Inquisition

  72 Dedieu (1989) 273–7.

  73 Ibid. 275.

  74 Lea (2001) 159.

  75 See for example the case at AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 4529, Expediente 2, that of Martin Vendicho from 29 March 1588, a morisco from Zaragoza.

  76 Reglà (1974) 186.

  77 Biarnés i Biarnés (1981) 112, 146.

  78 Reglà (1974) 61, 142.

  79 Biarnés i Biarnés (1981) 150.

  80 Reglà (1974) 138–9.

  81 Domínguez Ortiz and Vincent (1978) 203.

  82 Casey (1999) 21.

  83 Ibid.

  84 Lithgow (1640) 451.

  85 Ibid. 453.

  86 Fromm (1951) 67.

  87 Escandell Bonet (1980) 450.

  88 All the material taken here for the case of Gutierrez de Ulloa comes from Toribio Medina (1887) Vol. 1, 265–82.

  89 Benassar (1987) 183.

  Eleven – THE THREAT OF KNOWLEDGE

  1 Newitt (1995) 175–6.

  2 Jama (2001) 35, 60–1. It had been Pierre (Pedro)’s great-grandfather, and Antoinette Lopez’s great-great grandfather Meyer Pacagon who had been the first member of the family to convert from Judaism to Christianity in around 1412, at the time of the famous disputation between Christian and Jewish theologians at Tortosa (Ibid. 34–5).

  3 Popkin (1960) 43, 55. There were of course numerous intervening steps, but nevertheless the ideas of Montaigne were pivotal in this process.

  4 Ibid. ix.

  5 Fernández Santamaría (1990) 17. Pyrrhonian scepticism derived from the writings of the Greek philosopher Pyrrhon of Elis (c. 360–270 BCE), who held that reason alone could not give knowledge of the universe, and that as the senses could only give knowledge of how things appeared – rather than how they actually were in reality – all human knowledge was opinion.

  6 Montaigne (1998) 66.

  7 Ibid. 19: ‘Chacun appelle barbarie ce qui n’est pas de son usage’; see also his statement in the Apologie de Raimond Sebond that ‘tout ce qui nous semble estrange, nous le condamnons’ (‘we condemn everything that seems strange to us’): Rat (ed.) (1941) Vol. 2, 151.

  8 Jama (2001) 60.

  9 Popkin (1960) 44.

  10 Montaigne (1998) 93.

  11 Ibid. 221.

  12 Rat (ed.) (1941) Vol. 2, 122.

  13 Ibid. 123.

  14 Ibid. 176.

  15 Ibid. 223.

  16 Ibid. 268.

  17 Popkin (1960) 69–82.

  18 Ibid. 86–112.

  19 Rat (ed.) (1941) 47–68: ‘Que le Goust des Biens et des Maux Depend en Bonne Partie de l’Opinion que Nous en Avons’ (tr.: ‘That taste in Good and Evil Depends Substantially on our Opinion’) – the relevant passage is pp. 50–2.

  20 Jama (2001) 23–24: ‘une date, intentionellement choisie, qui permettait justement aux compagnons d’entendre son message dissimulé’ (tr.: ‘a date, chosen intentionally, which allowed only friends to understand its hidden message’).

  21 Rat (ed.) (1941) Vol. 2, 176.

  22 Yovel (1989), x.

  23 Jama (2001: 182–8) also believes that there are clear traces of Jewish theological leanings in the Essays when it comes to his views of God. See also López Fanego (1983: 371) on how wily authors inserted professions of their devout faith and submission to ecclesiastical dogma inside works which as a whole are critical of that dogma.

  24 This is indeed a view shared by many Montaigne specialists (see for example Malvezin (1875: 106 –22, 128)) and specialists on the Iberian realities (Castro (1972: 15), Faur (1992: 105–6)).

  25 Dedieu (1983) 498.

  26 See for example Baião (1921) 122 – a case from 1541 from Lisbon. However it should be noted that this itself was an age-old rural saying in Iberia. I am grateful for this point to Professor Francisco Bethencourt.

  27 Salvador (1969), xx.

  28 Blázquez Miguel (1988) 50.

  29 For an example of how this worked in practice, it is interesting to read Wachtel’s (2001a: 85–89) analysis of the library of Manuel Bautista Pérez, an exceptionally well-travelled crypto-Jew from Lima in the 1630s who had spent time in both Guiné and South America; the library is suggestive of someone of a sceptical bent.

  30 Lithgow (1640) 486.

  31 The view of conversos as prototypes of modern individuals is not a new one, and has been propounded in Novinsky (1972: 162), Rivkin (1995: 408), Wachtel (2001a: 13), to name but three authors. This idea is examined in more detail in Green (2007).

  32 Faur (1992) 108–9.

  33 Sanches (1988) 4–19.

  34 Ibid. 172.

  35 Faur (1992) 96.

  36 Sanches (1988) 168.

  37 Ibid. 81; the words of Elaine Limbrick.

  38 Ibid. 79; the words of Elaine Limbrick.

  39 Ibid. 28–36.

  40 There is a good summary of Vives’s life in González González (1998: 25–6).

  41 Garcia (1987) 91.

  42 Ibid. 187; the trials of Vives’s mother Blanquina March are published in Pinta Llorente and Palacioty Palacio (1964). In 1491 she had confessed of her sins within the period of grace and been reconciled, but, after her death in 1508, she was eventually condemned posthumously in 1529.

  43 Kamen (1997) 130; Révah (1959) 38.

  44 Fernández Santamaría (1990) 72, 104.

  45 Ibid. 72.

  46 Ibid. 123.

  47 Ibid. 71.

  48 Bataillon (1937) 166–7.

  49 Gouhier (1958) 116 n.59.

  50 Sanches (1988) 83–4.

  51 Klever (1996) 20.

  52 Yovel (1989), x, 28–36.

  53 Rojas (1985) 22.

  54 Ibid. 23.

  55 Ibid. 59.

  56 Ibid. 130.

  57 Ibid. 129.

  58 This was the mistake in Gilman’s classic account of the play and the author’s converso origins (1972). The idea that the converso interpretation should merely be one interpretation of La Celestina is advanced in Yovel (1989: 97).

  59 Long and involved academic debates have occurred as to the origins of Rojas. Salvador Miguel (2001) disputes Rojas’s converso origin, following Marquez (1980: 47–8), who argues that the statement in his defence by Rojas’s father-in-law Álvaro de Montalbán that Rojas was a converso in an inquisitorial trial of 1525/6 was merely a rumour attributed to Rojas by the prosecutor of the Inquisition. Nevertheless, as Yovel (1989: 94 n.29) points out, the prosecutor could merely have been repeating a known fact, and there is no evidence that this was simply a ‘rumour’. The clear converso themes throughout the play support the idea that Rojas was, indeed, a converso, as his father-in-law declared. Others have argued that La Celestina was a composite work of different authors, but this has been disputed recently by some specialists (Aguirre Beller (1994)).

  60 Faur (1992) 62–9.

  61 Ibid. 57.

  62 Castro (1972) 15.

  63 Ibid. lii.

  64 Ibid. 153.

  65 Ibid. ‘segun eran de agudos’.

  66 Bataillon (1937) 529; cited also in Kamen (1965) 75.

  67 See the classic works of Menéndez y Pelayo, and more recently Kamen (1997); see also García Camarero and García Camarero (eds) (1970) for a summary of 18th-century views on the matter.

  68 Cervantes (1994) 91.

  69 Lewin (1967) 14–15.

  70 Lea (1906–7), Vol. 1, v.

  71 Saínz Rodríguez (1962) 85.

  72 Castro (1972) 36.

  73 García Cárcel and Moreno Martínez (2000) 325.

  74 Castro (1972) 37.

  75 Alcalá Galve (1984) 812.

  76 See for example Novalín (1968–71) Vol. 1, 265.

  77 Baião (1921) 36–7.

  78 Barrios Aguilera (2002) 81.

  79 Rumeu de Armas (1940) 15.

  80 BL, Additional MS 10248, folios 107v–108r.

  81 Bataillon (1937) 31–5 has a good elucidation of this case.

  82 Bethencourt (1994) 174.

  83 Ibid.

  84 AHN, Inquisición, L
egajo 4470, Expediente 6.

  85 AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 4442, Expedientes 33 and 34.

  86 AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 2963.

  87 AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 4470, Expediente 12.

  88 Kamen (1997) 119.

  89 Novalín (1968–71) Vol. 1, 274.

  90 Pinto Crespo (1983) 67.

  91 Bethencourt (1994) 173.

  92 Márquez (1980) 144–5.

  93 Ibid. 146–8.

  94 Sierra Corella (1947) 47.

  95 Bethencourt (1994) 173.

  96 Ibid. 87.

  97 The text of this fundamental decree is published in Rumeu de Armas (1940: 17 n.1).

  98 Pinto Crespo (1983) 39.

  99 Ibid. 91–2.

  100 Ibid. 99.

  101 Ibid. 42.

  102 Pinto Crespo (1983) 33.

  103 García Cárcel and Moreno Martínez (2000) 321–3.

  104 Gracia Boix (ed.) (1982) 218.

  105 Márquez (1980) 150.

  106 Révah (1960) 21–2.

  107 Ibid. 21–4, 29.

  108 Ibid. 27.

  109 Ibid. 67–8.

  110 Bethencourt (1994) 177.

  111 Cohen (1995) 446; idem. (2000) 74; Chinchilla Aguilar (1952) 187: the cédula banning the circulation of profane books of 29 September 1543 is published in Sierra Corella (1947: 196–7).

  112 Chinchilla Aguilar (1952) 189–90.

  113 Jiménez Rueda (1946) 237.

  114 Greenleaf (1969) 183.

  115 Ibid. 184–5.

  116 AHN, Inquisición, Libro 285, folio 200r.

  117 Defourneaux (1963) 15.

  118 Alcalá Galve (1983) 784 n.11.

  119 Pinto Crespo (1983) 63–6.

  120 Ibid. and idem. (1987) 185.

  121 AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 4816, Expediente 22, folios 4v–9r; for a more detailed examination of this ship and of Diogo Barassa in general, see Green (2007) Part III: Chapter 3.

  122 AHN, Legajo 4816, Expediente 22, folio 45v; I have modernized some of the punctuation in my translation of this passage.

  123 Ibid. folio 11v.

  124 Defourneaux (1963) 24–5.

  125 AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 4436, Expediente 4.

  126 AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 4480, Expediente 21, folio 2r.

  127 Ibid. folio 4r.

  128 Ibid.

  129 Defourneaux (1963) 24–5: the expurgated editions had begun in Seville in 1539.

  130 Ibid. 25.

  131 Ibid.

  132 AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 4469, Expediente 31.

  133 Baião (1972) 222–69; Subrahmanyan (1993) 186. This was after lobbying from the famous preacher Antonio Vieira (himself arrested by the Inquisition in 1665) and conversos in Rome.

  134 ACE, 36, 51, 62–3.

  135 Selke (1986) 9, 189.

  136 Jiménez Monteserín (ed.) (1980) 656, 688.

  137 Paz y Melia (ed.) (1947) 135–7.

  138 AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 4465, Expediente 30.

  139 Paz y Melia (ed.) (1947), no. 392. These paintings are not named in the source: one was a sleeping Venus with a gold mark, a second of a sleeping nude, and a third of a poor woman lying on a bed.

  Twelve – THE NEUROTIC SOCIETY

  1 AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 1808, Expediente 11, folio 13r.

  2 Ibid.

  3 Ibid. folio 14r.

  4 Ibid. folio 16v.

  5 Ibid.

  6 Ibid. 17r, 18r.

  7 Ibid. 19v–21v.

  8 Ibid. 14v.

  9 Ibid. 15r.

  10 Ibid. folios 24r–29r.

  11 Ibid. folios 30v–32v.

  12 Freud (1961a).

  13 Sarrión Mora (2003) 45.

  14 Perry (1987) 152–4.

  15 Ibid. 158.

  16 Ibid. 151.

  17 This remarkable story is published in Gracia Boix (ed.) (1982: 281–3).

  18 This remarkable story is summarized in Sánchez Ortega (1992: 69–78).

  19 See for example the case of Eugenia de las Heras, arrested by the Inquisition of Madrid for faking visions in 1802 – AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 3730, Expediente 21.

  20 Huerga (1978–88) Vol. 1, 332.

  21 Ibid. 333.

  22 Ibid.

  23 Ibid. 335.

  24 Llorca (1980) 107.

  25 Huerga (1978–88) Vol. 1, 467.

  26 Ibid.

  27 Ibid. 468.

  28 Ibid.

  29 Ibid. Vol. 4, 179–313, 389, 485–6; AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 2962.

  30 The relevance of this to the sexual nature of the neuroses of the alumbradas of Extremadura was noted by Menéndez y Pelayo (1945: Vol. 5, 262).

  31 Fernández (2003) 12–13.

  32 Foucault (1976) 110–11.

  33 Monter (1990) 279.

  34 Vainfas (1989) 206.

  35 Mott (1988) 14; see IAN/TT, CGSO, Livro 100, folio 43r for more detail on the confirmation of powers to try sodomy by Pope Gregory XIII to Cardinal Henry.

  36 IAN/TT, CGSO, Livro 96, folio 1r.

  37 Bellini (1989) 17–29.

  38 Vainfas (1989) 207–9, 209 n.65. Nevertheless, the offence was still mentioned in the rules of operation for the Inquisition of Goa as late as 1774 (Rêgo (1983: 115)).

  39 Vassberg (1996) 129.

  40 Fernández (2003) 271–3.

  41 IAN/TT, Inquisição de Évora, Livro 92, folios 34v–35r.

  42 Ibid. folios 31v–34r.

  43 Vainfas (1989) 205.

  44 Fernández (2003) 80.

  45 Mott (1992) 704.

  46 Palmer (1976) 58–9.

  47 IAN/TT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Livro 243, folio 62r.

  48 IAN/TT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Livro 246, folios 3r–v; this is where the whole of this story is derived from.

  49 See for example the case of Francisco Barradas from IAN/TT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Livro 212, folio 127v.

  50 IAN/TT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Livro 236, folios 381r–v.

  51 Rêgo (ed.) (1971) 191.

  52 Dellon (1815) 13.

  53 AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 5345, Expediente 4. This had also occurred in Spain; there are numerous examples in AHN, Inquisición, Libro 1153.

  54 Cervantes (1994) 102–5; this is the source for the remainder of the information distilled here on the activities of Sister Margaret.

  55 Freud (1961b) 72.

  56 BL, Additional MS 23726, folio 85r.

  57 The question posed by Bernardo de Iriarte to Ana Farina in 1775 (Pinta Llorente (1961) 130).

  58 This derives from Cervantes (1994: 114–24).

  59 This material is from Huerga (1978–88) Vol. 3, 85–94.

  60 Ibid. 447–8.

  61 Ibid. 352–3.

  62 Ibid. 354.

  63 Ibid. 358–9.

  64 Ibid. 360.

  65 Ibid. 139.

  66 Sarrión Mora (2003) 145–53 and 208.

  67 Ibid. 284, 288.

  68 Ibid. 295.

  69 Ibid. 297–8.

  70 Huerga (1978–88) Vol. 1, 468.

  71 BL, Additional MS 23726, folios 9r, 15r.

  72 Ibid. folio 82v.

  73 Ibid. folio 83r–v.

  74 Ibid. folios 90r–v.

  75 Ibid. folio 91r.

  76 Benassar (1979b) 85–6.

  77 Ibid. 86.

  78 Ibid.

  79 García Mercadal (ed.) (1999) Vol. 1, 292.

  80 Ibid. Vol. 2, 288.

  81 Fernández (2003) 14.

  82 Fernández-Armesto (1982) 181–3.

  83 Ibid. 273.

  84 Ibid. 14.

  85 IAN/TT, CGSO, Livro 433, folio 106v; the case of Catherina Galves from the see of Porto, from 1625.

  86 Fernández Vargas (1980) 934.

  87 Menéndez y Pelayo (1945) Vol. 6, 118.

  88 All this information is derived from CA: Relacion de los Reos que Salieron en el Auto Particular de Fe que el Santo Oficio de la Inquisición de Cuenca Celebró en la Iglesia del Convento de San Pablo (1721); Relacion del Auto Particular de Fe que Celebr�
� el Santo Oficio de la Inquisición de Valladolid (1722); Relacion del Auto Particular de Fe que Celebró el Santo Oficio de la Inquisición de la Ciudad y Reyno de Granada, el dia 31 de Enero de este Presente Año de 1723.

  89 Ibid. folio 305v.

  90 Ibid.; there were numerous Brazilian prisoners taken from America to Lisbon in the first half of the 18th century, with many of them accused of crimes of sorcery and divining as well as for crypto-Judaism (this last particularly in the newly wealthy Rio de Janeiro, the port for the goldfields of Minas Gerais: Souza (1987: 158–65 and 323)).

  91 PD.

  92 Marti Gilabert (1975) 22–3.

  93 AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 3727, Expediente 159; I have modernized some of the punctuation of this passage.

  94 Ibid.

  95 Ibid.

  96 Ibid.

  97 Sánchez Ortega (1992) 48–9.

  98 Ibid. 48.

  99 IAN/TT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Livro 792, folios 409–17, 453.

  100 Toribio Medina (1887) Vol. 1, 313.

  101 Millar Carvacho (1997) 347.

  102 AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 4518, Expediente 14.

  103 AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 1808, Expediente 12, folio 33r.

  Thirteen – PARANOIA

  1 AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 3730, Expediente 7, as with all the details of this case.

  2 Blázquez Miguel (1990) 285. For a full examination of the circumstances surrounding the bull In Eminenti and its impact in the Catholic world, see Ferrer Benimeli (1976–7) Vol. 1, 178–236.

  3 Ferrer Benimeli (1976–7) Vol. 1, 54–70.

  4 Ferrer Benimeli (1984) 83–90.

  5 Ferrer Benimeli (1976–7) Vol. 2, 137, 189.

  6 Ibid. 189; Coustos (1803) 19–21, 63–72, 78.

  7 Ferrer Benimeli (1984) 84.

  8 Ibid. 85.

  9 Ibid. 86.

  10 Ferrer Benimeli (1976–7) Vol. 1, 213.

  11 Ferrer Benimeli (1976–7) Vol. 3, 22–3.

  12 Ibid. 409: ‘per quanto si dice’.

  13 Ibid. 52 n.193 and 56.

  14 Ibid. 79.

  15 Ibid.

  16 Ibid. 80.

  17 Ibid. 98.

  18 Ibid. 124.

  19 Ibid. 86–7, 139–40.

  20 Ibid. 320–6, 351– 61.

  21 Kamen (1965).

  22 Ferrer Benimeli (1976–7) Vol. 3, 57.

  23 These are much more numerous than there was space to cite in the relevant passages in Chapter Seven; for another example, see AHN, Inquisición, Legajo 4529, Expediente 2, or Valencia (1997: 74): ‘[the moriscos] make a conspiracy and agreement among themselves for wickedness’.

  24 Saraiva (1985) 128–9.

  25 Pinto Crespo (1983) 107.

  26 Delumeau (1978) 22–3.