Delphi Complete Works of Procopius

by Procopius of Caesarea

  XXX

  CERTAIN officers of the Roman army, out of malice toward Belisarius, began to slander him to the emperor, advancing against him a charge of usurpation for which there were no grounds whatever in his case. And the emperor, not so much because he was persuaded by these slanders as because the Medic war was already pressing upon him, summoned Belisarius to come as quickly as possible, in order to take the field against the Persians; meanwhile he commanded Bessas and John with the others to take charge of Italy, and directed Constantianus to go to Ravenna from Dalmatia. Now the Goths who inhabited the country to the north of the Po and of Ravenna, upon hearing that the emperor was summoning Belisarius, at first, indeed, paid no heed to the matter, thinking that Belisarius would never regard the kingdom of Italy as of less account than loyalty to Justinian. But when they learned that he was making preparations for his departure in real earnest, all the loyal Goths of that region who were still left formed a common purpose and went to Uraïas, the nephew of Vittigis, at Ticinum; and after first lamenting long with him, they spoke as follows:— “The man who has proved to be chiefly responsible for the present misfortunes of the nation of the Goths is no other than you. For we, on our part, should have long ago removed that uncle of yours from the kingship, seeing that he has led us in such a cowardly manner and with such ill fortune, just as we removed Theodatus, the nephew of Theoderic, unless, out of respect for the natural vigour which you seemed to display, we had decided to concede to Vittigis merely the title of king, but in fact to entrust to you alone the rule of the Goths. What, however, seemed then consideration, now stands out clearly as folly and the cause of these misfortunes of ours. For very many of the Goths, as you know, dear Uraïas, and our noblest, have perished in the war, and such nobles as are left among the survivors Belisarius will lead away along with Vittigis and all our wealth. And no one could deny that we too shall suffer this same fate a little later, seeing that we are reduced to a small and pitiable band. Since, therefore, such a dire fate has encompassed us, it will be preferable for us to die with glory rather than to see our wives and children led by the enemy to the extremities of the earth. And we shall, in all probability, accomplish something worthy of valorous men, if only we have you as leader of our struggles.” Thus spoke the Goths.

  And Uraïas replied as follows:— “You say that we ought in our present extremity to choose the peril of battle rather than slavery, and this opinion I share with you. But, on the other hand, I think it altogether inexpedient for me to ascend the throne of the Goths, in the first place because, being the nephew of Vittigis, a man who has been so unfortunate, I should appear to the enemy as worthy to be despised, since men believe that among kinsmen the like fortune is ever handed on from one to another; and, in the second place, I should seem to act impiously in usurping the rule of my uncle, and in case I do this I shall probably have the most of you angry with me. But my opinion is that Ildibadus must become ruler of the Goths for this perilous enterprise, a man who has attained the highest excellence and is conspicuously energetic. And it is to be expected with certainty that Theudis also, the ruler of the Visigoths, seeing that he is Ildibadus’ uncle, will assist him in the war because of his kinship. And this indeed will be ground for more confident hope in carrying on the struggle against our opponents.”

  When Uraïas, in his turn, had spoken thus, it seemed to all the Goths that his words pointed out the course which would be to their advantage. And Ildibadus was straightway summoned by them and came from Verona. Then, after clothing him in the purple, they declared him king of the Goths and entreated him to take the situation in hand and set matters right for them. Thus did Ildibadus come into the royal power. But a short time after this, he called all the Goths together and spoke as follows:— “All of you, fellow-soldiers, as I am well aware, have had experience in many wars, so that we shall probably never proceed to make war on the spur of the moment. For experience brings a man sober judgment, so that he is not wont to act rashly in any case. Now you ought, in fairness to yourselves, to call to recollection all that has befallen us heretofore, and make plans to meet the present situation with this in mind. For when forgetfulness of past events comes upon men, it often, through folly, exalts their minds at the wrong moment, and then, when their all is at stake, utterly overthrows them. Now when Vittigis placed himself in the hands of the enemy, it was not against your will nor did you strive to prevent him, but at that time you bowed before the adversities of fortune and considered that we should best consult our own interests by sitting at home and obeying Belisarius rather than by risking our lives in endless dangers. But now, upon hearing that Belisarius is setting out for Byzantium, you have decided to undertake a revolution. And yet each one of you ought to have taken into consideration that things do not always happen for men as they will them, but many times the outcome of events has unexpectedly gone contrary to what has been determined upon. For chance or a change of heart have a way of setting most things right when least expected; and even now it is by no means improbable that this is what will happen to Belisarius. It is better, therefore, to make enquiries of him first and to attempt to bring the man back to the earlier agreement, and only after this should you proceed to the next best step.”

  When Ildibadus had thus spoken, the Goths decided that he had counselled well, and he sent envoys to Ravenna with all speed. So these envoys, upon coming before Belisarius, reminded him of the agreement made with them and reproached him as a breaker of his promises, calling him a slave by his own choice, and chiding him because, they said, he did not blush at choosing servitude in place of the kingship; and with many other speeches of a similar sort they kept urging him to accept the rule. For, should he do so, they declared that Ildibadus would come of his own accord in order to lay down the purple at his feet and do obeisance to Belisarius as king of the Goths and Italians. So the envoys, on their part, kept making these speeches, thinking that the man would without any hesitation take upon himself the kingly title immediately. But he, contrary to their expectation, refused them outright, saying that never, while the emperor Justinian lived, would Belisarius usurp the title of king. So they, upon hearing this, departed as quickly as possible and reported the whole matter to Ildibadus. And Belisarius took his way to Byzantium; and the winter drew to its close and the fifth year ended in this war, the history of which Procopius has written.[500 A.D.]

  BOOK VII. THE GOTHIC WAR (continued)

  ΠΡΟΚΟΠΙΟΥ ΚΑΙΣΑΡΕΩΣ ΥΠΕΡ ΤΩΝ ΠΟΛΕΜΩΝ ΛΟΓΟΣ ΕΒΔΟΜΟΣ

  Οὕτω μὲν Βελισάριος, ἔτι τῶν πραγμάτων ᾐωρημένων, ξύν τε Οὐιττίγιδι καὶ Γότθων τοῖς δοκίμοις καὶ τοῖς Ἰλδιβάδου παισὶ τὰ χρήματα πάντα ἐπαγόμενος ἐς Βυζάντιον ἧκε, καί οἱ Ἴλδιγέρ τε καὶ Βαλεριανὸς καὶ Μαρτῖνος ξὺν Ἡρωδιανῷ εἵποντο μόνοι. [2] βασιλεὺς δὲ Ἰουστινιανὸς Οὐίττιγιν μὲν ξὺν τῇ γυναικὶ ἀσμένως εἶδε, καὶ τῶν βαρβάρων τὸν ὅμιλον κάλλους τε σώματος καὶ μεγέθους πέρι ἐθαύμασε. [3] τὸν δὲ Θευδερίχου πλοῦτον ἀξιοθέατον ὄντα δεξάμενος ἐν Παλατίῳ τοῖς μὲν ἐκ βουλῆς ἐν παραβύστῳ θέαμα προὔθηκεν, ἐπὶ τῷ ὄγκῳ τῶν πεπραγμένων φιλοτιμούμενος, οὔτε δὲ ἐς τὸν δῆμον ἐξήνεγκεν οὔτε τὸν θρίαμβον Βελισαρίῳ παρέσχετο, ὥσπερ ἡνίκα Γελίμερά τε καὶ Βανδίλους νενικηκὼς ἦλθε. [4] πᾶσι μέντοι ἐν διηγήμασι Βελισάριος ἦν, νίκας τε δύο ἀναδησάμενος, οἵας οὔπω πρότερον ἀνθρώπων οὐδενὶ διαπεπρᾶχθαι ξυνέπεσε, καὶ βασιλεῖς μὲν ἀγαγὼν αἰχμαλώτους ἐς Βυζάντιο
ν δύο, Γιζερίχου δὲ καὶ Θευδερίχου τό τε γένος καὶ τὰ χρήματα λάφυρον Ῥωμαίοις παρὰ δόξαν πεποιημένος, ὧν δὴ ἐπιφανέστερος ἔν γε βαρβάροις οὐδεὶς πώποτε γεγονὼς ἔτυχε, καὶ τὸν μὲν πλοῦτον ἐκ τῶν πολεμίων αὖθις ἐς τὴν πολιτείαν ἀποκομίσας, γῆς τε καὶ θαλάσσης τὴν ἡμίσειαν μάλιστα μοῖραν τῇ βασιλείᾳ ἐν χρόνῳ ὀλίγῳ ἀνασωσάμενος. [5] ἦν τε Βυζαντίοις πρὸς ἡδονὴν Βελισάριον ἐπὶ τῆς ἀγορᾶς ἐς ἡμέραν ἑκάστην ἐκ τῆς οἰκίας προϊόντα ἰδεῖν, ἢ ἐς αὐτὴν ἐπανήκοντα, κόρον τε αὐτῶν τοῦ θεάματος τούτου οὐδεὶς ἔλαβε. [6] πομπῇ γὰρ αὐτοῦ ἰσχυροτάτῃ ἡ πρόοδος ἐῴκει, ἐπεί οἱ Βανδίλων τε πλῆθος καὶ Γότθων τε καὶ Μαυρουσίων ἀεὶ εἵπετο. ἦν δὲ καὶ τὸ σῶμα καλός τε καὶ μέγας καὶ εὐπρόσωπος πάντων μάλιστα. [7] οὕτω δὲ πρᾷόν τε καὶ εὐπρόσοδον παρεῖχεν ἑαυτὸν τοῖς ἐντυγχάνουσιν ὥστε ἀνθρώπῳ πένητί τε λίαν καὶ ἀδόξῳ ἐμφερὴς εἶναι. [8] Ἔρως δὲ αὐτοῦ τῆς ἀρχῆς πρός τε στρατιωτῶν ἀεὶ καὶ ἀγροίκων ἄμαχός τις ἐγένετο, ὅτι δὴ ἐς μὲν τοὺς στρατιώτας φιλοδωρότατος ἐγεγόνει ἀνθρώπων ἁπάντων: τῶν τε γὰρ ἐν ξυμβολῇ ἠτυχηκότων χρήμασι μεγάλοις παρεμυθεῖτο τὰ πρότερα τραύματα καὶ τοῖς εὐδοκιμήσασι ψέλλιά τε καὶ στρεπτοὺς ἔχειν ἆθλα παρεῖχεν, ἵππου δὲ ἢ τόξου ἢ ἄλλου ὁτουοῦν στρατιώτου ἐν τῇ μάχῃ ἀπολωλότος ἕτερον ἀντ̓ αὐτοῦ πρὸς Βελισαρίου αὐτίκα ὑπῆρχεν: ἐς δὲ τοὺς ἀγροίκους ὅτι δὴ τοσαύτῃ φειδοῖ τε καὶ προνοίᾳ ἐχρῆτο ὥστε βιασθῆναι μὲν αὐτοῖς οὐδὲν πώποτε στρατηγοῦντος Βελισαρίου τετύχηκε, πλουτεῖν δὲ παρὰ δόξαν ξυνέβαινε πᾶσιν οἷς ἂν αὐτοῦ ἐπιδημοίη στρατιᾶς πλῆθος. [9] ἀπεδίδοντο γὰρ αὐτοῖς κατὰ γνώμην τὰ ὤνια πάντα. καὶ ἡνίκα μὲν ἀκμάζοι τὰ λήϊα, ἐς τὸ ἀκριβὲς διεφύλασσε μή τινι παριοῦσα ἡ ἵππος λυμήνηται. [10] τῶν δὲ ὡραίων ἐν τοῖς δένδροις ὄντων ἅψασθαι αὐτῶν οὐδενὶ τὸ παράπαν ἐξουσία ἐγίνετο. [11] καὶ μὴν καὶ σωφροσύνης ὑπερφυῶς μετεποιεῖτο: οὐδὲ γὰρ οὖν οὐδὲ ἄλλης ὅτι μὴ τῆς γεγαμημένης γυναικὸς ἥπτετο. [12] αἰχμαλώτους οὖν ἔκ τε Βανδίλων καὶ Γότθων ἑλὼν τοσαύτας τε τὸ πλῆθος καὶ τοιαύτας τὰ πρόσωπα, οἵας οὐδείς που ἀνθρώπων εἶδεν, οὔτε οἱ ἐς ὄψιν αὐτῶν τινα ἥκειν οὔτε ἄλλως ἐντυχεῖν εἴασεν. [13] ἦν δὲ πρὸς τοῖς ἄλλοις ἅπασιν ἀγχίνους τε διαφερόντως κἀν τοῖς ἀπόροις ἐπινοῆσαι τὰ βέλτιστα ἱκανώτατος. [14] ἐν μέντοι κινδύνοις πολέμου εὔψυχός τε ἦν ξὺν τῷ ἀσφαλεῖ καὶ ξὺν λογισμῷ εὐτολμότατος, ὀξύς τε καὶ μελλητὴς ἐν τῇ ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους ἀεὶ ἐγχειρήσει, [15] κατὰ τὴν χρείαν ἑκάτερον. ἄνευ δὲ τούτων ἐν μὲν τοῖς δεινοῖς εὔελπίν τε τὴν διάνοιαν καὶ ταραχῆς παρείχετο κρείσσω, εὐημερῶν δὲ οὔτε ἐπῆρτο οὔτε ἐτρύφα: μεθύοντα γοῦν Βελισάριον οὐδείς ποτε εἶδεν. [16] Ὅσον μὲν οὖν χρόνον τοῦ Ῥωμαίων στρατοῦ ἔν τε Λιβύῃ καὶ Ἰταλίᾳ προὔστη, νικῶν τε διετέλει καὶ τὰ ἐν ποσὶν ἀεὶ κτώμενος. [17] ἐπεὶ δὲ ἐς Βυζάντιον μετάπεμπτος ἦλθεν, ἔτι μᾶλλον ἢ πρότερον αὐτοῦ ἡ ἀρετὴ ἐπὶ πλεῖστον ἐγνώσθη. [18] αὐτός τε γὰρ πάσῃ ἀρετῇ προὔχων καὶ πλούτου μὲν πολλοῦ ἐξουσίᾳ, δυνάμει δὲ ὑπασπιστῶν τε καὶ δορυφόρων τοὺς πώποτε στρατηγοὺς ὑπεραίρων, φοβερός, ὡς τὸ εἰκός, ἄρχουσί τε πᾶσι καὶ στρατιώταις ἐγένετο. [19] ἀντιτείνειν τε γὰρ ἐπιτάττοντι, οἶμαι, οὐδεὶς ἐτόλμα, ἐπιτελῆ τε πράσσειν ὅσα ἐπιτάττοι οὐδαμοῦ ἀπηξίουν, τήν τε ἀρετὴν αἰσχυνόμενοι καὶ δεδιότες τὴν δύναμιν. [20] ἑπτακισχιλίους γὰρ ἱππέας ἐκ τῆς οἰκίας παρείχετο: ὧν δὴ ἀπόβλητος μὲν οὐδεὶς ἐγεγόνει, αὐτῶν δὲ ἕκαστος πρῶτός τε ἐν τῇ παρατάξει ἑστάναι καὶ προκαλεῖσθαι τοὺς τῶν πολεμίων ἀρίστους ἠξίουν. [21] Ῥωμαίων δὲ οἱ πρεσβύτεροι, ἡνίκα πρὸς Γότθων πολιορκούμενοι τὰ ποιούμενα ἐν ταῖς τοῦ πολέμου ξυμβολαῖς ἔβλεπον, ἐν θαύματι μεγάλῳ ποιούμενοι ἀνεφθέγγοντο ὡς οἰκία μία τὴν Θευδερίχου δύναμιν καταλύοι. [22] Βελισάριος μὲν οὖν τῷ τε ἀξιώματι καὶ τῇ γνώμῃ, ὥσπερ ἐρρήθη, δυνατὸς γεγονὼς τά τε ξυνοίσοντα τοῖς βασιλέως πράγμασιν ἐβουλεύετο καὶ τὰ δεδογμένα ἔπρασσεν ἀεὶ αὐτονόμῳ γνώμῃ. [23] οἱ δὲ ἄλλοι ἄρχοντες, ἴσοι μᾶλλον αὐτοὶ πρὸς ἀλλήλους ὄντες καὶ οὐδὲν ὅτι μὴ κέρδη οἰκεῖα ἐν νῷ ἔχοντες διαπράσσεσθαι, τούς τε Ῥωμαίους ληΐζεσθαι καὶ τοῖς στρατιώταις ἐνδιδόναι τοὺς κατηκόους ἤδη ἤρξαντο, καὶ οὔτε αὐτοὶ ἐφρόνουν τὰ δέοντα ἔτι οὔτε τοὺς στρατιώτας τῶν παραγγελλομένων ἐπακούοντας εἶχον. [24] διὸ δὴ πολλά τε αὐτοῖς ἡμαρτήθη καὶ τὰ πράγματα διεφθάρη Ῥωμαίοις ξύμπαντα ἐν χρόνῳ ὀλίγῳ. ἅπερ ἐγὼ ὅτῳ δὴ τρόπῳ ἐρῶν ἔρχομαι. [25] Ἐπειδὴ Βελισάριον ἐκ Ῥαβέννης ἀναστάντα ὁδῷ ἰέναι Ἰλδίβαδος ἐπύθετο, τούς τε βαρβάρους ξυνῆγεν ἀμφ̓ αὑτὸν ἅπαντας καὶ τῶν Ῥωμαίων στρατιωτῶν ὅσους νεώτερα πράγματα ἤρεσκε. [26] καὶ τῆς μὲν ἀρχῆς ὡς μάλιστα ἐπεμελεῖτο, ἀνασώσασθαι δὲ Γότθων τῷ γένει τὸ Ἰταλιωτῶν κράτος ἐν σπουδῇ ἐποιεῖτο. [27] κατ̓ ἀρχὰς μὲν οὖν οὐ πλέον ἢ χίλιοι αὐτῷ εἵποντο καὶ πόλιν μίαν Τικινὸν εἶχον, κατὰ βραχὺ δὲ προσεχώρησαν αὐτῷ ἅπαντες ὅσοι ἐν τῇ Λιγουρίᾳ καὶ Βενετίαις ἦσαν. [28] Ἦν δὲ Ἀλέξανδρός τις ἐν Βυζαντίῳ τοῖς δημοσίοις ἐφεστὼς λογισμοῖς: λογοθέτην τὴν τιμὴν ταύτην ἑλληνί
ζοντες καλοῦσι Ῥωμαῖοι. [29] οὗτος ἀεὶ τοῖς στρατιώταις τὴν εἰς τὸ δημόσιον ἐπεκάλει ζημίαν. τοιούτων δὲ ἀδικημάτων αὐτοὺς ὑπάγων, αὐτὸς μὲν ἔνδοξος ἐξ ἀδόξων ταχὺ γέγονεν, ἐκ πενήτων ἀτεχνῶς πλούσιος, ἀλλὰ καὶ βασιλεῖ χρήματα μεγάλα, εἴπερ τις ἄλλος, ἐπράξατο, τοὺς δὲ στρατιώτας ὀλίγους τε καὶ πτωχοὺς εἶναι καὶ ὀκνηρῶς εἰς τοὺς κινδύνους ἔχειν αἰτιώτατος ἐγένετο ἀνθρώπων ἁπάντων. [30] Βυζάντιοι δὲ αὐτὸν καὶ Ψαλίδιον ἐπίκλησιν ἐκάλουν, ὅτι δὴ αὐτῷ ῥᾴδιον ἦν ἀποτεμνομένῳ κύκλῳ τὸ χρυσοῦν νόμισμα ἔλασσον μὲν αὐτὸ ἐς ὅσον βούλοιτο ἐξεργάζεσθαι, φυλάσσειν δὲ καὶ ὣς τὸ κυκλοτερὲς σχῆμα ἐφ̓ οὗπερ τὸ πρότερον ἦν. [31] ψαλίδιον γὰρ τοῦτο καλοῦσι τὸ ὄργανον, ὅτῳ τις τὰ τοιαῦτα ἐργάζεται. τοῦτον βασιλεὺς τὸν Ἀλέξανδρον, ἐπειδὴ Βελισάριον μετεπέμψατο, [32] ἐς Ἰταλίαν πέμπει. ὁ δὲ γεγονὼς ἐν Ῥαβέννῃ λογισμοὺς προὔθηκε λόγον οὐκ ἔχοντας. τοὺς μὲν γὰρ Ἰταλιώτας οὔτε τῶν βασιλέως ἁψαμένους χρημάτων οὔτε τι ἄτοπον εἰς τὸ δημόσιον ὑπουργήσαντας ἐπὶ τὰς εὐθύνας ἐκάλει, τὴν ἐς Θευδέριχον καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους Γότθων ἄρχοντας ἀδικίαν ἐπικαλῶν, ἀναγκάζων τε ἀποτιννύναι, εἴ τι ἐκείνους ἐξαπατήσαντες, ὥσπερ αὐτὸς ἔφασκεν, [33] ἐκέρδαινον. τῶν δὲ στρατιωτῶν τά τε τραύματα καὶ τοὺς κινδύνους τῇ τῶν λογισμῶν μικρολογίᾳ παρὰ δόξαν ἠμείβετο. διὸ δὴ οἵ τε Ἰταλιῶται Ἰουστινιανῷ βασιλεῖ δύσνοι ἐγένοντο καὶ τῶν στρατιωτῶν οὐδεὶς ἔτι ἐς κίνδυνον πολέμου καθίστασθαι ἤθελεν, ἀλλ̓ ἐθελοκακοῦντες ἐπὶ μέγα χωρεῖν ἐποίουν ἀεὶ τοῖς πολεμίοις τὰ πράγματα. [34] Οἱ μὲν οὖν ἄλλοι ἄρχοντες διὰ ταῦτα ἡσυχῆ ἔμενον, Βιτάλιος δὲ μόνος ῾ἔτυχε γὰρ ἐν Βενετίοις ἄλλο τε πλῆθος στρατιᾶς ἔχων καὶ βαρβάρων Ἐρούλων πολύν τινα ὅμιλον̓ διὰ μάχης ἐλθεῖν Ἰλδιβάδῳ ἐτόλμησε, δείσας, ὅπερ ἐγένετο, μὴ ἐπὶ μέγα δυνάμεως χρόνῳ τῷ ὑστέρῳ αὐτὸν ἥκοντα οὐκέτι ἀναστέλλειν οἷοί τε ὦσι. [35] μάχης δὲ καρτερᾶς ἀμφὶ πόλιν Ταρβήσιον γενομένης Βιτάλιος παρὰ πολὺ ἡσσηθεὶς ἔφυγεν, ὀλίγους μέν τινας σώσας, τοὺς δὲ πολλοὺς αὐτοῦ ἀπολέσας. ἐν ταύτῃ τῇ μάχῃ Ἔρουλοί τε πολλοὶ πίπτουσι καὶ Οὐίσανδος ὁ τῶν Ἐρούλων ἀρχηγὸς θνήσκει. [36] Θευδιμοῦνδος δὲ ὁ Μαυρικίου τοῦ Μούνδου υἱός, μειράκιον ὢν ἔτι, ἐς κίνδυνον μὲν θανάτου ἦλθεν, ὅμως δὲ ξὺν Βιταλίῳ διέφυγεν. Ἰλδιβάδου τε ὄνομα ἐκ τοῦ ἔργου τούτου παρά τε βασιλέα ἦλθε καὶ πάντας ἀνθρώπους. [37] Ὕστερον δὲ Οὐραΐαν Ἰλδιβάδῳ προσκεκρουκέναι ξυνέπεσεν ἀπ̓ αἰτίας τοιᾶσδε. ἦν τῷ Οὐραΐᾳ γυνὴ πλούτῳ τε καὶ σώματος κάλλει τὰ πρωτεῖα φερομένη ἐν τούτοις δὴ τοῖς βαρβάροις πασῶν μάλιστα. [38] αὕτη ἐς τὸ βαλανεῖον κατῆλθέ ποτε, κόσμου τε περιβεβλημένη πολύ τι χρῆμα καὶ θεραπείαν ἐπαγομένη λόγου πολλοῦ ἀξίαν. [39] τήν τε Ἰλδιβάδου γυναῖκα ἐν ἱματίοις λιτοῖς ἐνταῦθα ἰδοῦσα, οὔτε ὡς ξυνοικοῦσαν βασιλεῖ προσεκύνησεν, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἄλλως ὑπεριδοῦσα ἐς αὐτὴν ὕβρισεν. ἔτι γὰρ Ἰλδίβαδος πενίᾳ ξυνῆν ὡς ἥκιστα βασιλικοῖς ἐντυχὼν χρήμασι. [40] περιαλγὴς δὲ γενομένη τῆς ὕβρεως τῇ ἀτοπίᾳ τοῦ Ἰλδιβάδου γυνή, παρά τε τὸν ἄνδρα δεδακρυμένη ἦλθε καί οἱ ἀμῦναι τὰ ἀνήκεστα πρὸς τῆς Οὐραΐου γυναικὸς παθούσῃ ἠξίου. [41] διὸ δὴ τὰ μὲν πρῶτα Ἰλδίβαδος Οὐραΐαν ἐς τοὺς βαρβάρους διέβαλεν, ὡς δὴ ἐς τοὺς πολεμίους αὐτομολεῖν μέλλοι, ὀλίγῳ δὲ ὕστερον δόλῳ ἔκτεινε καὶ ἀπ̓ αὐτοῦ ἐς τὸ Γότθων ἔχθος ἐνέπεσε. [42] βουλομένοις γὰρ αὐτοῖς ὡς ἥκιστα ἦν οὕτως ἀνεπισκέπτως Οὐραΐαν ἐξ ἀνθρώπων ἀφανισθῆναι. πολλοί τε ἤδη ἐν σφίσιν αὐτοῖς ξυνιστάμενοι Ἰλδιβάδῳ ἅτε ἀνόσια εἰργασμένῳ ἐλοιδοροῦντο. τίσασθαι μέντοι τούτου δὴ τοῦ φόνου αὐτὸν οὐδεὶς ἤθελεν. [43] Ἦν δέ τις ἐν αὐτοῖς Οὐέλας, Γήπαις μὲν γένος, ἐς δὲ τὸ τῶν βασιλέως δορυφόρων ἀξίωμα ἥκων. [44] οὗτος ἀνήρ, μνησθεὶς γυναικὸς εὐπρεποῦς τὴν ὄψιν, ἐξαίσιόν τινα ἔρωτα ἤρα, ἐσταλμένου δὲ αὐτοῦ ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους, ἐφ̓ ᾧ τινα ποιοίη ξὺν ἑτέροις τισὶν ἐπ̓ αὐτοὺς ἔφοδον, τὴν μνηστὴν ἑτέρῳ τῶν βαρβάρων τινὶ Ἰλδίβαδος, εἴτε ἀγνοίᾳ εἴτε τῳ ἄλλῳ ἠγμένος, ξυνῴκισεν. [45] ὡς δὲ ταῦτα ἐκ τοῦ στρατοπέδου ἐπανήκων Οὐέλας ἤκουσε, θυμοειδὴς ὢν φύσει, τὴν ἐκ τοῦ ἔργου ὕβριν οὐκ ἤνεγκεν, ἀλλὰ αὐτίκα κτεῖναι Ἰλδίβαδον ἔγνω, [46] χαριεῖσθαι Γότθοις ἅπασι ταύτῃ οἰόμενος. καί ποτε αὐτὸν Γότθων τοὺς ἀρίστους ἑστιῶντα τηρήσας τῇ ἐπιβουλῇ ἐπεχείρησεν. [47] ἀριστῶντα γὰρ τὸν βασιλέα πολλούς τε ἄλλους καὶ τοὺς δορυφόρους περιίστασθαι νόμος. ὁ μὲν οὖν τὴν χεῖρα ἐπιβαλὼν ἐς τὰ βρώματα ἐπὶ τῆς στιβάδος πρηνὴς ἔκειτο, Οὐέλας δὲ αὐτοῦ ἄφνω τῷ ξίφει τὸν τράχηλον παίει. [48] ὥστε, τῶν βρωμάτων ἔτι ἐχομένων ἐν τοῖς τοῦ ἀνθρώπου δακτύλοις, ἡ κεφαλὴ εἰς τὴν τράπεζαν καταρραγεῖσα ἐξέπληξέ τε καὶ ἐς θάμβος τι μέγα τοὺς παρόντας ἤνεγκεν ἅπαντας. [49] αὕτη μὲν τίσις Ἰλδίβαδον περιῆλθε τοῦ Οὐραΐα φόνου. καὶ ὁ χειμὼν ἔληγε, καὶ τὸ ἕκτον ἔτος ἐτελεύτα τῷ πολέμῳ τῷδε, ὃν Προκόπιος ξυνέγραψεν.