Inquisition

  77 Novalín (1968–71) Vol. 1, 9–11.

  78 Ibid. 17–166.

  79 Ibid. 64–66.

  80 Ibid. 226.

  81 Ibid. 170.

  82 Tellechea Idigoras (1977) 119–20.

  83 Ibid. 125; DH Vol. 1, 118 – the evidence of Bartolomé de las Casas, the famous bishop of Chiapas (Mexico) and champion of the Amerindians, who was a friend of Carranza.

  84 Tellechea Idigoras (1968) Vol. 1, 83–4; (1977) 31.

  85 DH, Vol. 1, 163.

  86 Ibid. 85, 110, 175; cited in Tellechea Idigoras (1968) Vol. 2, 101.

  87 DH, Vol. 1, 163.

  88 Ibid. 162–3.

  89 Tellechea Idigoras (1977) 123.

  90 DH, Vol. 1, 123.

  91 Tellechea Idigoras (1977) 35.

  92 Ibid. 115.

  93 Tellechea Idigoras (1968) Vol. 1, 177.

  94 Tellechea Idigoras (1977) 31.

  95 Menéndez y Pelayo (1945) Vol. 5, 40.

  96 Tellechea Idigoras (1977) 31.

  97 Tellechea Idigoras (1969) Vol. 2, 122 n.73.

  98 Ibid. Vol. 1, 192–7.

  99 Tellechea Idigoras (1978) 122.

  100 On the letters to Philip II, see Novalín (1968–71) Vol. 2, 225, 227; letters of 16 May 1559 which provide ample proof of this. On the public rumours, CDIHE, Vol. 5, 407.

  101 DH, Vol. 1, 212.

  102 Tellechea Idigoras (1978) 35.

  103 CDIHE, Vol. 5, 404.

  104 DH, Vol. 1, 301–2.

  105 Menéndez y Pelayo (1945) Vol. 5, 47.

  106 CDIHE, Vol. 5, 465.

  107 Ibid. 411, 468.

  108 Ibid. 408, 468.

  109 All this paragraph ibid. 411–12.

  110 Ibid. 469–71.

  111 Novalín (1968–71) Vol. 2, 216–21.

  112 Kamen (1997) 98.

  113 Menéndez y Pelayo (1945) Vol. 4, 446 n.2, 467.

  114 Ibid. 441–3.

  115 Ibid. 452.

  116 Tellechea Idigoras (1969) Vol. 1, 129–33.

  117 Tellechea Idigoras (1977) 53–62, 106–9; Menéndez y Pelayo (1945) Vol. 4, 478. This may be taken as perhaps an apocryphal story, since other accounts claim that Seso was gagged during the auto.

  118 Monter (1990) 41–2; Novalín (1968–71), Vol. 2: 216–21 has the request for the dispensation.

  119 BL, Egerton MS 2058, folios 7v–10v.

  120 Novalín (1968–71) Vol. 2, 239, 248.

  121 BL, Egerton MS 2058, folios 23r, 10v.

  122 AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 2075, Expediente 1.

  123 Ibid. Expediente 2.

  124 Ibid. Expediente 3.

  125 Ibid. Expediente 4.

  126 Ibid. Expediente 6.

  127 Contreras (1987) 55.

  128 Ibid.; Bataillon (1937) 753–5.

  129 Huerga (1978–88) Vol. 4, 10.

  130 See for example Menéndez y Pelayo (1945) Vol. 4, 183–205; Dias (1975).

  131 Tellechea Idigoras (1977) 61–90.

  132 Tellechea Idigoras (1968) Vol. 1, 200–3.

  133 Salazar de Miranda (1788) 155.

  134 CDIHE, Vol. 5, 414.

  135 Ibid. Vol. 5, 414–16.

  136 Llorente (1841) 334–40.

  137 CDIHE, Vol. 5, 456–7.

  138 Contreras (1987) 56.

  139 Sarrión Mora (2003) 56; a good summary of Cano’s views on suspicious doctrines is in Alcalá Galve (1984: 813).

  140 García Mercadal (ed.) (1999) Vol. 2, 312; Israel (1998b) 100, 144–6; Caro Baroja (1978) Vol. 1, 360.

  Six – TERROR ENVELOPS THE WORLD

  1 Chinchilla Aguilar (1952) 26–37.

  2 Ibid. 37–8 for all the cases cited in this sentence.

  3 Conway (ed.) (1927) 12.

  4 Ibid.

  5 Conway (ed.) (1927) 19–20.

  6 Ibid. Appendix III.

  7 Hakluyt (ed.) (1600) 569.

  8 Ibid. 569–70. It is difficult to be sure as to the precise numbers arrested; Phillips claims that there were over sixty, but evidence from trial records suggests there were only thirty-six sanbenitos in these years (Toro (ed.) (1932) 48–9) and see also Conway (ed.) (1927: 156–66) and Jiménez Rueda (ed.) (1945: 505–6) who suggest that only twenty people were tried in the auto of 1574. It is possible that Phillips exaggerated the numbers to play on Protestant fears of the Inquisition in Britain, but seeing as his account was only narrated to an interlocutor (Hakluyt) and not published for commercial gain, this cannot be taken as certain.

  9 Hakluyt (ed.) (1600) 570.

  10 The evidence of Robert Thomson from the 1560s (Conway (ed.) (1927) 19–20) and Henry Hawks from 1572 (Hakluyt (ed.) (1600) 549–50).

  11 Ibid. 572.

  12 The evidence of Miles Phillips – Hakluyt (ed.) (1600) 569.

  13 Jiménez Rueda (ed.) (1945) 368–9.

  14 Ibid. 377–9, 412.

  15 Ibid. 460–80, 500–1.

  16 Ibid. 281, 280.

  17 Ibid. 301–2 for this detail on his attempted escape to China.

  18 Toro (1944) Vol. 1, 36.

  19 Huerga (1984) 955.

  20 Toro (1944) Vol. 1, 128–30

  21 Palmer (1976) 50.

  22 González Obregón (ed.) (1935) 42.

  23 Toro (1944) Vol. 1, 42–3.

  24 González Obregón (ed.) (1935) 217.

  25 Toro (1944) Vol. 1, 72.

  26 Ibid. Vol. 1, 74–9.

  27 González Obregón (ed.) (1935) 47, 54.

  28 Ibid. 47–51 and Toro (1932: 213–14, 237–240). They kept Succot, Yom Kippur and Passover, eating maize tortillas instead of the unleavened bread matzot.

  29 Toro (1932) 239.

  30 AHN, Inquisición, Libro 1028, folio 227v; the evidence of Francisco Diaz from Lima c. 1592.

  31 González Obregón (ed.) (1935) 217–18.

  32 Ibid. 269.

  33 Shastry (1981) 122–30; Scammell (1981) 167.

  34 Subrahmanyan (1993) 68.

  35 Boyajian (1993) 4–5.

  36 Ibid. 13, 63 –64.

  37 This whole description is taken from the account of Pyrard de Laval (1619) Vol. 2, 42–75; the importance of slaves in the economy of Portuguese India is discussed more fully in Scammell (1981: 171–2).

  38 Ibid. 169–70.

  39 Subrahmanyan (1993) 230.

  40 Baião (1945) 25; Shastry (1981) 71–2.

  41 Subrahmanyan (1993) 230–1.

  42 Baião (1945) 26.

  43 Boyajian (1993) 31.

  44 Baião (1945) 26; Rêgo (ed.) (1983) 10; Tavares (2004) 117.

  45 Baião (1945) 27–35.

  46 Laval (1619) Vol. 2, 56.

  47 Ibid. Vol. 2, 60.

  48 Ibid. Vol. 2, 94.

  49 I am indebted for this point to the external examiner of my doctoral dissertation, Professor Francisco Bethencourt.

  50 Ibid. Vol. 2, 94–6: ‘ils ne font que mourir aux riches, et aux pauvres ne donnent que quelque penitence’.

  51 Baião (1945) 265; IAN/TT, CGSO, Livro 96, No. 3, folio 2r.

  52 Boyajian (1993) 31.

  53 IAN/TT, CGSO, Livro 96, no. 25, folio 1r.

  54 Ibid. no. 4, folio 1v.

  55 IAN/TT, CGSO, Livro 100, folios 40v, 47r.

  56 Baião (1945) 68, 290.

  57 Ibid. 290.

  58 Toribio Medina (1887) Vol. 1, 57.

  59 Toribio Medina (1889) 65–90.

  60 Toribio Medina (1887) Vol. 1, 253–97.

  61 Domínguez Ortiz (1971) 135.

  62 This number includes Brazil (where the figures have recently been published by the noted Brazilian scholar Anita Novinsky). I am indebted for this point to the external examiner of my doctoral dissertation, Professor Francisco Bethencourt.

  63 AHN, Inquisición, Libro 1030, folio 254r; the case of Juan Crespo de Aguirre arrested in 1622.

  64 AHN, Inquisición, Libro 1028, folio 1r–v; the case of Francisco Bello Raymundo arrested in 1587.

  65 Ibid. folio 4r; Pero Gutíerrez de Logroño arrested for witchcraft in 1587.

 
66 Ibid. 208v; the case of Pero Luis Henriquez from 1592.

  67 AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 1620, Expediente 12, folios 1r–16r.

  68 Lea (1908) 338–42 provides a good summary of these attempts.

  69 Several examples are cited in Boyajian (1993: 73, 80).

  70 IAN/TT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Livro 223, folio 194r – dated 16 May 1606.

  71 AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 1198, Expediente 18 – Alonso de la Cruz Crespillo’s application to be a familiar in Arica (the far north of Chile) in 1629.

  72 AHN, Inquisición, Libro 1030, folio 213v.

  73 AHN, Inquisición, Libro 1020, folio 327r–329r.

  74 Souza (1987) has a potent analysis of the association of Brazil with ideas of the devil.

  75 González Obregón (ed.) (1935) 5.

  76 Ibid. 8–9, 12.

  77 Ibid. 17; Toro (1944) Vol. 1, 204 –5, 225–32.

  78 González Obregón (ed.) (1935) 17, 20–2.

  79 Ibid. 7–8.

  80 Ibid. 40–2.

  81 Toro (1944) Vol. 1, 335–42.

  82 Ibid. Vol. 1, 343–6.

  83 Rocha Pitta (1880) 2.

  84 Ibid.

  85 Gandavo (1858) 4.

  86 Ibid. 5, 36.

  87 Léry (1975) 95.

  88 Ibid. 97–109.

  89 Baião (1921: 141) shows that by 1543 there were people in Brazil with children in the jails of the Inquisition in Portugal for Judaizing. See also Salvador (1969: 83–4).

  90 AG, Vol. 9, 204–5.

  91 Godinho (1969); Novinsky (1995) 515.

  92 Pereira (1993) 116.

  93 Martínez Millán (1984).

  94 This summary is made by Gonsalves de Mello (1996: 6).

  95 Ibid. 167–96.

  96 IAN/TT, CGSO, Livro 92, folio 53r; IAN/TT, CGSO, Livro 12a, folio 54r; IAN/TT, CGSO, Livro 99, folios 32v–33r cited in Green (2007) Part II Chapter 3.

  97 Novinsky (1971) 437 n.34.

  98 Salvador (1978), xvii.

  99 Novinsky (1972) 60–1.

  100 Ibid. 111.

  101 See for example Kohut (1971) 35.

  102 Toro (1944) Vol. 2, 8.

  103 Ibid. 20.

  104 Ibid. 199.

  105 This is, famously, the argument of K. Anthony Appiah.

  106 González Obregón (ed.) (1935) 131–4.

  107 Ibid. 136–60.

  108 Ibid. 457.

  109 Ibid.

  110 Ibid. 229.

  Seven – THE ISLAMIC THREAT

  1 García-Arenal (1996) 157–63.

  2 Fonseca (1612) 89–93.

  3 AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 549, Expediente 7, folio 46r.

  4 García-Arenal (1996) 165.

  5 BL, Egerton MS 1510, folios 6r–7v – dating from c. 1502.

  6 García-Arenal (1996) 165.

  7 AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 549, Expediente 1. Note that there are no folio numbers in this document; all the other details of Arcos’s case which follow are extracted from it.

  8 See for example AHN, Inquisición, Libro 936, folios 182–184, 269r–270r, for cases from Valencia in these years which bear this out.

  9 BL, Egerton MS 1510, folio 71r.

  10 Even in the early years when there were some efforts made towards Christian education, these were limited towards teaching the absolute basics of Catholic ritual (Benítez Sánchez-Blanco (1990: 70–1)).

  11 Lea (2001) 207, 214, 225.

  12 BL, Egerton MS 1510, folio 74r.

  13 Ibid. 75r; those moriscos who had not been baptized were to be persuaded rather than forced to the font.

  14 Ibid. 124v.

  15 Ibid. 127r.

  16 Barrios Aguilera (2002) 294.

  17 An example is the case of Angela Caxinçera from Gandia (AHN, Inquisición, Libro 937, folio 327r).

  18 BL, Egerton MS 1510, folio 153v.

  19 Ibid. folio 154r.

  20 Barrios Aguilera (2002) 294.

  21 García Mercadal (ed.) (1999) Vol. 1 334.

  22 Barrios Aguilera (2002) 283.

  23 Ibid. 284.

  24 Ibid. 285.

  25 García Fuentes (1981) 29–30, 40, 48–54, 66.

  26 Cardaillac and Dedieu (1990: 21–2).

  27 García Fuentes (1981) 70–6.

  28 Cardaillac and Dedieu (1990) 22.

  29 García-Arenal (1996) 65.

  30 Ibid. 66.

  31 Cardaillac and Dedieu (1990) 23.

  32 Epalza (1992) 79–82.

  33 Ibid. 56–7.

  34 AHN, Inquisición, Libro 938, folio 219r.

  35 AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 2105, Expediente 27; a case from Toledo in 1591.

  36 This is the thesis of García-Arenal (1978: 10).

  37 Domínguez Ortiz and Vincent (1978) 31.

  38 AHN, Inquisición, Libro 937, folio 18r.

  39 Ibid. folio 18v.

  40 Ibid. folio 19r.

  41 Ibid. folio 19v.

  42 Domínguez Ortiz and Vincent (1978) 99.

  43 Lea (2001) 144.

  44 Gracia Boix (ed.) (1982) 227–8.

  45 Monter (1990) 190.

  46 Gracia Boix (ed.) (1982: 207, 210–11) transcribes two cases from the Inquisition of Cordoba of this dating from 1578.

  47 Ibid. 207.

  48 Carrasco (1983) 175.

  49 Ibid. 181.

  50 García-Arenal (1978) 43.

  51 AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 2022, Expediente 8, folio 9r.

  52 Dedieu and Vincent (1990: 82) see this as the real origin of morisco fear.

  53 Lea (2001) 177–8; see also García-Arenal (1978: 25) for further examples of whole families being persecuted from the region of Cuenca.

  54 Valencia (1997) 77.

  55 Fonseca (1612) 110.

  56 AHN, Inquisición, Libro 936, folios 151r–v, a case of 1577 from Valencia; Vidal (1986: 20), a case of 1578 from Zaragoza.

  57 AHN, Inquisición, Libro 936, folio 14r – this is the opinion of the inquisitors of Valencia of 1566 on the attitude of moriscos to their sanbenitos; Fonseca (1612) 125.

  58 That fear and hatred were the prime emotions of the moriscos towards the Inquisition was noted by Cardaillac (1977: 117–18).

  59 Ibid. 101.

  60 Lea (2001) 240.

  61 Ibid. 240–1.

  62 Ibid. 264.

  63 Cardaillac (1977) 14; Domínguez Ortiz and Vincent (1978) 130.

  64 Cardaillac (1977) 18–19.

  65 Valencia (1997) 73.

  66 Cardaillac (1977: 20–1) is excellent on the development of this process.

  67 IAN/TT, CGSO, Livro 100, folios 15r, 17r.

  68 IAN/TT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Livro 211, folios 192r–193r.

  69 AHN, Inquisición, Libro 936, folio 16v (1566); ibid. folio 50v (1570).

  70 Ibid. folio 40v (1568).

  71 For example AHN, Inquisición, Libro 937, folios 10v–11r – Miguel Gil in the region of Valencia in 1587; AHN, Inquisición, Libro 938, folio 165r – the case of Luis Mijo Mandoll from 1602 converting an Old Christian.

  72 Valencia (1997) 78.

  73 Epalza (1992) 39.

  74 García-Arenal (1996) 268–71.

  75 Such a statement clearly implies a racial view of identity which some may feel is anachronistic for 16th-century Spain. Yet as we shall see this period also saw the growth of a new doctrine of purity of blood which was developed substantially along racial lines, with the consequence that such racial attitudes could have influenced the perception of the moriscos and their integration into Spanish society.

  76 Domínguez Ortiz and Vincent (1978) 20.

  77 BL, Egerton MS 1832, folio 22v.

  78 Caro Baroja (1976) 123.

  79 Domínguez Ortiz and Vincent (1978) 58.

  80 Carrasco (1983) 187.

  81 The classic work demonstrating this process is Perceval (1997).

  82 Cardaillac (1978) 94–5.

  83 Carrasco (1983) 187; see also Dedieu (1983: 503) who notes that Old Christians would often denounce the moriscos of Daimiel en bloc.

&
nbsp; 84 AHN, Inquisición, Libro 937, folio 343r – from 1590.

  85 Reglà (1974) 65.

  86 That is to say, one is here in the classic Freudian territory of projection; for a full discussion on the validity of the use of this concept in historical texts, see Green (2007) Appendix A.

  87 AHN, Inquisición, Libro 938, folios 69r, 69v (two cases); ibid. 221r (a case from 1604).

  88 AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 2105, Expediente 32.

  89 AHN, Inquisición, Libro 938, folio 165v.

  90 Ibid. folio 404r ff. – the rest of the detail of this case comes from this source.

  91 Fonseca (1612) 106.

  92 Ibid. 113.

  93 Ibid. 95.

  94 See for example numerous cases from 1588 in Valencia at AHN, Inquisición, Libro 937, folios 70v, 71r, 76v, 88r.

  95 Vidal (1986) 200.

  96 García Fuentes (1981) 221, 223.

  97 AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 1786, Expediente 11.

  98 Vidal (1986) 62.

  99 AHN, Inquisición, Libro 937, folio 360r.

  100 Lea (2001) 242–3.

  101 Ibid. 483–7.

  102 Carrasco (1983) 172.

  103 Fonseca (1612) 219.

  104 Domínguez Ortiz and Vincent (1978) 17, 71–2.

  105 Lea (2001) 347–59.

  106 Ibid. 362.

  107 Perceval (1997) 126, 173–8.

  108 Reglà (1974) 57–8.

  109 Ibid. 172.

  110 Ibid.

  111 Ibid. 186.

  112 Epalza (1992) 129.

  113 Ibid. 146–8, 218–19.

  114 Barrios Aguilera (2002) 413.

  115 Fonseca (1612) 255.

  116 García-Arenal (1996) 235.

  117 Ibid.

  118 Cardaillac and Dedieu (1990) 19.

  119 Epalza (1992) 48; Cardaillac and Dedieu (1990) 15–16.

  120 This was acknowledged by Pedro de Valencia when he urged that the Inquisition must not be charged with getting moriscos to relinquish their dress and customs, as ‘with its exacting procedure they become more obstinate and begin to plot so that they do not give one another away’ (Valencia (1997: 131)).

  121 Thus in Daimiel in the 1530s there was an extraordinary poverty of knowledge of Islamic ritual among the morisco community (Dedieu (1983: 498)); by the late 16th century, all this had changed.

  122 Marques (1972) Vol. 1, 80.

  123 This insight is derived from Douglas (1984). One should note that Douglas herself has since modified the use of the concept of anomaly within a general cognitive theory, in particular as she suggests that outsiders cannot perceive necessarily what is anomalous within a given culture (Journal of Ritual Studies, 2004). However, in this case the anomalous is perceived not outside a given culture, but within it.

  124 Reglà (1974) 113.

  125 See for example García-Arenal (1978) 141–4 for a fascinating case of this.