Delphi Complete Works of Procopius

by Procopius of Caesarea

  II

  After his death[G] the kingdom was taken over by Atalaric, the son of Theoderic’s daughter; he had reached the age of eight years and was being reared under the care of his mother Amalasuntha. For his father had already departed from among men. And not long afterward Justinian succeeded to the imperial power in Byzantium. [H]Now Amalasuntha, as guardian of her child, administered the government, and she proved to be endowed with wisdom and regard for justice in the highest degree, displaying to a great extent the masculine temper. As long as she stood at the head of the government she inflicted punishment upon no Roman in any case either by touching his person or by imposing a fine. Furthermore, she did not give way to the Goths in their mad desire to wrong them, but she even restored to the children of Symmachus and Boetius their fathers’ estates. Now Amalasuntha wished to make her son resemble the Roman princes in his manner of life, and was already compelling him to attend the school of a teacher of letters. And she chose out three among the old men of the Goths whom she knew to be prudent and refined above all the others, and bade them live with Atalaric. But the Goths were by no means pleased with this. For because of their eagerness to wrong their subjects they wished to be ruled by him more after the barbarian fashion. On one occasion the mother, finding the boy doing some wrong in his chamber, chastised him; and he in tears went off thence to the men’s apartments. And some Goths who met him made a great to-do about this, and reviling Amalasuntha insisted that she wished to put the boy out of the world as quickly as possible, in order that she might marry a second husband and with him rule over the Goths and Italians. And all the notable men among them gathered together, and coming before Amalasuntha made the charge that their king was not being educated correctly from their point of view nor to his own advantage. For letters, they said, are far removed from manliness, and the teaching of old men results for the most part in a cowardly and submissive spirit. Therefore the man who is to shew daring in any work and be great in renown ought to be freed from the timidity which teachers inspire and to take his training in arms. They added that even Theoderic would never allow any of the Goths to send their children to school; for he used to say to them all that, if the fear of the strap once came over them, they would never have the resolution to despise sword or spear. And they asked her to reflect that her father Theoderic before he died had become master of all this territory and had invested himself with a kingdom which was his by no sort of right, although he had not so much as heard of letters. “Therefore, O Queen,” they said, “have done with these tutors now, and do you give to Atalaric some men of his own age to be his companions, who will pass through the period of youth with him and thus give him an impulse toward that excellence which is in keeping with the custom of barbarians.”

  DATES:

  [G]526 A.D.

  [H]527 A.D.

  When Amalasuntha heard this, although she did not approve, yet because she feared the plotting of these men, she made it appear that their words found favour with her, and granted everything the barbarians desired of her. And when the old men had left Atalaric, he was given the company of some boys who were to share his daily life, — lads who had not yet come of age but were only a little in advance of him in years; and these boys, as soon as he came of age, by enticing him to drunkenness and to intercourse with women, made him an exceptionally depraved youth, and of such stupid folly that he was disinclined to follow his mother’s advice. Consequently he utterly refused to champion her cause, although the barbarians were by now openly leaguing together against her; for they were boldly commanding the woman to withdraw from the palace. But Amalasuntha neither became frightened at the plotting of the Goths nor did she, womanlike, weakly give way, but still displaying the dignity befitting a queen, she chose out three men who were the most notable among the barbarians and at the same time the most responsible for the sedition against her, and bade them go to the limits of Italy, not together, however, but as far apart as possible from one another; but it was made to appear that they were being sent in order to guard the land against the enemy’s attack. But nevertheless these men by the help of their friends and relations, who were all still in communication with them, even travelling a long journey for the purpose, continued to make ready the details of their plot against Amalasuntha.

  And the woman, being unable to endure these things any longer, devised the following plan. Sending to Byzantium she enquired of the Emperor Justinian whether it was his wish that Amalasuntha, the daughter of Theoderic, should come to him; for she wished to depart from Italy as quickly as possible. And the emperor, being pleased by the suggestion, bade her come and sent orders that the finest of the houses in Epidamnus should be put in readiness, in order that when Amalasuntha should come there, she might lodge in it and after spending such time there as she wished might then betake herself to Byzantium. When Amalasuntha learned this, she chose out certain Goths who were energetic men and especially devoted to her and sent them to kill the three whom I have just mentioned, as having been chiefly responsible for the sedition against her. And she herself placed all her possessions, including four hundred centenaria of gold, in a single ship and embarked on it some of those most faithful to her and bade them sail to Epidamnus, and, upon arriving there, to anchor in its harbour, but to discharge from the ship nothing whatever of its cargo until she herself should send orders. And she did this in order that, if she should learn that the three men had been destroyed, she might remain there and summon the ship back, having no further fear from her enemies; but if it should chance that any one of them was left alive, no good hope being left her, she purposed to sail with all speed and find safety for herself and her possessions in the emperor’s land. Such was the purpose with which Amalasuntha was sending the ship to Epidamnus; and when it arrived at the harbour of that city, those who had the money carried out her orders. But a little later, when the murders had been accomplished as she wished, Amalasuntha summoned the ship back and remaining at Ravenna strengthened her rule and made it as secure as might be.

  Ἦν δέ τις ἐν Γότθοις Θευδάτος ὄνομα, τῆς Θευδερίχου ἀδελφῆς Ἀμαλαφρίδης υἱός, πόρρω που ἤδη ἡλικίας ἥκων, λόγων μὲν Λατίνων μεταλαχὼν καὶ δογμάτων Πλατωνικῶν, πολέμων δὲ ἀμελετήτως παντάπασιν ἔχων, μακράν τε ἀπολελειμμένος τοῦ δραστηρίου, ἐς μέντοι φιλοχρηματίαν δαιμονίως ἐσπουδακώς. [2] οὗτος ὁ Θευδάτος πλείστων μὲν τῶν ἐν Τούσκοις χωρίων κύριος ἐγεγόνει, βιαζόμενος δὲ καὶ τὰ λειπόμενα τοὺς κεκτημένους ἀφαιρεῖσθαι ἐν σπουδῇ εἶχε. γείτονα γὰρ ἔχειν συμφορά τις Θευδάτῳ ἐδόκει εἶναι. [3] ταύτην αὐτῷ Ἀμαλασοῦνθα τὴν προθυμίαν ἀναστέλλειν ἠπείγετο, καὶ ἀπ̓ αὐτοῦ ἤχθετό τε αὐτῇ ἐς ἀεὶ καὶ χαλεπῶς εἶχεν. [4] ἐβουλεύετο οὖν Ἰουστινιανῷ βασιλεῖ Τουσκίαν ἐνδοῦναι, ἐφ̓ ᾧ χρήματά τε πολλὰ καὶ βουλῆς πρὸς αὐτοῦ ἀξίωμα κομισάμενος ἐν Βυζαντίῳ τὸ λοιπὸν διατρίβοι. [5] ταῦτα Θευδάτου βεβουλευμένου πρέσβεις ἐκ Βυζαντίου παρὰ τὸν Ῥώμης ἀρχιερέα ἧκον, ὅ τε τῆς Ἐφέσου ἱερεὺς Ὑπάτιος καὶ Δημήτριος ἐκ τῶν ἐν Μακεδόσι Φιλίππων, δόξης ἕνεκεν ἣν Χριστιανοὶ ἐν σφίσιν αὐτοῖς ἀντιλέγουσιν ἀμφιγνοοῦντες. [6] τὰ δὲ ἀντιλεγόμενα ἐγὼ ἐξεπιστάμενος ὡς ἥκιστα ἐπιμνήσομαι: ἀπονοίας γὰρ μανιώδους τινὸς ἡγοῦμαι εἶναι διερευνᾶσθαι τὴν τοῦ θεοῦ φύσιν, ὁπο�
�α ποτέ ἐστιν. [7] ἀνθρώπῳ γὰρ οὐδὲ τὰ ἀνθρώπεια ἐς τὸ ἀκριβὲς οἶμαι καταληπτά, μή τί γε δὴ τὰ εἰς θεοῦ φύσιν ἥκοντα. ἐμοὶ μὲν οὖν ταῦτα ἀκινδύνως σεσιωπήσθω μόνῳ τῷ μὴ ἀπιστεῖσθαι τὰ τετιμημένα. [8] ἐγὼ γὰρ οὐκ ἂν οὐδὲν ἄλλο περὶ θεοῦ ὁτιοῦν εἴποιμι ἢ ὅτι ἀγαθός τε παντάπασιν εἴη καὶ ξύμπαντα ἐν τῇ ἐξουσίᾳ τῇ αὑτοῦ ἔχει. [9] λεγέτω δὲ ὥς πη ἕκαστος γινώσκειν ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν οἴεται, καὶ ἱερεὺς καὶ ἰδιώτης. Θευδάτος δὲ ξυγγενόμενος λάθρα τοῖς πρέσβεσι τούτοις ἀγγέλλειν ἐπέστελλεν Ἰουστινιανῷ βασιλεῖ ἅπερ αὐτῷ βεβουλευμένα εἴη, ἐξειπὼν ὅσα μοι ἄρτι δεδήλωται. [10] Ἐν τούτῳ δὲ Ἀταλάριχος ἐς κραιπάλην ἐμπεπτωκὼς ὅρον οὐκ ἔχουσαν νοσήματι μαρασμοῦ ἥλω. [11] διὸ δὴ Ἀμαλασοῦνθα διηπορεῖτο: οὔτε γὰρ ἐπὶ τῇ τοῦ παιδὸς γνώμῃ τὸ θαρσεῖν εἶχεν, εἰς τοῦτο ἀτοπίας ἐληλακότος, ἤν τε αὐτὸς Ἀταλάριχος ἐξ ἀνθρώπων ἀφανίζηται, οὐκ ᾤετο αὐτῇ τὸν βίον ἐν τῷ ἀσφαλεῖ τὸ λοιπὸν ἔσεσθαι, Γότθων τοῖς λογιμωτάτοις προσκεκρουκυίᾳ. [12] διὸ δὴ τὸ Γότθων τε καὶ Ἰταλιωτῶν κράτος ἐνδιδόναι Ἰουστινιανῷ βασιλεῖ, ὅπως αὐτὴ σώζοιτο, ἤθελεν. [13] ἐτύγχανε δὲ Ἀλέξανδρος, ἀνὴρ ἐκ βουλῆς, σύν τε Δημητρίῳ καὶ Ὑπατίῳ ἐνταῦθα ἥκων. [14] ἐπειδὴ γὰρ τὸ μὲν Ἀμαλασούνθης πλοῖον ἐν τῷ Ἐπιδάμνου λιμένι ὁρμίζεσθαι βασιλεὺς ἤκουσεν, αὐτὴν δὲ μέλλειν ἔτι, καίπερ χρόνου τριβέντος συχνοῦ, ἔπεμψε τὸν Ἀλέξανδρον, ἐφ̓ ᾧ κατασκεψάμενος ἅπαντα τὰ ἀμφὶ τῇ Ἀμαλασούνθῃ ἀγγείλειε: [15] τῷ δὲ λόγῳ πρεσβευτὴν τὸν Ἀλέξανδρον βασιλεὺς ἔπεμψε, τοῖς τε ἀμφὶ τῷ Λιλυβαίῳ ξυνταραχθεὶς ῾ἅπερ μοι ἐν τοῖς ἔμπροσθεν λόγοις δεδήλωταἰ καὶ ὅτι Οὖννοι δέκα ἐκ τοῦ ἐν Λιβύῃ στρατοπέδου, δρασμοῦ ἐχόμενοι, ἐς Καμπανίαν ἀφίκοντο, Οὐλίαρίς τε αὐτούς, ὃς Νεάπολιν ἐφύλασσεν, Ἀμαλασούνθης οὔτι ἀκουσίου ὑπεδέξατο, Γότθοι τε Γήπαισι τοῖς ἀμφὶ Σίρμιον πολεμοῦντες, πόλει Γρατιανῇ, ἐν τῇ Ἰλλυριῶν ἐσχατιᾷ κειμένῃ, ὡς πολεμίᾳ ἐχρήσαντο. [16] ἅπερ Ἀμαλασούνθῃ ἐπικαλῶν γράμματά τε γράψας τὸν Ἀλέξανδρον ἔπεμψεν. Ὃς ἐπειδὴ ἐν Ῥώμῃ ἐγένετο, τοὺς μὲν ἱερεῖς αὐτοῦ εἴασε πράσσοντας ὧν ἕνεκα ἦλθον, ἐς δὲ Ῥάβενναν αὐτὸς κομισθεὶς καὶ Ἀμαλασούνθῃ ἐς ὄψιν ἥκων, τούς τε βασιλέως λόγους ἀπήγγειλε λάθρα καὶ τὰ γράμματα ἐς τὸ ἐμφανὲς ἐνεχείρισεν. [17] ἐδήλου δὲ ἡ γραφὴ τάδε: ‘Τὸ ἐν Λιλυβαίῳ φρούριον, ἡμέτερον ὄν, βίᾳ λαβοῦσα ἔχεις, καὶ βαρβάρους δραπέτας ἐμοὺς γεγενημένους δεξαμένη ἀποδοῦναι οὔπω καὶ νῦν ἔγνωκας, ἀλλὰ καὶ Γρατιανὴν τὴν ἐμὴν τὰ ἀνήκεστα, [18] οὐδέν σοι προσῆκον, εἰργάσω. ὅθεν ὥρα σοι ἐκλογίζεσθαι ποία ποτὲ τούτοις τελευτὴ γένοιτο.’ [19] ταῦτα ὡς ἀπενεχθέντα ἡ γυνὴ τὰ γράμματα ἀνελέξατο, ἀμείβεται τοῖσδε: ‘Βασιλέα μέγαν τε καὶ ἀρετῆς μεταποιούμενον, ὀρφανῷ παιδὶ καὶ ὡς ἥκιστα τῶν πρασσομένων ἐπαισθανομένῳ μᾶλλον ξυλλαβέσθαι εἰκὸς ἢ ἐξ οὐδεμιᾶς αἰτίας διάφορον εἶναι. [20] ἀγὼν γάρ, ἢν μὴ ἐκ τοῦ ἀντιπάλου ξυσταίη, οὐδὲ τὴν νίκην εὐπρεπῆ φέρει. [21] σὺ δὲ τὸ Λιλύβαιον Ἀταλαρίχῳ ἐπανασείεις καὶ φυγάδας δέκα καὶ στρατιωτῶν ἐπὶ πολεμίους τοὺς σφετέρους ἰόντων ἁμαρτάδα ξυμπεσοῦσαν ἀγνοίᾳ τινὶ ἐς πόλιν φιλίαν. [22] μὴ δῆτα, μὴ σύ γε, ὦ βασιλεῦ, ἀλλ̓ ἐνθυμοῦ μὲν ὡς, ἡνίκα ἐπὶ Βανδίλους ἐστράτευες, οὐχ ὅσον σοι ἐμποδὼν ἔστημεν, ἀλλὰ καὶ ὁδὸν ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους καὶ ἀγορὰν τῶν ἀναγκαιοτάτων σὺν προθυμίᾳ πολλῇ ἔδομεν, ἄλλων τε καὶ ἵππων τοσούτων τὸ πλῆθος, ἀφ̓ ὧν σοι ἡ τῶν ἐχθρῶν ἐπικράτησις μάλιστα γέγονε. [23] καίτοι ξύμμαχος ἂν καὶ φίλος δικαίως καλοῖτο οὐχ ὃς ἂν τὴν ὁμαιχμίαν ἐς τοὺς πέλας προΐσχοιτο μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ ὃς ἄν τῳ ἐς πόλεμον ἕκαστον ὅτου ἂν δέοιτο ὑπουργῶν φαίνοιτο. [24] ἐκλογίζου δὲ ὡς τηνικαῦτα ὁ στόλος ὁ σὸς οὔτε ἀλλαχῆ ἐκ τοῦ πελάγους εἶχεν ὅτι μὴ Σικελίᾳ προσχεῖν οὔτε τῶν ἐνθένδε ὠνηθέντων χωρὶς εἰς Λιβύην ἰέναι. [25] ὥστε σοι τὸ τῆς νίκης κεφάλαιον ἐξ ἡμῶν ἐστιν: ὁ γὰρ τοῖς ἀπόροις τὴν λύσιν διδοὺς καὶ τὴν ἐντεῦθεν ἀπόβασιν φέρεσθαι δίκαιος. [26] τί δὲ ἀνθρώπῳ ἥδιον ἂν ἐχθρῶν ἐπικρατήσεως, ὦ βασιλεῦ, γένοιτο; καὶ μὴν ἐλασσοῦσθαι οὐκ ἐν μετρίοις ἡμῖν ξυμβαίνει, οἵ γε οὐχὶ κατὰ τὸν τοῦ πολέμου νόμον τὸ τῶν λαφύρων νεμόμεθα μέρος. [27] νῦν δὲ καὶ τὸ Σικελίας Λιλύβαιον, ἄνωθεν Γότθοις προσῆκον, ἀξιοῖς ἀφαιρεῖσθαι ἡμᾶς, πέτραν, ὦ βασιλεῦ, μίαν ὅσον οὐδὲ ἀργυρίου ἀξίαν, ἣν ἀνθυπουργεῖν σε Ἀταλαρίχῳ εἰκός γε ἦν, ἐν τοῖς ἀναγκαιοτάτοις ξυναραμένῳ, εἴπερ ἄνωθεν τῆς [28] σῆς βασιλείας οὖσα ἐτύγχανε.’ ταῦτα μὲν ἐκ τοῦ ἐμφανοῦς Ἀμαλασοῦνθα βασιλεῖ ἔγραψε: λάθρα δὲ αὐτῷ ξύμπασαν Ἰταλίαν ἐγχειριεῖν ὡμολόγησεν. [29] οἱ δὲ πρέσβεις ἐς Βυζάντιον ἐπανήκοντες ἅπαντα Ἰουστινιανῷ βασιλεῖ ἤγγειλαν: Ἀλέξανδρος μὲν ἅπερ τῇ Ἀμαλασούνθῃ δοκοῦντα εἴη, Δημήτριος δὲ καὶ Ὑπάτιος ὅσα Θευδάτου λέγοντος ἤκουσαν, καὶ ὡς δυνάμει μεγάλῃ ἐν Τούσκοις ὁ Θευδάτος χρώμενος, χώρας τε ἐνταῦθα τῆς πολλῆς κύριος γεγονώς, πόνῳ ἂν οὐδενὶ τὰ ὡμολογημένα ἐπιτελεῖν οἷός τε εἴη. [30] οἷς δὴ περιχαρὴς γεγονὼς βασιλεὺς Πέτρον, Ἰλλυριὸν γένος, ἐκ Θεσσαλονίκης ὁρμώμενον, ἐς τὴν Ἰταλίαν εὐθὺς ἔστελλ
εν, ἕνα μὲν ὄντα τῶν ἐν Βυζαντίῳ ῥητόρων, ἄλλως δὲ ξυνετόν τε καὶ πρᾷον καὶ ἐς τὸ πείθειν ἱκανῶς πεφυκότα.