,7, A. Watson, Aurelian and the third century (1999), pp. 59-66, Dodgeon & Lieu (1991), pp. 83-86; SHA, Thirty Tyrants 30. 1-3, i2-22, esp. 30. 12 claiming that she only allowed Odaenathus to lie with her in order to produce children, and would wait until she was sure she was not pregnant before letting him couple with her again; Cleoptra, see CIS 2. 3946, and it is also emphasised in SHA, Thirty Tyrants 30. i9-2o, Aurelian 27. 3, Probus 9. 5.