Inquisition

  126 Perceval (1997) 116.

  127 Ibid.

  Eight – PURITY AT ALL COSTS

  1 AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 1198, Expediente 32; this document has no folio numbers. All the subsequent information on Costa in this section derives from this file.

  2 Graizbord (2004) 34.

  3 Ibid. 37.

  4 García Mercadal (1999) Vol. 2, 757.

  5 Gil (2000–1) Vol. 3, 37. See also Schorsch (2004) 201 and Fredrickson (2002) 40. Debates are active as to whether racism had been invented in classical antiquity – the thesis of Isaac (2004) – or was a modern invention of western Europe. One should remember that racism against Africans was current in the medieval period in the Islamic world. The evidence suggests, however, that in Europe the matter was more complex, and that prejudice tended originally to be directed from the religious and not the racial perspective until the 16th century (see Green (2007) for a full discussion of this idea).

  6 Netanyahu (1997) 6 n.30. One should also bear in mind that there was no such thing as a ‘race’ of the Jews, as is made clear both by Netanyahu’s examples and by Patai and Patai (1989).

  7 I am grateful to Professor Francisco Bethencourt for formulating the matter in this manner at the 2004 C.R. Boxer Centenary Conference at King’s College, London.

  8 For a fuller discussion of the events of Toledo and their implications, see Sicroff (1985: 54–85) and Netanyahu (1995a: 356–82).

  9 Sicroff (1985) 84.

  10 Ibid. 57–81; one of these, Alonso Díaz de Montalvo, was an ally and friend of King John II of Castile.

  11 Netanyahu (1995a) 584.

  12 Blazquez Miguel (1988), 139.

  13 Sicroff (1985) 117.

  14 Ibid. 105–12; the statute was ratified by the papacy in 1495.

  15 Blázquez Miguel (1988) 139.

  16 The classic account of the struggle to get the statute accepted in the see of Toledo is Sicroff (1985: 125–72). On the statute of 1555, see Yerushalmi (1981: 15).

  17 Sicroff (1985) 131.

  18 See above, n. 8.

  19 The key work on the doctrine of biologism which spread through theorists of limpieza in the 16th century is Gracia Guillén (1987). On the link between ideas of biologism and classical formulations of racism see Isaac (2004). There is indeed a direct comparison here with the type of ideology that became associated with the Atlantic slave trade, where slaves were described and loaded just like any other material ‘good’ – (that is, dehumanized) – and where the legend of the Hamitic curse was said by some to justify their slavery, the Hamitic curse being the punishment which God had meted out to the descendants of Noah’s son Ham.

  20 Blázquez Miguel (1988), 139.

  21 Sicroff (1985) 315.

  22 Ibid. 330–4; see also Domínguez Ortiz (1993: 48) on the specifically Iberian nature of this idea.

  23 Iberia was perhaps peculiarly suited to this development since, as Saraiva (1985: 25) noted, this was a society where the identification of closed groups or castes with specific occupations had persisted; this was therefore a society in which there was a latent notion of caste purity which was open to being converted into a racial doctrine.

  24 Kamen (1965) 125; however, although in this early work Kamen emphasized the role of the Inquisition in propagating limpieza, in his more recent work on the subject he plays down the connection (1997: 242–253), using the attempted reforms of 1623 to argue that the Inquisition championed the dilution of the principle.

  25 Bethencourt (1994) 363.

  26 Sicroff (1985) 326.

  27 AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 2105, Expediente 23.

  28 Ibid.

  29 This is close to the argument of Dedieu (1989: 341–2) that while the Inquisition did not invent the myth of limpieza, it expanded it to take material and moral profit.

  30 AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 2105, Expediente 23; the case of Hernando de Villareal from 1587, attempting to get one son into a monastery and another accepted as a public scribe.

  31 Baião (1921), Documentary Appendix, 3.

  32 Caro Baroja (1978) Vol. 2, 324.

  33 Remedios (1895–1928) Vol. 2, 64.

  34 Green (2004) 24. Quiroga’s maternal great-grandfather had the surname De la Cárcel’; conversos often took surnames of urban phenomena – the surnames De Mercado and De la Rúa are famous examples, and so the chances are very high that this individual was a converso.

  35 Lipiner (1977) 17.

  36 Isaac (2004) doubts the modernity of racism; however the classic work arguing this case is Comas (1951), and see also Green (2007: Part 4, Chapter 4).

  37 Douglas (1984); the work of Freud is obviously of significance here.

  38 García-Arenal (1978) 50 –1.

  39 García Fuentes (1981) 217, 251, 308–9, 311.

  40 García-Arenal (1978) 51.

  41 AHN, Inquisición, Libro 938, folio 173r.

  42 García-Arenal (1978) 51.

  43 García Mercadal (ed.) (1999) Vol. 2, 693.

  44 Sicroff (1985) 346–7.

  45 Valencia (1997) 137.

  46 This was following the death of Sebastian I on the battlefield in Morocco in 1578, and then of Sebastian’s uncle the aged Cardinal Henry in 1580.

  47 Liebman (1970) 183.

  48 Saraiva (1985) 114–16; Lea (1906–7), Vol. 3, 276–7.

  49 Salvador (1978) 126.

  50 Carneiro (1983) 124.

  51 Saraiva (1985) 128–9.

  52 Lea (1906–7), Vol. 3, 276.

  53 Oliveira (1887–1910) Vol. 1, 576.

  54 Ibid. Vol. 1, 568–9; ibid. Vol. 2, 63.

  55 IAN/TT, Inquisição de Évora, Livro 90, folio 173r–v.

  56 Oliveira (1887–1910) Vol. 2, 94.

  57 Lipiner (1977) 123.

  58 There are countless examples of this in the archives – see for example IAN/TT, CGSO, Livro 434, folio 45v for someone who was one-eighth New Christian convicted of Judaizing; and ibid. folio 126v.

  59 IAN/TT, CGSO, Livro 184, folio 13v.

  60 Gonçalves Salvador (1976) 7.

  61 BL, Egerton Ms. 1134, folios 153r–v.

  62 Coelho (1987) Vol. 1, 343 and 420–1.

  63 Lea (1906–7), Vol. 3, 273.

  64 AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 1198, Expediente 10. Note that there are no folio numbers in this document.

  65 AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 1198, Expediente 2.

  66 Ibid. Expediente 22.

  67 Ibid. Expediente 16.

  68 Ibid. Expediente 18.

  69 For example ibid. Expedientes 28 (from 1722) and 30 (from 1723); this would seem to suggest a modification is required of the view (Kamen (1997) 253) that there were mere echoes of the idea of purity of blood in Spain in the 18th century.

  70 Domínguez Ortiz (1993) 167.

  71 The founder of the theory that the Inquisition was motivated by economics is Llorente (1818). Some contemporary historians do still hold to this view, for example Carneiro (1983: 49), although in general there has been a recognition that the reality was much more complicated. See for example Blázquez Miguel (1988: 83–4), who shows the financial precariousness of the Inquisition even in the first years after its foundation in the 1480s, when the crown only in fact got 2 per cent of all the confiscations between 1488 and 1497. Alpert (2001: 23–4) shows that even the large sums confiscated in the early 16th century were not enough entirely to fund the tribunal’s activities; the classic work demonstrating the poverty of the purely economic interpretation is Martínez Millán (1984).

  72 This is close to García Cárcel’s (1976: 141–74) examination of inquisitorial finances in Valencia; he stresses that what mattered financially for the institution of the Inquisition was that it should be solvent for the crown, and that this raison d’être was predicated on its position as a state institution, which fluctuated along with the state.

  73 Sicroff (1985) 221.

  74 Domínguez Ortiz (1993) 81: Pérez Villanueva (1984) 1038.

  75 Pérez Villanueva (1984) 1040.


  76 Ibid. 1041.

  77 Ibid. 1039.

  78 Ibid. 1041.

  79 AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 1198, Expediente 26, folio 6v; all the rest of the details of Angulo’s case are taken from this trial.

  80 All the material on this case derives from AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 265, Expediente 5.

  81 AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 2962.

  82 Personal communication from Ian L. Rakoff, a pupil at South African schools in the 1950s.

  83 Mann (2005) 340.

  84 See, for instance, AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 265, Expediente 14 for a case from 1628–33 which occupied a large amount of time and energy, investigating numerous small towns near Palencia and Castrogeriz, before it was decided that the people in question were pure of blood.

  85 AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 2962 contains a case of this.

  86 Gil (2000–1) Vol. 3, 33.

  87 Rêgo (1983) 77.

  88 Indeed one can argue that in Iberia, where religion was tied into the obsession with social hygiene, a society was revealed where collective psychology was still at odds with itself, and struggling to come to terms with the modern world. Douglas (1984: 35) suggested that there is a ‘specialization of ideas which separates our notions of dirt from religion’. The tying in of the religious idea through the Inquisition to the notion of cleanliness emphasized the fact that the Inquisition was an institution at fundamental odds with modernity, and therefore likely to fight against it at every opportunity.

  Nine – EVERY ASPECT OF LIFE

  1 This and all subsequent information on Galván derives from Toro (1944: Vol. 2, 20–1).

  2 Lewin (1967) 171.

  3 The best recent summary of the debate as to the numbers lost to disease after the conquest of America is Mann (2005).

  4 IAN/TT, CGSO, Livro 100, folio 37r.

  5 IAN/TT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Livro 205, folios 231r–v.

  6 Thus the number of ships sailing annually between Portugal and Goa in what was called the carreira da Índia declined from seven on average between 1500–99 to two on average between 1650–1700 (Disney (1981) 152). There is an excellent summary of the Portuguese crisis in Asia between 1610 and 1665 in Subrahmanyan (1993: 144–80).

  7 Pyrard de Laval (1619) Vol. 2, 94.

  8 Souza (1987) 210–15.

  9 Ibid. 217–18.

  10 Ibid. 239.

  11 Ibid.

  12 Palmer (1976) 158.

  13 PV, 311–12 – a case of a woman, Margarida Carneira, accused of doing this by a lover that she had spurned.

  14 Vainfas (1989).

  15 Sweet (2003).

  16 AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 1602, Expediente 7.

  17 Ibid. 34r–v.

  18 Sweet (2003) 74–5.

  19 Ibid. 69–70.

  20 See for Cartagena Splendiani (1997) Vol. 2, 41; Sánchez B. (1996) 41, and Toribio Medina (1899) 103; also idem. (1887) Vol. 1, 258 for a case from Lima. For several cases from Mexico see Palmer (1976) 150.

  21 Cervantes (1994) 79–80.

  22 Ibid. 79.

  23 Palmer (1976) 94.

  24 The best recent analysis of these events is in Wachtel (2001a).

  25 All this material on Silva comes from IAN/TT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Livro 221, folios 518r–v.

  26 See for example IAN/TT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Livro 208, folios 494r–v for a case from 1622.

  27 IAN/TT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Livro 240, folios 250r–251v.

  28 Paiva (1997) 84–6. This attitude eventually filtered through to the Spanish colonies in the New World too, with the Inquisition in Cartagena often passing jurisdiction over witchcraft cases to the civil authorities after 1650 (Ceballos Gómez (1994) 95), and repeatedly ignoring cases of purported ‘witchcraft’ in Mexico from the late 17th century onwards (Cervantes (1994) 125–41).

  29 Paiva (1997) 86.

  30 This argument is brilliantly formulated in Trevor-Roper (1984) 113; see also Paiva (1997) 347–9.

  31 Contreras (1987) 58.

  32 Pérez Villanueva and Escandell Bonet (eds) (1984) 703–5.

  33 Martínez Millán (1984) 32–3.

  34 One is reminded of Moore’s (1987) argument that the rise of persecuting societies in medieval Europe resulted from the spread of literacy and the rise of a literate class.

  35 Griffiths (1997) 95. The Council of Trent (1545–63) is widely considered one of the most important in the history of the Catholic Church. It was initiated in order to consider Catholic responses to Protestantism. The most important theologians in Catholic Europe attended, and developed clear doctrines on a wide range of issues, ranging from the mass and biblical canon to the concept of salvation.

  36 García Cárcel and Moreno Martínez (2000) 58.

  37 Dedieu (1989) 12–13, 139, 152.

  38 Clearly, this was before the development of the Freudian theory of the ‘return of the repressed’ – which could be suggested to be an unconscious factor in this change of tack in the institution of the Inquisition.

  39 IT, folio 14r.

  40 García Fuentes (1981) 17.

  41 Gracia Boix (1982) 151.

  42 AHN, Inquisición, Libro 938, folio 229v.

  43 See for example the case of Pedro Cabrera from Murcia in 1579; AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 2022, Expediente 8, folio 2v.

  44 IAN/TT, CGSO, Livro 433, folio 22r.

  45 Sánchez Ortega (1992) 24.

  46 Gracia Boix (1982) 152.

  47 IAN/TT, Inquisição d’Évora, Livro 86, folios 52v–53r.

  48 See for example Dedieu (1989: 281).

  49 Selke (1986) 67–8.

  50 García Mercadal (ed.) (1999) Vol. 2, 371.

  51 AHN, Inquisición, Libro 936, folio 171v.

  52 Ibid. folio 168r.

  53 Ortega-Costa (ed.) (1978) 49.

  54 García Fuentes (1981) 58.

  55 AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 2022, Expediente 8, folio 7r.

  56 AHN, Inquisición, Libro 938, folio 163r.

  57 Mariana (1751) Vol. 8, 506.

  58 IT, folio 4r; published in Jiménez Monteserín (ed.) (1980) 89–90.

  59 IT, folio 11r.

  60 AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 2022, Expediente 18.

  61 AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 4442, Expediente 18.

  62 Oliveira (1887–1910) Vol. 2, 69–78.

  63 La Mantia (1977) 60, 130.

  Ten – THE ADMINISTRATION OF FEAR

  1 AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 1601, Expediente 18, folio 1v.

  2 Ibid. folios 19r–v.

  3 Ibid. 19v.

  4 Ibid. folio 4r.

  5 Ibid. folio 5r.

  6 Ibid. folios 5r–6r.

  7 Ibid. folios 7r–v.

  8 Ibid. folio 8r.

  9 Ibid. folios 8v–9r, 13r.

  10 Dedieu (1989) 161.

  11 García Cárcel and Moreno Martínez (2000) 131.

  12 BL, Egerton MS 1134, folio 170r.

  13 Baião (1942) 57–70.

  14 Contreras (1982) 320–1. The prosecutor was later reprimanded for this unsanctioned demand.

  15 Caro Baroja (1968) 30–1.

  16 For an excellent analysis of the Inquisition as a career path, see Bethencourt (1994: 119). For how this operated in Sicily, with being an inquisitor a stepping stone to being a bishop, see La Mantia (1977) 36.

  17 Contreras (1982) 328–33.

  18 Ibid. 333–37.

  19 Ibid. 339.

  20 Blázquez Miguel (1990) 90.

  21 Contreras (1982) 340.

  22 Blázquez Miguel (1990) 90.

  23 Barrios (1991) 31–2.

  24 A good example is Lithgow (1640) 480.

  25 Márquez (1980) 129.

  26 IT, folio 8r; published in Jiménez Monteserín (ed.) (1980: 83–105).

  27 IT, folio 12v; published in Jiménez Monteserín (ed.) (1980: 116–21).

  28 See for instance the case of Pedro de Guiral, inquisitor of Ávila and Cordoba, from 1499 (Gracia Boix (1982) 30–1). Lucero is another obvious example of this.

  29 Bet
hencourt (1994) 65, 71.

  30 Baião (1942) 17.

  31 Ibid.; Novalín (1968–71) Vol. 1, 231.

  32 Contreras and Henningsen (1986) 116.

  33 Ruiz de Pablos (ed. and trans.) (1997) 209.

  34 Jiménez Monteserín (ed.) (1980) 366–70; see also Contreras (1982) 73.

  35 Ibid.

  36 Blázquez Miguel (1990) 104.

  37 Chinchilla Aguilar (1952) 120–1.

  38 Bethencourt (1994) 51.

  39 Russell-Wood (1998) 24–5.

  40 IAN/TT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Livro 217, folios 170r–190v.

  41 Ibid. folio 171r.

  42 Ibid. folio 172v.

  43 Ibid.

  44 Ibid. folio 184v.

  45 Ibid. folio 190v.

  46 See for example Blázquez Miguel (1990: 105) on how in Catalonia alone familiars were barred from holding public office.

  47 Contreras (1982) 87 n.46.

  48 Regimento dos Familiares do Santo Oficio (1739). Note that this publication has no page numbers.

  49 Contreras (1982) 130.

  50 AHN, Inquisición, Libro 936, folio 32r.

  51 BL, Egerton MS 1832, folios 105v–108v.

  52 Contreras (1982) 51–2.

  53 IAN/TT, CGSO, Livro 433, folio 196r. People frequently pretended to be familiars; in one case, Bartolomé Gómez de Quesada was punished in two autos in the same year for this offence and eventually sentenced to two years in the galleys (García Fuentes (1981: 20 –35).

  54 Blázquez Miguel (1985) 37.

  55 Lea (1908) 335–7.

  56 Blázquez Miguel (1990) 91.

  57 Barrios (1991) 30–1.

  58 AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 2105, Expediente 28.

  59 TA, folio i.

  60 Blázquez Miguel (1990) 122.

  61 Lea (1906–7), Vol. 1, 381–98.

  62 García Mercadal (ed.) (1999) Vol. 2, 358.

  63 Fernández Vargas (1980) 931–2.

  64 Marques (1972) Vol. 1, 288–92.

  65 BL, Egerton MS 1832: Segovia, 1575.

  66 BL, Add. MS 21447, folios 137r–143v.

  67 See for example Toro (1932), doc. 3: Diligencias Sobre los Sanbenitos antiguos y Renovación de ellos . . .

  68 Paz y Melia (1947) 452.

  69 AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 4822, Expediente 3.

  70 Moore’s (1987) argument that the development of a literate class was a key aspect of the formation of a persecuting society is of relevance here.

  71 Martínez Millán (1984) 287–91.