Delphi Complete Works of Dionysius of Halicarnassus (Illustrated) (Delphi Ancient Classics Book 79)

by Dionysius of Halicarnassus

  BOOK VI

  [1] οἱ δ᾽ ἐν τῷ κατόπιν ἐνιαυτῷ τὴν ὕπατον ἀρχὴν παραλαβόντες, Αὖλος Σεμπρώνιος Ἀτρατῖνος καὶ Μάρκος Μηνύκιος, ἐπὶ τῆς ἑβδομηκοστῆς καὶ πρώτης ὀλυμπιάδος, ἣν ἐνίκα στάδιον Τισικράτης Κροτωνιάτης ἄρχοντος Ἀθήνησιν Ἱππάρχου, ἄλλο μὲν οὐδὲν οὔτε πολεμικὸν οὔτε πολιτικὸν ἱστορίας ἄξιον ἐπὶ τῆς ἑαυτῶν ἀρχῆς ἔπραξαν: αἵ τε γὰρ πρὸς Λατίνους ἀνοχαὶ πολλὴν αὐτοῖς ἀπὸ τῶν ἔξωθεν πολέμων παρέσχον εἰρήνην ἥ τε τῆς ἀναπράξεως τῶν δανείων κώλυσις, ἣν ἐψηφίσατο ἡ βουλή, τέως ἂν ὁ προσδοκώμενος πόλεμος εἰς ἀσφαλὲς ἔλθῃ τέλος, ἔπαυσε τοὺς ἐντὸς τείχους νεωτερισμούς, οὓς ἐποιοῦντο οἱ πένητες ἀφεῖσθαι τῶν χρεῶν ἀξιοῦντες δημοσίᾳ:

  [1.1] Aulus Sempronius Atratinus and Marcus Minucius, who assumed the consulship the following year, in the seventy-first Olympiad (the one in which Tisicrates of Croton won the foot-race), Hipparchus being archon at Athens, performed no action either of a military or administrative nature worthy of the notice of history during their term of office, since the truce with the Latins gave them ample respite from foreign wars, and the injunction decreed by the senate against the exaction of debts till the war that was expected should be safely terminated, quieted the disturbances raised in the city by the poor, who desired to be discharged of their debts by a public act;

  [2] δόγμα δὲ βουλῆς ἐκύρωσαν ἐπιεικέστατον, Λατίνοις ἀνδράσιν εἴ τινες ἔτυχον [p. 260] ἐκ τοῦ Ῥωμαίων ἔθνους συνοικοῦσαι γυναῖκες ἢ Ῥωμαίοις Λατῖναι, ἑαυτῶν εἶναι κυρίας, ἐάν τε μένειν θέλωσι παρὰ τοῖς γεγαμηκόσιν ἐάν τε μή, εἰς τὰς πατρίδας ἀναστρέφειν: τῶν δ᾽ ἐκγόνων τὰ μὲν ἄρρενα παρὰ τοῖς πατράσι μένειν, τὰς δὲ θηλείας καὶ ἔτι ἀγάμους ταῖς μητράσιν ἕπεσθαι: ἐτύγχανον δὲ πολλαὶ πάνυ γυναῖκες εἰς τὰς ἀλλήλων πόλεις ἐκδεδομέναι καὶ διὰ τὸ συγγενὲς καὶ διὰ φιλίαν, οἳ τυχοῦσαι τῆς ἐκ τοῦ ψηφίσματος ἀδείας ἐδήλωσαν ὅσην εἶχον ἐπιθυμίαν 1 τῆς ἐν Ῥώμῃ διαίτης.

  [2] but they caused the senate to pass a most reasonable decree which provided that any women of Roman birth who were married to Romans should have full power to decide for themselves whether they preferred to stay with their husbands or to return to their own cities, and also provided that the male children should remain with their fathers and the female and unmarried should follow their mothers. For it happened that a great many women, by reason of the kinship and friendship existing between the two nations, had been given in marriage each into the other’s state. The women, having this liberty granted to them by the decree of the senate, showed how great was their desire to live at Rome;

  [3] αἵ τε γὰρ ἐν ταῖς Λατίνων πόλεσι Ῥωμαῖαι μικροῦ δεῖν πᾶσαι καταλιποῦσαι τοὺς ἄνδρας ὡς τοὺς πατέρας ἀνέστρεψαν, αἵ τε Ῥωμαίοις ἐκδεδομέναι Λατίνων πλὴν δυεῖν, αἱ λοιπαὶ τῶν πατρίδων ὑπεριδοῦσαι παρὰ τοῖς γεγαμηκόσιν ἔμειναν: οἰωνὸς εὐτυχὴς τῆς μελλούσης πόλεως ἐπικρατήσειν τῷ πολέμῳ.

  [3] for almost all the Roman women who lived in the Latin cities left their husbands and returned to their fathers, and all the Latin women who were married to Romans, except two, scorned their native countries and stayed with their husbands — a happy omen foretelling which of the two nations was to be victorious in the war.

  [4] ἐπὶ τούτων φασὶ τῶν ὑπάτων τὸν νεὼν καθιερωθῆναι τῷ Κρόνῳ κατὰ τὴν ἄνοδον τὴν εἰς τὸ Καπετώλιον φέρουσαν ἐκ τῆς ἀγορᾶς, καὶ δημοτελεῖς ἀναδειχθῆναι τῷ θεῷ καθ᾽ ἕκαστον ἐνιαυτὸν ἑορτάς τε καὶ θυσίας. τὰ δὲ πρὸ τούτων βωμὸν αὐτόθι καθιδρύσθαι λέγουσι τὸν ὑφ᾽ Ἡρακλέους κατεσκευασμένον, ἐφ᾽ οὗ τὰς ἐμπύρους ἀπαρχὰς ἔθυον Ἑλληνικοῖς ἔθεσιν οἱ τὰ ἱερὰ παρ᾽ ἐκείνου παραλαβόντες: τὴν δ᾽ ἀρχὴν τῆς ἱδρύσεως τοῦ ναοῦ τινὲς μὲν ἱστοροῦσι λαβεῖν [p. 261] Τῖτον Λάρκιον τὸν ὑπατεύσαντα τῷ πρόσθεν ἐνιαυτῷ, οἱ δὲ καὶ βασιλέα Ταρκύνιον τὸν ἐκπεσόντα τῆς ἀρχῆς: τὴν δὲ καθιέρωσιν τοῦ ναοῦ λαβεῖν Πόστομον Κομίνιον κατὰ ψήφισμα βουλῆς. τούτοις μὲν δὴ τοῖς ὑπάτοις εἰρήνης ὥσπερ ἔφην βαθείας ἐξεγένετο ἀπολαῦσαι.

  [4] Under these consuls, they say, the temple was dedicated to Saturn upon the ascent leading from the Forum to the Capitol, and annual festivals and sacrifices were appointed to be celebrated in honour of the god at the public expense. Before this, they say, an altar built by Hercules was established there, upon which the persons who had received the holy rites from him offered the first-fruits as burnt-offerings according to the customs of the Greeks. Some historians state that the credit for beginning this temple was given to Titus Larcius, the consul of the previous year, others, that it was even given to King Tarquinius — the one who was driven from the throne — and that the dedication fell to Postumus Cominius pursuant to a decree of the senate. These consuls, then, had the opportunity, as I said, of enjoying a profound peace.

  [1] μετὰ δὲ τούτους παραλαμβάνουσι τὴν ἀρχὴν Αὖλος Ποστόμιος καὶ Τῖτος Οὐεργίνιος, ἐφ᾽ ὧν αἱ μὲν ἐνιαύσιοι ἀνοχαὶ πρὸς Λατίνους διελέλυντο, παρασκευαὶ δὲ πρὸς τὸν πόλεμον ὑφ᾽ ἑκατέρων ἐγίνοντο μεγάλαι. ἦν δὲ τὸ μὲν Ῥωμαίων πλῆθος ἅπαν ἑκούσιον καὶ σὺν πολλῇ προθυμίᾳ χωροῦν ἐπὶ τὸν ἀγῶνα: τοῦ δὲ Λατίνων τὸ πλέον ἀπρόθυμον καὶ ὑπ᾽ ἀνάγκης κατειργόμενον, τῶν μὲν δυναστευόντων ἐν ταῖς πόλεσιν ὀλίγου δεῖν πάντων δωρεαῖς τε καὶ ὑποσχέσεσιν ὑπὸ Ταρκυνίου τε καὶ Μαμιλίου διεφθαρμένων, τῶν δὲ δημοτικῶν, ὅσοις οὐκ ἦν βουλομένοις ὁ πόλεμος, ἀπελαυνομένων ἀπὸ τῆς περὶ τῶν κοινῶν φροντίδος:

  [2.1] They were succeeded in the consulship by Aulus Postumius and Titus Verginius, under whom the year’s truce with the Latins expired; and great preparations for the war were made by both nations. On the Roman side the whole population entered upon the struggle voluntarily and with great enthusiasm; but the greater part of the Latins were lacking in enthusiasm and acted under compulsion, the powerful men in the cities having been almost all corrupted with bribes and promises by Tarquinius and Mamilius, while those among the common people who were not in favour of the war were excluded from a share in the public counsels; for permission to speak was no longer granted to all who desired it.

  [2] οὐδὲ γὰρ λόγος ἔτι τοῖς βουλομένοις ἀπεδίδοτο. ἠναγκάζοντ�
� δὴ χαλεπαίνοντες ἐπὶ τούτῳ συχνοὶ καταλιπεῖν τὰς πόλεις καὶ πρὸς τοὺς Ῥωμαίους αὐτομολεῖν: κωλύειν γὰρ οὐκ ἠξίουν οἱ δι᾽ ἑαυτῶν πεποιημένοι τὰς πόλεις, ἀλλὰ πολλὴν τοῖς διαφόροις, τῆς ἑκουσίου φυγῆς χάριν ᾔδεσαν. ὑποδεχόμενοι δ᾽ αὐτοὺς οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι τοὺς μὲν ἅμα γυναιξὶ καὶ τέκνοις ἀφικνουμένους εἰς τὰς ἐντὸς τείχους κατέταττον στρατιὰς τοῖς πολιτικοῖς ἐγκαταμιγνύντες λόχοις, τοὺς δὲ λοιποὺς εἰς τὰ περὶ τὴν πόλιν ἀποστέλλοντες φρούρια καὶ ταῖς ἀποικίαις [p. 262] ἀπομερίζοντες, ἵνα μή τι νεωτερίσειαν, εἶχον ἐν φυλακῇ.

  [2] Indeed, many, resenting this treatment, were constrained to leave their cities and desert to the Romans; for the men who had got the cities in their power did not choose to stop them, but thought themselves much obliged to their adversaries for submitting to a voluntary banishment. These the Romans received, and such of them as came with their wives and children they employed in military services inside the walls, incorporating them in the centuries of citizens, and the rest they sent out to the fortresses near the city or distributed among their colonies, keeping them under guard, so that they should create no disturbance.

  [3] ἁπάντων δὲ τὴν αὐτὴν γνώμην λαβόντων, ὅτι μιᾶς δεῖ πάλιν τοῖς πράγμασιν ἐφειμένης ἅπαντα διοικεῖν κατὰ τὸν αὑτῆς λογισμὸν ἀνυπευθύνου ἀρχῆς, δικτάτωρ ἀποδείκνυται τῶν ὑπάτων ὁ νεώτερος Αὖλος Ποστόμιος ὑπὸ τοῦ συνάρχοντος Οὐεργινίου: ἱππάρχην δ᾽ αὐτὸς ἑαυτῷ προσείλετο κατὰ τὸν αὐτὸν τρόπον τῷ προτέρῳ δικτάτορι Τῖτον Αἰβούτιον Ἔλβαν: καὶ καταγράψας ἐν ὀλίγῳ χρόνῳ τοὺς ἐν ἥβῃ Ῥωμαίους ἅπαντας καὶ διελὼν εἰς τέτταρα μέρη τὴν δύναμιν, μιᾶς μὲν αὐτὸς ἡγεῖτο μοίρας, ἑτέρας δὲ τὸν συνύπατον Οὐεργίνιον ἔταξεν ἄρχειν, τῆς δὲ τρίτης Αἰβούτιον τὸν ἱππάρχην, ἐπὶ δὲ τῆς τετάρτης κατέλιπεν ἔπαρχον Αὖλον Σεμπρώνιον, ᾧ τὴν πόλιν φυλάττειν ἐπέτρεψεν.

  [3] And since all men had come to the same conclusion, that the situation once more called for a single magistrate free to deal with all matters according to his own judgment and subject to no accounting for his actions, Aulus Postumius, the younger of the consuls, was appointed dictator by his colleague Verginius, and following the example of the former dictator, chose his own Master of the Horse, naming Titus Aebutius Elva. And having in a short time enlisted all the Romans who were of military age, he divided his army into four parts, one of which he himself commanded, while he gave another to his colleague Verginius, the third to Aebutius, the Master of the Horse, and left the command of the fourth to Aulus Sempronius, whom he appointed to guard the city.

  [1] παρεσκευασμένῳ δ᾽ αὐτῷ πάντα τἀπιτήδεια πρὸς τὸν πόλεμον ἧκον ἀγγέλλοντες οἱ σκοποὶ πανστρατιᾷ Λατίνους ἐξεληλυθότας: καὶ αὖθις ἕτεροι δηλοῦντες ἐξ ἐφόδου τι καταληφθῆναι πρὸς αὐτῶν χωρίον ἐχυρὸν Κορβιῶνα καλούμενον, ἐν ᾧ φρουρά τις ἦν Ῥωμαίων ἐνοικουροῦσα ὀλίγη: ἣν ἅπασαν διαφθείραντες καὶ τὸ χωρίον αὐτὸ κατασχόντες ὁρμητήριον ἐποιοῦντο τοῦ πολέμου: ἀνδράποδα δὲ καὶ βοσκήματα οὐ κατελάμβανον ἐν τοῖς ἀγροῖς χωρὶς τῶν ἐν τῷ Κορβιῶνι ἐγκαταληφθέντων, προανεσκευασμένων πρὸ πολλοῦ [p. 263] τῶν γεωργῶν εἰς τὰ προσεχέστατα τῶν ἐρυμάτων, ὅσα δύναμις ἦν ἑκάστοις φέρειν τε καὶ ἄγειν: οἰκίας δ᾽ αὐτῶν ἐνεπίμπρασαν ἐρήμους ἀφειμένας καὶ γῆν ἐδῄουν.

  [3.1] After the dictator had prepared everything that was necessary for the war, his scouts brought him word that the Latins had taken the field with all their forces; and others in turn informed him that they had captured by storm a strong place called Corbio, in which there was stationed a small garrison of the Romans. The garrison they wiped out completely, and the place itself, now that they had gained possession of it, they were making a base for the war. They were not capturing any slaves or cattle in the country districts, except those taken at Corbio, since the husbandmen had long before removed into the nearest fortresses everything that they could drive or carry away; but they were setting fire to the houses that had been abandoned and laying waste the country.

  [2] ἀφίκετο δ᾽ αὐτοῖς ἐξεστρατευμένοις ἤδη ἐξ Ἀντίου πόλεως ἐπιφανεστάτης τοῦ Οὐολούσκων ἔθνους στρατιά τε ἱκανὴ καὶ ὅπλα καὶ σῖτος καὶ ὅσων ἄλλων εἰς τὸν πόλεμον ἐδέοντο. ἐφ᾽ οἷς πάνυ θαρρήσαντες ἐν ἐλπίσι χρησταῖς ἦσαν, ὡς καὶ τῶν ἄλλων Οὐολούσκων συναρουμένων σφίσι τοῦ πολέμου τῆς Ἀντιατῶν πόλεως ἀρξαμένης.

  [2] After the Latins had already taken the field, an army of responsible size came to them from Antium, the most important city of the Volscian nation, with arms, grain, and everything else that was necessary for carrying on the war. Greatly heartened by this, they were in excellent hopes that the other Volscians would join them in the war, now that the city of Antium had set the example.

  [3] ταῦτα μαθὼν ὁ Ποστόμιος ἐξεβοήθει διὰ ταχέων πρὶν ἢ συνελθεῖν τοὺς πολεμίους ἅπαντας: ἀγαγὼν δ᾽ ἐν νυκτὶ τὴν σὺν αὑτῷ στρατιὰν πορείᾳ συντόνῳ πλησίον γίνεται τῶν Λατίνων ἐστρατοπεδευκότων παρὰ λίμνῃ Ῥηγίλλῃ καλουμένῃ ἐν ἐχυρῷ χωρίῳ καὶ τίθεται τὸν χάρακα κατὰ κεφαλῆς τῶν πολεμίων ἐν ὑψηλῷ λόφῳ καὶ δυσβάτῳ, ἔνθ᾽ ὑπομένων πολλὰ πλεονεκτήσειν ἔμελλεν.

  [3] Postumius, being informed of all this, set out hastily to the rescue before all the enemy’s forces could assemble; and having led his army out by a forced march in the night, he arrived near the Latins, who lay encamped in a strong position near the lake called Regillus, and pitched his camp above them on a hill that was high and difficult of access, where, if he remained, he was sure to have many advantages over them.

  [1] οἱ δὲ τῶν Λατίνων ἡγεμόνες, Ὀκταούιός τε ὁ Τυσκλανὸς ὁ Ταρκυνίου τοῦ βασιλέως γαμβρός, ὡς δέ τινες γράφουσιν, υἱὸς τοῦ γαμβροῦ, καὶ Σέξτος Ταρκύνιος: ἐτύγχανον γὰρ δὴ τηνικαῦτα χωρὶς ἀλλήλων ἐστρατοπεδευκότες: εἰς ἓν συνάγουσι τὰς δυνάμεις χωρίον καὶ παραλαβόντες τοὺς χιλιάρχους τε καὶ λοχαγοὺς ἐσκόπουν, ὅστις ἔσται τρόπος τοῦ πολέμου:

  [4.1] The generals of the Latins, Octavius of Tusculum, the son-in-law or, as some state, the son of the son-in-law of King Tarquinius, and Sextus Tarquinius — for they happened at that time to be encamped separately — joined their forces, and assembling the tribun
es and centurions, they considered with them in what manner they should carry on the war; and many opinions were expressed.

  [2] καὶ [p. 264] πολλαὶ γνῶμαι ἐλέχθησαν. οἱ μὲν γὰρ ἐξ ἐφόδου χωρεῖν ἠξίουν ἐπὶ τοὺς ἅμα τῷ δικτάτορι καταλαβομένους τὸ ὄρος, ἕως ἔτι ἦσαν αὐτοῖς φοβεροί, οὐκ ἀσφαλείας σημεῖον εἶναι νομίζοντες τὴν τῶν ἐχυρῶν κατάληψιν, ἀλλὰ δειλίας: οἱ δὲ τοὺς μὲν ἀποταφρεύσαντας ὀλίγῃ τινὶ κατείργειν φυλακῇ, τὴν δ᾽ ἄλλην δύναμιν ἀναλαβόντας ἐπὶ τὴν Ῥώμην ἄγειν ὡς ῥᾳδίαν ἁλῶναι τῆς κρατίστης νεότητος ἐξεληλυθυίας: οἱ δὲ τὰς Οὐολούσκων τε καὶ τῶν ἄλλων συμμάχων βοηθείας ἀναμένειν συνεβούλευον τὰ ἀσφαλέστερα πρὸ τῶν θρασυτέρων αἱρουμένους: Ῥωμαίους μὲν γὰρ οὐθὲν ἀπολαύσειν ἐκ τῆς τριβῆς τοῦ χρόνου, ἑαυτοῖς δὲ βραδυνόμενα κρείττω γενήσεσθαι τὰ πράγματα.

  [2] Some thought they ought to charge the troops under the dictator which had occupied the hill, while they could still inspire them with fear; for they regarded their occupation of the strong positions as a sign, not of assurance, but of cowardice. Others thought they ought to surround the camp of the Romans with a ditch, and keeping them hemmed in by means of a small guard, march with the rest of the army to Rome, which they believed might easily be captured now that the best of its youth had taken the field. Still others advised them to await the reinforcements from both the Volscians and their other allies, choosing safe measures in preference to bold; for the Romans, they say, would reap no benefit from the delay, whereas their own situation would be improved by it.