Delphi Complete Works of Procopius

by Procopius of Caesarea

  XXVIII

  AFTER the capture of Auximus, Belisarius made haste to lay siege to Ravenna, and he brought up his whole army against it. He also sent Magnus with a large force beyond Ravenna, with orders to move constantly along the bank of the river Po and keep guard, with the purpose of preventing the Goths thereafter from bringing in provisions by way of the river. Furthermore, Vitalius, who had come from Dalmatia with an army to join him, was guarding the other bank of the river. It was here that the Romans met with a piece of good fortune which made it perfectly clear that Fortune herself was determining the course of events for both sides. For the Goths had previously collected a large number of boats in Liguria and brought them down to the Po, and after filling them with grain and other provisions were purposing to set sail for Ravenna. But the water in this river fell so low at that time that it was altogether impossible to navigate upon it, until the Romans came up and seized the boats with all their cargoes. Then the river not long afterward returned to its proper volume and became navigable thereafter. And as far as we know from tradition, this had never happened to the river before. By this time the barbarians had already begun to experience some lack of provisions. For they were both unable to bring anything in by the Ionian Gulf, since their enemy commanded the sea everywhere, and they were shut off from the river. And the rulers of the Franks, learning what was going on and wishing to gain Italy for themselves, sent envoys to Vittigis, holding out a promise of an offensive and defensive alliance, on condition that they should rule the land jointly with him. Now when Belisarius heard this, he also sent envoys, among whom was Theodosius, who stood at the head of his own household, in order to speak against the Germans.

  So the envoys of the Germans were admitted first to Vittigis presence and spoke to the following effect: “The rulers of the Germans have sent us to you, in the first place because they are vexed to hear that you are thus besieged by Belisarius, and, in the second place, because they are eager to avenge you with all possible speed in accordance with the terms of our alliance. Now we suppose that our army, numbering not less than five hundred thousand fighting men, has by now crossed the Alps, and we boast that they will bury the entire Roman army with their axes at the first onset. And you, on your part, ought to conform to the purpose, not of those who intend to enslave you, but of those who are entering into the danger of war because of their loyalty to the Goths. And apart from this, if, on the one hand, you unite your forces with ours, the Romans will have no hope left of facing both our armies in battle, but from the very outset and without any effort at all we shall gain the supremacy in the war. But if, on the other hand, the Goths choose to array themselves with the Romans, even in that case they will not withstand the Frankish nation (for the struggle will not be evenly matched in point of strength), but the ultimate result for you will be defeat in the company of the most hostile of all men. But to plunge into a disaster which can be foreseen, when the opportunity is offered to be saved without danger, is utter folly. Besides, the Roman nation has proved itself altogether untrustworthy toward all barbarians, since by its very nature it is hostile to them. We therefore propose, if you are willing, to share with you the rule of all Italy, and we shall administer the land in whatever manner seems best. And for thee and the Goths the natural course to follow is that one which is destined to redound to your advantage.” Thus spoke the Franks.

  And the envoys of Belisarius also came forward and spoke as follows. “That the multitude of the Germans will inflict no injury on the emperor’s army — and it is with this that they seek to scare you — why should one enter into a lengthy proof before you, seeing that you, certainly, have come to understand by long experience what wholly governs the course of war, and know that valour is in no circumstances wont to be overcome by mere throngs of men. For we need not add that, in point of fact, the emperor surpasses all others in the ability to outstrip his enemies in regard to multitude of soldiers. But as touching the loyalty of these Franks, which they proudly claim to shew toward all barbarians, this has been well displayed by them, first to the Thuringians and the Burgundian nation, and then to you also, their allies! And indeed we, on our part, should take pleasure in asking the Franks by what god they can possibly intend to swear when they declare that they will give you surety for their loyalty. For you understand surely in what manner they have honoured the one by whom they have already sworn — they who have received from you vast sums of money, as you know, and also the entire territory of Gaul as the price of their alliance, and yet have decided not merely to render you no assistance at all in your peril, but have actually taken up arms thus wantonly against you, if any account of those things which happened on the Po is preserved among you. But why need we demonstrate the impiety of the Franks by recounting past events? Nothing could be more unholy than this present embassy of theirs. For just as if they had forgotten the terms they themselves have agreed upon and the oaths they have taken to secure the treaty, they claim the right to share your all with you. And if they do actually obtain this from you, it befits you to consider what will be the end of their insatiable greed for money.”

  Thus spoke the envoys of Belisarius in their turn. As for Vittigis, after long conference with the noblest of the Goths, he gave his preference to the proposed treaty with the emperor, and sent away the envoys of the Germans unsuccessful. And from that time the Goths and the Romans began directly to carry on negotiations with each other, but Belisarius was no whit the less on his guard to prevent the barbarians from bringing in provisions for themselves. Furthermore, he commanded Vitalius to go to Venetia and bring over as many of the towns of that region as possible, while he himself, with Ildiger, whom he had sent forward, was maintaining a guard over both banks of the Po, in order that the barbarians might yield more readily through lack of provisions and make the treaty as he himself wished. And since he learned that a large amount of grain was still lying in storage in public warehouses inside Ravenna, he bribed one of the inhabitants of the city to set fire secretly to these same warehouses and destroy the grain with them. But they say that, in reality, it was by the will of Matasuntha, the wife of Vittigis, that they were destroyed. Now some few were led by the fact that the grain burned suddenly to believe that the thing had been carried out by a plot, but others suspected that the place had been struck by lightning. Still, whichever of the two views they took, both the Goths and Vittigis were, more than ever, plunged into a state of helplessness, unable as they were even to trust their own compatriots thereafter, and thinking that war was being waged against them by God Himself. Such was the course of these events.

  Now there are numerous strongholds in the Alps which separate Gaul from Liguria, and which the Romans call the Cottian Alps. These strongholds were garrisoned, as had been the custom for many years, by many of the noblest of the Goths, who resided in them together with their wives and children; and when Belisarius heard that these garrisons wished to submit themselves to him, he sent to them one of his officers, Thomas by name, with some few men, with instructions to give pledges and accept the surrender of the barbarians there. And when they reached the Alps, Sisigis, w ho commanded the garrisons of that district, received them in one of the fortresses, and not only submitted himself but also urged each of the other commanders to do likewise. Just at this time Uraias, who had selected four thousand Ligurians and men from the fortresses in the Alps, was moving with all speed toward Ravenna with the intention of relieving the city. But when these men learned what had been done by Sisigis, they became fearful for their families and demanded that they should first go to them. Consequently Uraïas entered the Cottian Alps with his whole army, and laid siege to Sisigis and the force of Thomas. Now when John, the nephew of Vitalian, and Martinus learned of this situation (for they happened to be very near the Po), they came to the rescue as quickly as possible with their whole army; and by falling suddenly upon some of the fortresses in the Alps, they captured them and made slaves of their inhabitants, and a large number of these cap
tives, as chance would have it, proved to be children and waives of the men who were serving under Uraias. For the most of the men under his command were natives of these very fortresses. And when these men learned that their own homes had been captured, they detached themselves suddenly from the army of the Goths, having decided to go over to the troops under John, and as a result of this Uraias was able neither to accomplish anything there nor to bring assistance to the Goths endangered in Ravenna, but he returned unsuccessful with a few men to Liguria and remained quietly there. And Belisarius without interference held Vittigis and the nobles of the Goths confined in Ravenna.

  Τότε δὲ καὶ πρέσβεις ἐκ βασιλέως ἀφίκοντο, Δόμνικός τε καὶ Μαξιμῖνος, ἐκ βουλῆς ἄμφω, ἐφ̓ ᾧ τὴν εἰρήνην κατὰ τάδε ποιήσονται: [2] Οὐίττιγιν μὲν πλούτου τὸ ἥμισυ τοῦ βασιλικοῦ φέρεσθαι, χώρας τε ἄρχειν ἣ ἐκτὸς Πάδου ποταμοῦ ἐστι: τῶν δὲ δὴ χρημάτων τὸ ἥμισυ βασιλέως εἶναι, καὶ αὐτὸν ὅσα ἐντὸς Πάδου ποταμοῦ ἐστιν ὑπήκοα ἐς ἀπαγωγὴν φόρου ποιήσασθαι. [3] Βελισαρίῳ τε οἱ πρέσβεις τὰ βασιλέως γράμματα δείξαντες ἐς Ῥάβενναν ἐκομίσθησαν. μαθόντες δὲ Γότθοι καὶ Οὐίττιγις ἐφ̓ ᾧ ἥκοιεν, ἄσμενοι κατὰ ταῦτα ὡμολόγησαν τὰς σπονδὰς θήσεσθαι. [4] ἅπερ ἀκούσας Βελισάριος ἤσχαλλεν, ἐν ξυμφορᾷ μεγάλῃ ποιούμενος, εἰ μή τις αὐτὸν ἐῴη, παρὸν οὐδενὶ πόνῳ, τό τε κράτος τοῦ πολέμου παντὸς φέρεσθαι καὶ δορυάλωτον Οὐίττιγιν ἐς Βυζάντιον ἀγαγεῖν. [5] ἐπειδή τε οἱ πρέσβεις ἐκ Ῥαβέννης πρὸς αὐτὸν ἵκοντο, γράμμασιν οἰκείοις ἐπιρρῶσαι τὰς ξυνθήκας ἥκιστα ἤθελεν. [6] ὧνπερ οἱ Γότθοι αἰσθόμενοι νῷ τε δολερῷ τὴν εἰρήνην σφίσι Ῥωμαίους προτείνεσθαι ὑπετόπαζον, καὶ ὑποψίᾳ ἐς αὐτοὺς μεγάλῃ ἐχρῶντο, ἄντικρύς τε ἤδη ἔφασκον ἄνευ τῶν Βελισαρίου γραμμάτων τε καὶ ὅρκων οὔποτε ξυνθήκας πρὸς αὐτοὺς θήσεσθαι. [7] Ἀκούσας δὲ βελισάριος λοιδορεῖσθαί οἱ τῶν ἀρχόντων τινάς, ὡς δὴ ἐπιβουλεύων τοῖς βασιλέως πράγμασι τὸν πόλεμον καταλύειν οὐδαμῶς Βούλοιτο, ξυγκαλέσας ἅπαντας, Δομνίκου τε καὶ Μαξιμίνου παρόντων, ἔλεξε τοιάδε: [8] ‘Τὴν μὲν τοῦ πολέμου τύχην ἐν τῷ ἀσφαλεῖ ὡς ἥκιστα ἑστάναι αὐτός τε οἶδα καὶ ὑμῶν ἕκαστον ταὐτά μοι γινώσκειν ὑπὲρ αὐτῆς οἶμαι. [9] πολλούς τε γὰρ ἐπίδοξος, ὅτι δὴ ἐς αὐτοὺς ἀφίξεται, οὖσα ἡ τῆς νίκης ἐλπὶς ἔσφηλε, καὶ τοῖς ἠτυχηκέναι δοκοῦσι τῶν ἐχθρῶν ἤδη παρὰ δόξαν περιεῖναι ξυνέβη. [10] διὸ δή φημι χρῆναι τοὺς ὑπὲρ τῆς εἰρήνης βουλευομένους οὐ τὴν ἀγαθὴν ἐλπίδα προβάλλεσθαι μόνον, ἐφ̓ ἑκάτερα δὲ τὴν ἀπόβασιν ἔσεσθαι σφίσιν ἐν νῷ ἔχοντας, οὕτω τὴν αἵρεσιν ποιεῖσθαι τῆς γνώμης. [11] τούτων δὲ τοιούτων ὄντων, ὑμᾶς τε τοὺς ξυνάρχοντας καὶ τούσδε τοὺς βασιλέως πρέσβεις ξυνεισάγειν ἔδοξεν ἔμοιγε, ὅπως ἐν τῷ παρόντι κατ̓ ἐξουσίαν ἑλόμενοι ὅ τι ἂν βασιλεῖ ξυνοίσειν δοκῇ, μήποτέ τινα ὀπίσω τῶν πραγμάτων κατ̓ ἐμοῦ ποιήσησθε μέμψιν. [12] τῶν γὰρ ἀτοπωτάτων ἂν εἴη σιωπᾶν μὲν ἕως ἔξεστιν ἐξελέσθαι τὰ κρείσσω, σκοπουμένοις δὲ τὴν ἀπὸ τῆς τύχης ἀπόβασιν τὰς αἰτίας ποιεῖσθαι. [13] ὅσα μὲν οὖν ἐς τὴν τοῦ πολέμου διάλυσιν βασιλεῖ τε δέδοκται καὶ Οὐιττίγιδι βουλομένῳ ἐστίν, ἐπίστασθε δή που. [14] εἰ δὲ καὶ ὑμῖν ξύμφορα ταῦτα εἶναι δοκεῖ, λεγέτω παρελθὼν ἕκαστος. εἰ μέντοι πᾶσάν τε Ἰταλίαν οἴεσθε Ῥωμαίοις ἀνασώσασθαι οἷοί τε εἶναι καὶ τῶν πολεμίων τὴν ἐπικράτησιν ποιήσασθαι, οὐδὲν κωλύσει μηδὲν ὑποστειλαμένους εἰπεῖν.’ ταῦτα ἐπεὶ Βελισάριος εἶπεν, [15] ἅπαντες ἄντικρυς ἀπεφήναντο τὰ βασιλέως βουλεύματα βέλτιστα εἶναι, καὶ οὐδὲν αὐτοὺς οἵους τε ἔσεσθαι περαιτέρω τοὺς πολεμίους ἐργάζεσθαι. [16] Βελισάριος δὲ ἡσθεὶς τῶν ἀρχόντων τῇ γνώμῃ γράμμασιν αὐτὴν ἠξίου δηλῶσαι, ὡς μήποτε αὐτὴν ἀρνηθεῖεν. οἱ δὲ καὶ γράψαντες ἐν βιβλιδίῳ ἐδήλουν οὐχ οἷοί τε εἶναι περιέσεσθαι τῷ πολέμῳ τῶν ἐναντίων. [17] Ταῦτα μὲν ἐν τῷ Ῥωμαίων στρατοπέδῳ ἐγίνετο. Γότθοι δὲ τῷ λιμῷ πιεζόμενοι οὐκέτι τε ἀντέχειν τῇ ταλαιπωρίᾳ δυνάμενοι Οὐιττίγιδος μὲν τῇ ἀρχῇ ἤχθοντο ἅτε ὡς μάλιστα δεδυστυχηκότος, βασιλεῖ δὲ προσχωρεῖν ὤκνουν, δεδιότες ἄλλο μὲν οὐδέν, ὅπως δὲ μὴ δοῦλοι βασιλέως γενόμενοι ἔκ τε Ἰταλίας ἀνίστασθαι ἀναγκάζοιντο καὶ ἐς Βυζάντιον ἰόντες ἐνταῦθα ἱδρύσεσθαι. [18] ἐν σφίσιν οὖν αὐτοῖς βουλευσάμενοι, εἴ τι ἐν Γότθοις καθαρὸν ἦν, βασιλέα τῆς ἑσπερίας βελισάριον ἀνειπεῖν ἔγνωσαν. πέμψαντες δὲ παῤ αὐτὸν λάθρα ἐδέοντο ἐς τὴν βασιλείαν καθίστασθαι: ταύτῃ γὰρ αὐτῷ ἄσμενοι ἕψεσθαι ἰσχυρίζοντο. [19] Βελισάριος δὲ καταστῆναι μὲν ἐς τὴν ἀρχὴν οὐχ ἑκόντος βασιλέως ἥκιστα ἤθελε: [20] τῷ τε γὰρ τοῦ τυράννου ὀνόματι ὑπερφυῶς ἤχθετο καὶ ὅρκοις δεινοτάτοις πρὸς βασιλέως καταληφθεὶς πρότερον ἔτυχε, μήποτε αὐτοῦ περιόντος νεωτεριεῖν: ὅπως δὲ τὰ παρόντα ὡς ἄριστα διοικήσηται, ἀσμένως ἔδοξε τοὺς τῶν βαρβάρων λόγους ἐνδέχεσθαι. [21] ὧν δὴ αἰσθόμενος Οὐίττιγις ἔδεισέ τε καὶ Γότθους ὡς βέλτιστα βεβουλεῦσθαι εἰπὼν Βελισαρίῳ καὶ αὐτὸς λάθρα παρῄνει ἐς τὴν βασιλείαν ἰέναι: [22] οὐδένα γάρ οἱ ἐμποδὼν στήσεσθαι. καὶ τότε δὴ Βελισάριος αὖθις τούς τε βασιλέως πρέσβεις καὶ πάντας ξυγκαλέσας τοὺς ἄρχοντας ἠρώτα, εἰ αὐτοῖς λόγου πολλοῦ ἄξιον εἶναι δοκεῖ Γότθους τε ἅπαντας ξὺν Οὐιττίγιδι δορυαλώτους ποιήσασθαι, καὶ χρήματα μὲν πάντα ληΐσασθαι, [23] Ἰταλίαν δὲ Ῥωμαίοις ξύμπασαν ἀνασώσασθαι. οἱ δὲ ὑψηλόν τε καὶ ὑπέρογκον τοῦ
το Ῥωμαίοις εὐτύχημα ἔφασκον ἔσεσθαι, καὶ πράσσειν αὐτὸν ὅπη ἂν δύνηταί τι ὡς τάχιστα ἠξίουν. [24] αὐτίκα γοῦν παρά τε Οὐίττιγιν καὶ Γότθων τοὺς δοκίμους Βελισάριος τῶν ἐπιτηδείων τινὰς ἔπεμψε, κελεύων ἐπιτελῆ ποιήσειν ὅσα ὑπέσχοντο. [25] οὐδὲ γὰρ αὐτοὺς ἐς ἄλλον τινὰ χρόνον τὴν πρᾶξιν ἀποτίθεσθαι ὁ λιμὸς ξυνεχώρει, ἀλλ̓ ἔτι μᾶλλον ἐγκείμενος ἐς ταύτην ἐνῆγε. [26] διὸ καὶ πρέσβεις ἐς τὸ Ῥωμαίων στρατόπεδον στέλλουσιν αὖθις, ἄλλο μὲν ὅτι δὴ ἐς τὸ πλῆθος ἐροῦντας, ἐν παραβύστῳ δὲ πρὸς Βελισαρίου τὰ πιστὰ ληψομένους, ὡς ἄχαρί τε αὐτῶν ἐργάσεται οὐδένα καὶ βασιλεὺς τὸ λοιπὸν Ἰταλιωτῶν αὐτὸς καὶ Γότθων εἴη, οὕτω τε ξὺν αὐτῷ καὶ τῷ Ῥωμαίων στρατῷ ἐς Ῥάβενναν ἥξοντας. [27] Βελισάριος δὲ τὰ μὲν ἄλλα ὤμοσεν ἅπαντα, καθάπερ οἱ πρέσβεις ἠξίουν, ὑπὲρ δὲ τῆς βασιλείας αὐτῷ Οὐιττίγιδι καὶ Γότθων τοῖς ἄρχουσιν ὀμεῖσθαι ἔφη. [28] καὶ αὐτὸν οἱ πρέσβεις οὐκ ἄν ποτε ἀποσείεσθαι τὴν βασιλείαν οἰόμενοι, ἀλλ̓ ἐφίεσθαι αὐτῆς πάντων μάλιστα, αὐτίκα δὴ μάλα ἐς Ῥάβενναν ξὺν αὐτοῖς ἐκέλευον ἰέναι. [29] καὶ τότε δὴ Βελισάριος Βέσσαν τε καὶ Ἰωάννην καὶ Ναρσῆν καὶ Ἀράτιον ῾τούτους γάρ οἱ ὡς μάλιστα δύσνους εἶναι ὑπώπτευεν̓ ἄλλον ἀλλαχόσε ξὺν τοῖς ἑπομένοις ἐκέλευεν ἰέναι τά τε ἀναγκαῖα σφίσι πορίζεσθαι: αὐτῷ γὰρ οὐκέτι ἔφασκε δυνατὰ εἶναι ἐς τοῦτο δὴ τὸ χωρίον παντὶ τῷ στρατῷ τὰ ἐπιτήδεια ἐσκομίζεσθαι. [30] καὶ οἱ μὲν κατὰ ταῦτα ἐποίουν, ξὺν Ἀθανασίῳ τῷ τῶν πραιτωρίων ὑπάρχῳ, ἄρτι ἥκοντι ἐκ Βυζαντίου, αὐτὸς δὲ τῷ ἄλλῳ στρατεύματι σὺν Γότθων τοῖς πρέσβεσιν ἐς Ῥάβενναν ᾔει. [31] καὶ νηῶν στόλον ἐμπλησάμενος σίτου καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ἐπιτηδείων ἐκέλευε κατὰ τάχος ἐς Κλάσσες τὸν λιμένα ἐσπλεῖν: οὕτω γὰρ Ῥωμαῖοι τὸ Ῥαβέννης προάστειον καλοῦσιν οὗ ὁ λιμήν ἐστιν. [32] Ἐμοὶ δὲ τότε διασκοπουμένῳ τὴν ἐς Ῥάβενναν εἴσοδον τοῦ Ῥωμαίων στρατοῦ ἔννοιά τις ἐγένετο, ἀνθρώπων μὲν ξυνέσει ἢ τῇ ἄλλῃ ἀρετῇ ὡς ἥκιστα περαίνεσθαι τὰ πρασσόμενα, εἶναι δέ τι δαιμόνιον, ὅπερ αὐτῶν ἀεὶ στρέφον τὰς διανοίας ἐνταῦθα ἄγει οὗ δὴ κωλύμη τις τοῖς περαινομένοις οὐδεμία ἔσται. [33] τοὺς γὰρ ἐναντίους οἱ Γότθοι πλήθει καὶ δυνάμει παρὰ πολὺ ὑπεραίροντες καὶ οὔτε μάχῃ διακριθέντες, ἐπεὶ ἐν Ῥαβέννῃ ἐγένοντο, οὔτε ἄλλῳ ὁτῳοῦν δεδουλωμένοι τὸ φρόνημα, δορυάλωτοί τε πρὸς τῶν ἐλασσόνων ἐγίνοντο καὶ τὸ τῆς δουλείας ὄνομα ἐν ὕβρει οὐδεμιᾷ ἦγον. [34] αἱ δὲ γυναῖκες ῾ἐτύγχανον γὰρ πρὸς τῶν ἀνδρῶν ἀκηκουῖαι μεγάλους τε τὰ σώματα καὶ ἀριθμοῦ κρείσσους τοὺς πολεμίους εἶναἰ ἐπειδὴ ἅπαντας ἐπὶ τῆς πύλης καθήμεναι εἶδον, ἔς τε τὰ πρόσωπα τῶν ἀνδρῶν πᾶσαι ἀπέπτυον, καὶ ταῖς χερσὶν ἐνδεικνύμεναι τοὺς νενικηκότας τὴν ἀνανδρίαν ὠνείδιζον. [35] Βελισάριος δὲ Οὐίττιγιν μὲν οὐ ξὺν ἀτιμίᾳ ἐν φυλακῇ εἶχε, τῶν δὲ βαρβάρων ὅσοι ἐντὸς Πάδου ποταμοῦ ᾤκηντο, ἐς ἀγροὺς τοὺς σφετέρους ἰόντας, [36] ἐκέλευεν αὐτῶν κατ̓ ἐξουσίαν ἐπιμελεῖσθαι. πολέμιον γάρ οἱ οὐδὲν ἐνταῦθα ὑπώπτευεν ἔσεσθαι, οὐδὲ Γότθους ποτὲ ταύτῃ ξυστήσεσθαι, ἐπεὶ πολλοὺς πρότερον τοῦ Ῥωμαίων στρατοῦ ἐς τὰ ἐκείνῃ χωρία καταστησάμενος ἔτυχεν. οἱ δὲ κατὰ τάχος ἄσμενοι ᾔεσαν. [37] οὕτω τε Ῥωμαῖοι ἐν τῷ ἀσφαλεῖ ἤδη ἐγίνοντο: οὐ γὰρ ἔτι Γότθων ἔν γε Ῥαβέννῃ πλήθει ἡσσῶντο. μετὰ δὲ τὰ ἐν Παλατίῳ χρήματα ἔλαβεν, ἅπερ διακομίζειν βασιλεῖ ἔμελλε. [38] Γότθων γὰρ οὐδένα οὔτε αὐτὸς ἐληΐσατο οὔτε ἄλλῳ τῳ ληΐσασθαι ξυνεχώρησεν, ἀλλ̓ αὐτῶν ἕκαστος τὴν οὐσίαν κατὰ τὰ ξυγκείμενα διεσώσατο. [39] ἐπεὶ δὲ τῶν βαρβάρων ὅσοι ἐς τῶν χωρίων τὰ ἐχυρώτατα φυλακὴν εἶχον Ῥάβεννάν τε καὶ Οὐίττιγιν πρὸς Ῥωμαίων ἔχεσθαι ἤκουσαν, πρέσβεις παρὰ Βελισάριον ἔπεμπον, σφᾶς τε αὐτοὺς ὁμολογίᾳ παραδιδόναι καὶ ἅπερ ἐφύλασσον ἀξιοῦντες. [40] καὶ ὅς, ἅπασι τὰ πιστὰ προθυμότατα παρασχόμενος, Ταρβήσιόν τε καὶ εἴ τι ἄλλο ἐν Βενετίοις ὀχύρωμα ἦν παρεστήσατο. Καισῆνα γὰρ ἐν Αἰμιλίᾳ μόνη ἐλέλειπτο, ἣν δὴ πρότερον ξὺν Ῥαβέννῃ παραστησάμενος ἔτυχε. [41] καὶ Γότθοι μὲν ἅπαντες ὅσοι τούτων δὴ τῶν χωρίων ἦρχον, ἐπειδὴ τάχιστα τὰ πιστὰ ἔλαβον, παρὰ Βελισάριον ἥκοντες αὐτοῦ ἔμενον: Ἰλδίβαδος δέ, ἀνὴρ δόκιμος, ὅσπερ φρουρᾶς τῆς ἐν Βερώνῃ ἦρχε, πρέσβεις μὲν ἐς Βελισάριον ἐφ̓ οἷσπερ οἱ ἄλλοι καὶ αὐτὸς ἔπεμψεν, ἐπεὶ καὶ τοὺς παῖδας τοὺς αὐτοῦ ἐν Ῥαβέννῃ εὑρὼν Βελισάριος ἔσχεν, οὐ μὴν οὔτε ἐς Ῥάβενναν ἦλθεν οὔτε Βελισαρίῳ ὑποχείριος γέγονε. τύχη γάρ τις αὐτῷ ξυνέβη ἣν δὴ ἐγὼ αὐτίκα δηλώσω.