Delphi Complete Works of Procopius

by Procopius of Caesarea

  In view of this the Goths could no longer endure to remain inside the fortifications, but opening the small gate on that side, they all rushed out against the Isaurians with great fury and tumult. And the Romans, urged on by Belisarius, made a countercharge with great enthusiasm. So a fierce battle took place in which for a long time they engaged in a hand-to-hand struggle, and there was great slaughter on both sides. But the men were falling more thickly among the Romans. For since the barbarians were defending themselves from a higher position, a few men could overpower many, and gaining superiority in the hand-to-hand struggle, they were killing more men than those who were killed among themselves. However, the Romans were determined not to give in, feeling shame before Belisarius, who was present and urging them on with shouts. While this battle was in progress, it also happened that a missile came flying with a shrill whiz toward the belly of the general, having been directed there by one of the enemy either by some chance or with deliberate intent. And this missile was not seen at all by Belisarius. At any rate, he failed either to guard against it or to step aside to avoid it. But a certain spearman named Unigastus, who was standing beside him, saw it when it was not far from the belly of Belisarius, and by putting forth his right hand saved the general unexpectedly; but he himself, owing to the wound inflicted by the arrow, withdrew immediately, suffering severe pain. And after that, since the sinews had been severed, he was never able to use his hand again. And the battle, which had begun early in the morning, continued up to midday.

  And seven men of the Armenians from the command of Narses and Aratius made a display of valorous deeds, running about the unfavourable ground, which was exceedingly steep, just as if on the level, and killing those of the enemy who from time to time made a stand against them, until they forced back the barbarians in that part of the line and routed them. Then the other Romans, seeing the enemy now giving way, began to pursue them and the rout became decisive, and the barbarians went back inside the fortifications. Now the Romans thought that the cistern had been destroyed and that the Isaurians had accomplished their whole task, but in fact they had been altogether unable to remove so much as one pebble from the masonry; for the artisans of old, who cared most of all for excellence in their work, had built this masonry in such a way as to yield neither to time nor to the attempts of men to destroy it. At any rate the Isaurians had accomplished nothing when, upon seeing that the Romans had won the position, they left the cistern and withdrew to the camp. Consequently Belisarius commanded the soldiers to throw into the water the dead bodies of animals and such herbs as nature has caused to be especially deadly for man and also to put in a kind of stone, very thoroughly burned, which in olden times they were accustomed to call “titanos,” but which at the present time they call “asbestos,” and thus to quench it in the water. And the soldiers did accordingly, but the barbarians made use of a well inside the fortifications which had an exceedingly scant supply of water, and thus they supplied themselves during this time, but with a smaller quantity than they needed. Thereafter Belisarius no longer exerted himself either to capture the place by storm or to carry out any plot with regard to the water or anything else, hoping that by famine alone he would overcome the enemy. And because of this purpose he exercised the greatest care in guarding the lines. The Goths, meanwhile, still expecting the army from Ravenna and being in great want of provisions, remained quiet.

  By this time the Goths who were besieged in Fisula were beginning to be exceedingly hard pressed by famine, and, being unable to endure the suffering, and despairing also of the hope from Ravenna, they decided to yield to their opponents. They accordingly opened negotiations with Cyprian and Justinus, and, upon receiving pledges for their lives, they surrendered both themselves and the fortress. Then Cyprian and his colleagues, taking them along with the Roman army, and after establishing a sufficient garrison at Fisula, came to Auximus. And Belisarius, from that time, was constantly displaying their leaders to the barbarians in Auximus and bidding them cling no longer to their insane purpose, but abandon their hope from Ravenna; for they, like the others, would never receive the least assistance, but after being utterly worn out by hardship they would none the less come to the same fate as had the garrison in Fisula. And they, after long deliberation among themselves, seeing that they could no longer hold out against the famine, were ready to receive his proposals and expressed a desire to surrender the city, on condition that they themselves suffer no harm and proceed with their belongings to Ravenna. As a result of this, Belisarius was altogether uncertain what to do in the situation before him, because, on the one hand, he thought it inexpedient that a body of the enemy of such marked excellence and so numerous besides should join forces with their comrades in Ravenna, and, on the other hand, he was quite unwilling to let slip the moment of opportunity, but wished to move against Ravenna and Vittigis while the situation was still unsettled. For the Franks were causing him great concern, since he fully expected that they would come to the assistance of the Goths almost immediately. And though he was eager to anticipate their arrival, he was unable to break up the siege with Auximus still uncaptured. The soldiers, furthermore, would not allow him to concede their property to the barbarians, displaying many wounds which they had received at their hands before the city and recounting all the struggles which had fallen to their lot during this siege; and they declared that the rewards for these sufferings were surely the spoils of the vanquished. But finally, since the Romans were compelled by the pressing need of the moment, and the Goths were overcome by the famine, they came to an agreement with each other, stipulating that the Romans should divide among themselves one half of their wealth, while the Goths should keep the rest and be subjects of the emperor. Both sides accordingly gave pledges to secure this agreement, the commanders of the Romans that the agreement should be binding, and the Goths that they would conceal nothing whatever of their wealth. Thus, then, they divided the whole of it between them, and the Romans, on their part, took possession of Auximus, while the barbarians mingled with the emperor’s army.

  Ἐπεὶ δὲ Βελισάριος Αὔξιμον εἷλε, Ῥάβενναν πολιορκεῖν ἐν σπουδῇ ἐποιεῖτο καὶ ἅπαν τὸ στράτευμα ἐνταῦθα ἐπῆγε. Μάγνον τε πέμψας ξὺν πλήθει πολλῷ ὑπὲρ Ῥαβέννης ἐκέλευε Πάδου τοῦ ποταμοῦ τὴν ὄχθην ἀεὶ περιιόντα φυλακὴν ἔχειν, ὅπως δὴ μὴ τὸ λοιπὸν ἐνθένδε οἱ Γότθοι τὰ ἐπιτήδεια ἐσκομίζωνται. [2] καὶ Βιτάλιος δέ οἱ ξὺν στρατῷ ἐκ Δαλματίας ἀφικόμενος ὄχθην τοῦ ποταμοῦ τὴν ἑτέραν ἐφύλασσεν. ἐνταῦθα αὐτοῖς ξυνέβη τις τύχη, δήλωσιν ἄντικρυς ποιουμένη ὅτι δὴ αὐτὴ πρυτανεύει ἀμφοτέροις τὰ πράγματα. [3] συχνὰς γὰρ οἱ Γότθοι ἀκάτους πρότερον ἐν Λιγούροις συλλέξαντες ἐς τὸν Πάδον καθῆκαν, ἅσπερ ἐμπλησάμενοι σίτου τε καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ἐπιτηδείων πλεῖν ἐπὶ Ῥαβέννης διενοοῦντο. [4] οὕτω δὲ τοῦ ποταμοῦ τούτου τὸ ὕδωρ ἐκείνῳ τῷ χρόνῳ ὑπέληγεν ὥστε αὐτοῦ ναυτίλλεσθαι τὸ παράπαν ἀδύνατα ἦν, ἕως ἐπελθόντες Ῥωμαῖοι τὰς ἀκάτους σὺν τοῖς φορτίοις ἅπασιν εἷλον. [5] ὅ τε ποταμὸς οὐ πολλῷ ὕστερον ἐς ῥοῦν ἐπανιὼν τὸν καθήκοντα ναυσίπορος τὸ λοιπὸν ἐγεγόνει. τοῦτο δὲ αὐτῷ ξυμβῆναι οὐ πώποτε πρότερον ἀκοῇ ἴσμεν. [6] ἤδη τε οἱ βάρβαροι ἤρξαντο τῶν ἐπιτηδείων ὑποσπανίζειν. οὔτε γὰρ διὰ κόλπου τι ἐσκομίζεσθαι τοῦ Ἰονίου εἶχον, θαλασσο�
�ρατούντων πανταχῆ τῶν πολεμίων, καὶ τοῦ ποταμοῦ ἀπεκέκλειντο. [7] γνόντες δὲ οἱ Φράγγων ἄρχοντες τὰ ποιούμενα προσποιεῖσθαί τε τὴν Ἰταλίαν ἐθέλοντες, πρέσβεις παρὰ τὸν Οὐίττιγιν πέμπουσι, ξυμμαχίας ὑπόσχεσιν προτεινόμενοι, [8] ἐφ̓ ᾧ τῆς χώρας ξὺν αὐτῷ ἄρξουσιν. ὅπερ Βελισάριος ὡς ἤκουσε, πρέσβεις καὶ αὐτὸς ἀντεροῦντας Γερμανοῖς ἔπεμψεν ἄλλους τε καὶ Θεοδόσιον τὸν τῇ οἰκία τῇ αὐτοῦ ἐφεστῶτα. [9] Πρῶτοι μὲν οὖν οἱ Γερμανῶν πρέσβεις Οὐιττίγιδι ἐς ὄψιν ἐλθόντες ἔλεξαν τοιάδε: ‘Ἔπεμψαν ἡμᾶς οἱ Γερμανῶν ἄρχοντες, δυσχεραίνοντες μὲν ὅτι δὴ πρὸς Βελισαρίου πολιορκεῖσθαι ὑμᾶς ἤκουσαν, τιμωρεῖν δὲ ὑμῖν ὅτι τάχιστα κατὰ τὸ ξυμμαχικὸν ἐν σπουδῇ ἔχοντες. [10] τὸ μὲν οὖν στρατόπεδον ἀνδρῶν μαχίμων οὐχ ἧσσον ἢ ἐς μυριάδας πεντήκοντα ἤδη που τὰς Ἄλπεις ὑπερβεβηκέναι οἰόμεθα, οὕσπερ τοῖς πελέκεσι τὴν Ῥωμαίων στρατιὰν ξύμπασαν ἐν τῇ πρώτῃ ὁρμῇ καταχώσειν αὐχοῦμεν. [11] ὑμᾶς δὲ οὐ τῶν δουλωσομένων τῇ γνώμῃ ἕπεσθαι ἄξιον, ἀλλὰ τῶν ἐς κίνδυνον πολέμου εὐνοίᾳ τῇ ἐς Γότθους καθισταμένων. [12] ἄλλως τε, ἢν μὲν τὰ ὅπλα ξὺν ἡμῖν ἕλησθε, οὐδεμία λελείψεται Ῥωμαίοις ἐλπὶς ἀμφοτέροις τοῖς στρατεύμασιν ἐς χεῖρας ἰέναι, ἀλλ̓ αὐτόθεν πόνῳ οὐδενὶ ἀναδησόμεθα τὸ τοῦ πολέμου κράτος. [13] ἢν δέ γε ξὺν Ῥωμαίοις τετάξονται Γότθοι, οὐδ̓ ὣς τῷ Φράγγων ἔθνει ἀνθέξουσιν ῾οὐ γὰρ ἐξ ἀντιπάλου τῆς δυνάμεως ὁ ἀγὼν ἔσταἰ, ἀλλὰ περιέσται ὑμῖν τὸ ξὺν τοῖς πάντων πολεμιωτάτοις ἡσσῆσθαι. [14] ἐς προὖπτον δὲ κακὸν ἰέναι, παρὸν κινδύνου ἐκτὸς σώζεσθαι, πολλὴ ἄνοια. ὅλως δὲ ἄπιστον πᾶσι βαρβάροις τὸ Ῥωμαίων καθέστηκε γένος, ἐπεὶ καὶ φύσει πολέμιόν ἐστιν. [15] ἡμεῖς μὲν οὖν ξυνάρξομέν τε βουλομένοις ὑμῖν Ἰταλίας ἁπάσης καὶ τὴν χώραν διοικησόμεθα ὅπη ἂν δοκῇ ὡς ἄριστα ἔχειν. σὲ δὲ καὶ Γότθους ἑλέσθαι εἰκὸς ὅ τι ἂν ὑμῖν ξυνοίσειν μέλλῃ.’ Φράγγοι μὲν τοσαῦτα εἶπον. [16] Παρελθόντες δὲ καὶ οἱ Βελισαρίου πρέσβεις ἔλεξαν ὧδε: ‘Ὡς μὲν οὐδὲν ἂν τῷ βασιλέως στρατῷ λυμανεῖται τὸ Γερμανῶν πλῆθος, ᾧπερ οὗτοι δεδίττεσθαι ὑμᾶς ἀξιοῦσι, τί ἄν τις ἐν ὑμῖν μακρολογοίη, οἷς γε διὰ μακρὰν ἐμπειρίαν ἅπασαν ἐξεπίστασθαι τὴν τοῦ πολέμου ῥοπὴν ξυμβαίνει, καὶ ὡς ἥκιστα ἀρετὴ ἀνθρώπων ὁμίλῳ φιλεῖ ἐλασσοῦσθαι; [17] ἐῶμεν γὰρ λέγειν ὡς καὶ πάντων μάλιστα βασιλεῖ πάρεστι πλήθει στρατιωτῶν περιεῖναι τῶν πολεμίων. τὸ δὲ δὴ τούτων πιστόν, ᾧ χρῆσθαι αὐχοῦσιν ἐς πάντας βαρβάρους, μετά γε Θορίγγους καὶ τὸ Βουργουζιώνων ἔθνος, καὶ ἐς τοὺς ξυμμάχους ὑμᾶς παρὰ τῶν ἀνδρῶν ἐπιδέδεικται. [18] ὡς ἡμεῖς γε ἡδέως ἂν Φράγγους ἐροίμεθα τίνα ποτὲ μέλλοντες ὀμεῖσθαι θεὸν τὸ τῆς πίστεως ὑμῖν ἐχυρὸν ἰσχυρίζονται δώσειν. [19] τὸν γὰρ ἤδη αὐτοῖς ὀμωμοσμένον ὅντινα τετιμήκασι τρόπον ἐπίστασθε δή που: οἵ γε χρήματα μὲν τοσαῦτα τὸ πλῆθος, Γαλλίας δὲ ὅλας παῤ ὑμῶν ἐπὶ ξυμμαχίᾳ κεκομισμένοι οὐχ ὅσον ὑμῖν τοῦ κινδύνου συνάρασθαι οὐδαμῶς ἔγνωσαν, ἀλλὰ καὶ ὅπλα οὕτως ἀνέδην καθ̓ ὑμῶν εἵλοντο, εἴ τις ἐν ὑμῖν τῶν πρὸς τῷ Πάδῳ ξυμπεπτωκότων διασώζεται λόγος. [20] καὶ τί δεῖ τὰ φθάσαντα λέγοντας ἐλέγχειν τὸ τῶν Φράγγων ἀσέβημα; τῆς παρούσης αὐτῶν πρεσβείας οὐδὲν ἂν γένοιτο μιαρώτερον. [21] ὥσπερ γὰρ ἐπιλελησμένοι τῶν σφίσιν αὐτοῖς ὡμολογημένων τε καὶ ταῖς ξυνθήκαις ὀμωμοσμένων κοινωνεῖν τῶν πάντων ὑμῖν ἀξιοῦσιν. [22] ἢν δὲ καὶ τούτου παῤ ὑμῶν τύχωσιν, εἰς τί ποτε αὐτοῖς τελευτήσει τὸ τῶν χρημάτων ἀκόρεστον σκοπεῖσθαι προσήκει.’ [23] Τοσαῦτα μὲν καὶ οἱ Βελισαρίου πρέσβεις ἔλεξαν. Οὐίττιγις δὲ ξὺν Γότθων τοῖς ἀρίστοις πολλὰ κοινολογησάμενος τάς τε πρὸς βασιλέα ξυνθήκας εἵλετο καὶ ἀπράκτους ἀπεπέμψατο τοὺς Γερμανῶν πρέσβεις. καὶ τὸ λοιπὸν Γότθοι μὲν καὶ Ῥωμαῖοι πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἐπεκηρυκεύοντο ἤδη, Βελισάριος δὲ οὐδέν τι ἧσσον ἐφύλασσε τοῦ μὴ τοὺς βαρβάρους τὰ ἐπιτήδεια ἐσκομίζεσθαι. [24] καὶ Βιτάλιον μὲν ἐς Βενετίους ἰόντα ὡς πλεῖστα ἐπάγεσθαι τῶν ἐκείνῃ χωρίων ἐκέλευεν, αὐτὸς δὲ Ἰλδίγερα πέμψας τὸν Πάδον ἐφύλασσεν ἑκατέρωθεν, ὅπως τε οἱ βάρβαροι μᾶλλον ἀπορίᾳ τῶν ἀναγκαίων ἐνδώσουσι καὶ τὰς ξυνθήκας ποιήσονται ᾗ αὐτὸς βούλεται. [25] καὶ ἐπεὶ σῖτον πολὺν ἐν δημοσίοις οἰκήμασιν ἔτι ἐντὸς Ῥαβέννης ἀποκεῖσθαι ἔγνω, τῶν τινα ταύτῃ ᾠκημένων ἀνέπεισε χρήμασι ταῦτα δὴ τὰ οἰκήματα ξὺν τῷ σίτῳ λάθρα ἐμπρῆσαι. [26] φασὶ δὲ καὶ γνώμῃ Ματασούνθης, τῆς Οὐιττίγιδος γυναικός, ταῦτα ἀπολωλέναι. ἐπειδή τε ὁ σῖτος ἐκ τοῦ αἰφνιδίου ἐκέκαυτο, οἱ μέν τινες ἐξ ἐπιβουλῆς γεγενῆσθαι τὸ ἔργον ὑπετόπαζον, οἱ δὲ κεραυνῷ τὸν χῶρον βεβλῆσθαι ὑπώπτευον. [27] ἑκάτερα δὲ λογιζόμενοι Γότθοι τε καὶ Οὐίττιγις ἐς ἀμηχανίαν ἔτι μᾶλλον ἐνέπιπτον, οὐδὲ σφίσιν αὐτοῖς πιστεύειν τὸ λοιπὸν ἔχοντες καὶ πρὸς τοῦ θεοῦ πολεμεῖσθαι οἰόμενοι. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ταύτῃ ἐπράσσετο. [28] Ἐν δὲ Ἄλπεσιν αἳ Γάλλους τε καὶ Λιγούρους διορίζουσιν, ἅσπερ Ἄλπεις Κουτίας καλοῦσι Ῥωμαῖοι, φρούρια συχνὰ ξυμβαίνει εἶναι. [29] οὗ δὴ Γότθοι ἐκ παλαιοῦ πολλοί τε καὶ ἄριστοι, ξύν τε γυναιξὶ καὶ παισὶ τοῖς αὐτῶν ᾠκημένοι, φυλακὴν εἶχον, οὕσπερ ἐπεί οἱ βο
ύλεσθαι Βελισάριος προσχωρεῖν ἤκουσε, τῶν οἱ ἑπομένων τινά, Θωμᾶν ὄνομα, ξὺν ὀλίγοις τισὶ παῤ αὐτοὺς ἔπεμψεν, ἐφ̓ ᾧ τὰ πιστὰ δόντες παραστήσονται ὁμολογίᾳ τοὺς ταύτῃ βαρβάρους. [30] καὶ αὐτοὺς ἐς τὰς Ἄλπεις ἀφικομένους Σίσιγις, ὃς τῶν ἐνταῦθα φυλακτηρίων ἦρχεν, ἑνὶ τῶν φρουρίων δεξάμενος, αὐτός τε προσεχώρησε καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ἑκάστους εἰς τοῦτο ἐνῆγεν. [31] ἐν τούτῳ δὲ Οὐραΐας τετρακισχιλίους Λιγούρους τε κἀκ τῶν ἐν ταῖς Ἄλπεσι φρουρίων ἀπολεξάμενος, ἐπὶ Ῥάβενναν ὡς βοηθήσων κατὰ τάχος ᾔει. [32] οἵπερ ἐπειδὴ τὰ Σισίγιδι πεπραγμένα ἐπύθοντο, ἀμφὶ τοῖς οἰκείοις δεδιότες, [33] ἐνταῦθα πρῶτον ἠξίουν ἰέναι. διὸ δὴ Οὐραΐας παντὶ τῷ στρατῷ ἐς τὰς Ἄλπεις Κουτίας ἦλθε καὶ τὸν Σίσιγιν ξὺν τοῖς ἀμφὶ τὸν Θωμᾶν ἐπολιόρκει. ταῦτα Ἰωάννης τε, ὁ Βιταλιανοῦ ἀδελφιδοῦς, καὶ Μαρτῖνος πυθόμενοι ῾ἀγχοτάτω γὰρ Πάδου ποταμοῦ ὄντες ἐτύγχανον̓ κατὰ τάχος ἐβοήθουν παντὶ τῷ στρατῷ καὶ τῶν ἐν ταῖς Ἄλπεσι φρουρίων τισὶν ἐξ ἐπιδρομῆς ἐπισκήψαντες εἷλον, καὶ τοὺς ἐνταῦθα ᾠκημένους ἠνδραποδίσαντο, ἐν οἷς παῖδάς τε συχνοὺς καὶ γυναῖκας τῶν ὑπὸ τῷ Οὐραΐᾳ στρατευομένων ξυνεπεσεν εἶναι. [34] πλεῖστοι γὰρ αὐτῶν ἐκ τούτων δὴ τῶν φρουρίων ὁρμώμενοι εἵποντο. [35] οἵπερ, ἐπεὶ ἁλῶναι τὰ σφέτερα αὐτῶν ἔμαθον, ἀποταξάμενοι τοῦ Γότθων στρατοπέδου ἐκ τοῦ αἰφνιδίου, τοῖς ἀμφὶ τὸν Ἰωάννην προσχωρεῖν ἔγνωσαν, καὶ ἀπ̓ αὐτοῦ Οὐραΐας οὔτε τι ἐνταῦθα ἀνύτειν οὔτε τοῖς ἐν Ῥαβέννῃ κινδυνεύουσι Γότθοις βοηθεῖν ἴσχυσεν, ἀλλὰ ἄπρακτος ἐς Λιγουρίαν ξὺν ὀλίγοις ἐλθὼν ἡσυχῆ ἔμενε. καὶ Βελισάριος κατ̓ ἐξουσίαν Οὐίττιγίν τε καὶ Γότθων τοὺς δοκίμους ἐν Ῥαβέννῃ καθεῖρξε.