Delphi Complete Works of Procopius

by Procopius of Caesarea

  XXIX

  IT was in these circumstances that envoys arrived from the emperor, Domnicus and Maximinus, both members of the senate, in order to make peace on the following terms. Vittigis was to receive one half of the royal treasure, and to rule over the territory which is north of the river Po; but the other half of the money was to fall to the emperor, and he was to make subject and tributary to himself all that lay south of the Po. So the envoys, having shewn the emperor’s letter to Belisarius, betook themselves to Ravenna. And when the Goths and Vittigis had learned the purpose of their coming, they gladly agreed to make the treaty on these terms. But Belisarius, upon hearing this, was moved with vexation, counting it a great calamity that anyone should prevent him from winning the decisive victory of the whole war, when it was possible to do so with no trouble, and from leading Vittigis a captive to Byzantium. So when the envoys returned to him from Ravenna, he refused absolutely to ratify the agreement by his own signature. And when the Goths became aware of this, they began to feel that the Romans were offering them peace with treacherous intent, and became very suspicious of them; and they forthwith declared flatly that without both the signature and the oath of Belisarius they would never make a compact with the Romans.

  And Belisarius, upon hearing that some of the commanders were criticizing him bitterly, on the ground that he was plainly plotting against the emperor’s cause, and for this reason was quite unwilling to bring the war to an end, called them all together, and, in the presence of Domnicus and Maximinus, spoke as follows. “I am not alone in knowing that the fortune of war is by no means fixed and firm, but I think that each one of you shares this same view with me regarding it. For many men have been deceived by the hope of victory when it seemed certain that it would come to them, while men who, to all appearances, have met with disaster, have many a time had the fortune to triumph unexpectedly over their adversaries. Consequently I say that men deliberating with regard to peace should not put before them only the expectation of success, but reflecting that the result will be either way, they should make their choice of policy on this basis. In view of this, it has seemed best to me, at any rate, to bring to a conference you, my colleagues, and these envoys of the emperor, to the end that the present occasion may afford an opportunity to choose at our leisure whatever course may seem destined to he of advantage to the emperor, that after the event you may never bring any reproach against me. For it would be a thing most monstrous, first to be silent as long as it is possible to choose the better course, and later, upon surveying the outcome decreed by fortune, to bring accusations. Now as to the emperor’s decision with a view to the conclusion of the war, and as to the wishes of Vittigis, you are of course well informed. And if you, too, think this course advantageous, let each man come forward and speak. If, however, you think that you are able to recover the whole of Italy for the Romans and to gain the mastery over the enemy, nothing will prevent you from speaking with complete frankness.” When Belisarius had thus spoken, all expressed the opinion with certainty that the emperor’s decision was best, and that they would be unable to do the enemy any further harm. And Belisarius was pleased with the expression of the commanders’ opinion, and asked them to set it down in writing, in order that they might never deny it. They accordingly wrote a document stating that they were unable to achieve superiority over their opponents in the war.

  These deliberations, then, were being carried forward in the Roman camp. But the Goths, hard pressed by the famine and no longer able to endure their suffering, were in a state of suspense; for while they were hostile to the rule of Vittigis, seeing that he had been unfortunate in the extreme, still they were reluctant to yield to the emperor, fearing only this, that upon becoming slaves of the emperor they would be compelled to remove from Italy and go to Byzantium and settle there. So after deliberating among themselves, all the best of the Goths decided to declare Belisarius Emperor of the West. And sending to him secretly, they begged him to assume the royal power; for upon this condition, they declared, they would follow him gladly. But Belisarius was quite unwilling to assume the ruling power against the will of the emperor; for he had an extraordinary loathing for the name of tyrant, and furthermore he had, in fact, been bound by the emperor previously by most solemn oaths never during his lifetime to organize a revolution; still, in order to turn the situation before him to the best advantage, he let it appear that he received the proposals of the barbarians gladly. And Vittigis, perceiving this, became fearful, and saying that the deliberations of the Goths had arrived at the best possible result, he too secretly urged Belisarius to enter upon the royal power; for no one, he said, would stand in his way. Then indeed Belisarius again called together the envoys of the emperor and all the commanders and asked them whether it seemed to them a matter of great importance to make all the Goths with Vittigis captives, and to secure as plunder all their wealth, and recover the whole of Italy for the Romans. And they said that this would be for the Romans a great and overwhelming piece of good fortune, and they begged him to bring it about as quickly as possible, by whatever means he could. Accordingly Belisarius at once sent to Vittigis and the notables of the Goths some of his intimates, bidding them carry out what they had promised. And indeed the famine would not permit them to put off the matter to any other time, but, by its increasing pressure, was driving them to this decision. Consequently they again sent envoys to the camp of the Romans, with instructions to make some vague statement openly, but in secret to receive pledges from Belisarius, both that he would do no harm to anyone of the Goths, and that thenceforth he himself would be king of the Goths and Italians; this accomplished, they were to come with him and the Roman army into Ravenna. As for Belisarius, he swore to everything else, just as the envoys required of him, but concerning the kingship he said that he would swear to Vittigis himself and the rulers of the Goths. And the envoys, thinking that he would never reject the kingship, but that he would strive for it above all other things, made not the least hesitation in urging him to come with them into Ravenna. Then Belisarius ordered Bessas and John and Narses and Aratius to go with their several commands to different places (for these were the men whom he suspected of being exceedingly hostile to him), and to provide provisions for themselves; for he alleged that it was no longer possible for him, in the place where he was, to bring in provisions for the whole army. So these officers, as well as Athanasius, the pretorian prefect, who had recently come from Byzantium, proceeded to carry out the instructions given them, but he himself with the remainder of the army marched into Ravenna with the envoys of the Goths. And loading a fleet of ships with grain and other provisions, he gave orders that they should sail with all speed into the harbour of Classes; for thus the Romans call the suburb of Ravenna where the harbour is.

  And while I watched the entry of the Roman army into Ravenna at that time, an idea came to me, to the effect that it is not at all by the wisdom of men or by any other sort of excellence on their part that events are brought to fulfilment, but that there is some divine power which is ever warping their purposes and shifting them in such a way that there will be nothing to hinder that which is being brought to pass. For although the Goths were greatly superior to their opponents in number and in power, and had neither fought a decisive battle since they had entered Ravenna nor been humbled in spirit by any other disaster, still they were being made captives by the weaker army and were regarding the name of slavery as no insult. But when the women, as they sat at the gate, had seen the whole army (for they had heard from their husbands that the enemy were men of great size and too numerous to be counted), they all spat upon the faces of their husbands, and pointing with their hands to the victors, reviled them for their cowardice.

  As for Belisarius, he held Vittigis under guard, but not in disgrace, and urged those of the barbarians who lived south of the river Po to go to their own lands and care for them unmolested. This he did because he felt that he would have no hostile force to deal with in that quarter, and tha
t the Goths of that region would never unite, because he had, as it happened, previously established a large number of Roman troops in the towns there. So these Goths gladly made haste to return. And thus the Romans were now making their position secure, for in Ravenna at least they were no longer outnumbered by the Goths. He next took possession of the money in the palace, which he intended to convey to the emperor. But as for the private property of the Goths, neither did he take plunder from any individual, nor would he permit any other Roman to take such plunder, but each one of them preserved his property according to the terms of the agreement. Now when those of the barbarians who were keeping guard in the strongest of the towns heard that both Ravenna and Vittigis were held by the Romans, they began to send envoys to Belisarius, craving permission to submit themselves by surrender and the places they guarded. And he most willingly furnished pledges to them all, and thus took over Tarbesium and such other strongholds as there were in Venetia. For Caesena was the only one remaining in Aemilia, and this he had previously taken over along with Ravenna. And the Goths who commanded these towns, as soon as they received the pledges, came to Belisarius and remained with him — all except Ildibadus, a man of note, who commanded the garrison in Verona; for though he too sent envoys to Belisarius on the same mission as the others, especially because Belisarius had found his children in Ravenna and taken possession of them, still he did not either come to Ravenna or submit himself to Belisarius. For fortune brought him to a situation which I shall now describe.

  Τινὲς τοῦ Ῥωμαίων στρατοῦ ἄρχοντες βασκανίαν ἐς Βελισάριον ἔχοντες διέβαλλον αὐτὸν βασιλεῖ, τυραννίδα οὐδαμόθεν αὐτῷ προσήκουσαν ἐπενεγκόντες. [2] βασιλεὺς δὲ οὐχ ὅσον ταῖς διαβολαῖς ταύταις ἀναπεισθείς, ἀλλ̓ ὅτι οἱ ὁ Μηδικὸς πόλεμος ἐνέκειτο ἤδη, Βελισάριον μὲν ὡς τάχιστα μετεπέμψατο, ὅπως ἐπὶ Πέρσας στρατεύσειεν: ἐπιμελεῖσθαι δὲ Ἰταλίας Βέσσαν τε καὶ Ἰωάννην ξὺν τοῖς ἄλλοις ἐκέλευε, καὶ Κωνσταντιανῷ ἐς Ῥάβενναν ἐκ Δαλματίας ἐπέστελλεν ἰέναι. [3] Γότθοι δὲ οἳ Πάδου τε ποταμοῦ καὶ Ῥαβέννης ἐκτὸς ἵδρυντο, ἀκούσαντες ὡς Βελισάριον βασιλεὺς μεταπέμποιτο, τὰ μὲν πρῶτα ἐν ἀλογίᾳ τὸ πρᾶγμα εἶχον, οὐκ ἄν ποτε οἰόμενοι Βελισάριον τῆς ἐς Ἰουστινιανὸν πίστεως περὶ ἐλάσσονος τὴν Ἰταλίας βασιλείαν ποιήσασθαι. [4] ἐπεὶ δὲ αὐτοῦ πολλὴν τῆς ἀφόδου τὴν παρασκευὴν ἐπύθοντο εἶναι, ξυμφρονήσαντες, εἴ τι αὐτῶν καθαρὸν ἐνταῦθα ἔτι ἐλέλειπτο, ἐς Τικινὸν παρὰ Οὐραΐαν τὸν Οὐιττίγιδος ἀδελφιδοῦν ἦλθον, πολλά τε πρότερον ξὺν αὐτῷ κλαύσαντες ἔλεξαν τοιάδε: [5] ‘Οὐκ ἄλλος οὐδεὶς τῷ Γότθων γένει αἰτιώτατος τῶν παρόντων κακῶν ἢ σὺ γέγονας. ἡμεῖς γὰρ τὸν θεῖον τὸν σόν, οὕτως ἀνάνδρως τε καὶ ἀτυχῶς ἐξηγούμενον, πάλαι ἂν τῆς ἀρχῆς παρελύσαμεν, ὥσπερ Θευδάτον τὸν Θευδερίχου ἀδελφιδοῦν, εἰ μή σου τὸ δοκοῦν δραστήριον αἰσχυνόμενοι Οὐιττίγιδι μὲν τὸ τῆς βασιλείας ὄνομα ξυγχωρεῖν ἔγνωμεν, ἔργῳ δὲ σοὶ μόνῳ παραδιδόναι τὴν Γότθων ἀρχήν. [6] ἀλλὰ περιέστηκεν ἡ τότε δοκοῦσα ἡμῶν εὐγνωμοσύνη, νῦν ἄνοιά τε φαινομένη καὶ τῶνδε ἡμῖν τῶν ξυμφορῶν αἰτία. [7] Γότθων γάρ, ὥσπερ οἶσθα, ὦ φίλε Οὐραΐα, τεθνάναι μὲν ἐν τῷ πολέμῳ πλείστους τε καὶ ἀρίστους ξυμβαίνει, τῶν δὲ περιόντων, εἴ τι μὲν ἄριστον ἀπολέλειπται, ξύν τε Οὐιττίγιδι καὶ χρήμασι πᾶσι Βελισάριος ἄγων οἰχήσεται. [8] ταὐτὸ δὲ τοῦτο μὴ οὐχὶ καὶ ἡμᾶς ὀλίγῳ ὕστερον πείσεσθαι, ὀλίγους τε καὶ λίαν οἰκτροὺς καθεστῶτας, οὐδεὶς ἂν ἀντείποι. [9] τοιούτων τοίνυν περιεστηκότων δεινῶν, τὸ ξὺν εὐκλείᾳ τεθνάναι μᾶλλον ξυνοίσει ἢ παῖδάς τε καὶ γυναῖκας πρὸς τῶν πολεμίων ἐς τῆς γῆς τὰς ἐσχατιὰς ἀγομένους ἰδεῖν. [10] πράξομεν δέ τι, ὡς τὸ εἰκός, ἀρετῆς ἄξιον, ἤν γέ σε τῶν ἔργων ἀρχηγὸν ἕξομεν.’ Γότθοι μὲν τοσαῦτα εἶπον. [11] Οὐραΐας δὲ ἀμείβεται ὧδε: ‘Ὡς μὲν δεῖ ἐν τοῖς παροῦσι δεινοῖς πρὸ τῆς δουλείας ἡμᾶς τὸν κίνδυνον αἱρεῖσθαι, ταὐτά με ὑμῖν γινώσκειν ξυμβαίνει. [12] ἐς Γότθων δέ με τὴν βασιλείαν καθίστασθαι παντάπασιν οἶμαι ἀξύμφορον εἶναι: πρῶτα μέν, ὅτι Οὐιττίγιδος ἀδελφιδοῦς ὤν, ἀνδρὸς οὕτως ἠτυχηκότος, εὐκαταφρόνητος ἂν τοῖς πολεμίοις εἶναι δοκοίην, ἐπεὶ ἐς τοὺς συγγενέας ἀεὶ τὰς ὁμοίας τύχας παραπέμπεσθαι οἴονται ἄνθρωποι: [13] ἔπειτα δὲ οὐδὲ ὅσια ποιεῖν δόξαιμι, ἐπιβατεύων τῆς τοῦ θείου ἀρχῆς, καὶ ἀπ̓ αὐτοῦ μοι ἀχθομένους ὑμῶν τοὺς πλείστους, ὡς τὸ εἰκός, ἕξω. [14] ἐγὼ δέ φημι χρῆναι Γότθων ἄρχοντα ἐς κίνδυνον τόνδε Ἰλδίβαδον καθίστασθαι, ἄνδρα ἐς ἄκρον ἀρετῆς ἥκοντα καὶ διαφερόντως δραστήριον. [15] ᾧ δὴ καὶ Θεῦδιν θεῖόν γε ὄντα τὸν τῶν Οὐισιγότθων ἡγούμενον ξυνάρασθαι τοῦ πολέμου διὰ τὸ ξυγγενὲς οὐδὲν ἀπεικός. διὸ δὴ καὶ τὸν ἀγῶνα ξὺν ἐλπίδι ἀμείνονι πρὸς τοὺς ἐναντίους διοίσομεν.’ [16] Τοσαῦτα καὶ Οὐραΐας εἰπὼν τὰ ξύμφορα Γότθοις ἅπασι λέγειν ἔδοξε. καὶ αὐτοῖς Ἰλδίβαδος ἐκ Βερώνης αὐτίκα μετάπεμπτος ἦλθεν. [17] ᾧ δὴ τὴν πορφύραν περιβαλόντες, βασιλέα τε Γότθων ἀνεῖπον καὶ σφίσιν εὖ θέσθαι τὰ παρόντα ἐδέοντο. ὧδε μὲν ἐς τὴν ἀρχὴν Ἰλδίβαδος κατέστη. [18] ὀλίγῳ δὲ ὕστερον Γότθους ἅπαντας ξυγκαλέσας ἔλεξε τοιάδε: ‘Ἅπαντας ὑμᾶς, ἄνδρες ξυστρατιῶται, πολλῶν ξυνεπίσταμαι εἶναι πολέμων ἐμπείρους, ὥστε οὔποτε εἰκότως εἰς τὸ πολεμεῖν ἐκ τοῦ εὐθέος χωρήσομεν. ἐμπειρία γὰρ λογισμὸν φέρουσα θρασύνεσθαι ῆκιστα εἴωθεν. [19] ἄξιον δὲ ἀναμνησθέντας πάντων ὑμᾶς τῶν πρότερον ξυμπεπτωκότων, οὕτω τανῦν ὑπὲρ τῶν παρόντων βουλεύεσθαι. [20] λήθη γὰρ πολλοῖς τισιν ἐπιγενομένη τῶν ἤδη φθασάντων ἐπῆρε μὲν αὐτῶν οὐκ ἐν δέοντι ὑπὸ ἀμαθίας τὰς γνώμας, [21] ἐν δὲ τοῖς μεγίστοις ἱκανῶς ἔσφηλεν. Οὐίττιγις τοίνυν οὐκ ἀκόντων γε οὐδὲ
ἀντιτεινόντων ὑμῶν ἐς τῶν πολεμίων αὑτὸν καθῆκε τὰς χεῖρας, ἀλλ̓ ἀπειπόντες τότε πρὸς τὰ τῆς τύχης ἐναντιώματα ξυμφορώτατον ἡμῖν αὐτοῖς ἡγήσασθε εἶναι Βελισαρίῳ οἴκοι καθήμενοι ἐπακούειν μᾶλλον ἢ τοῖς σώμασι διακινδυνεύειν ἀπέραντα. [22] νῦν μέντοι αὐτὸν ἀκηκοότες ἐς Βυζάντιον στέλλεσθαι, νεωτέροις πράγμασιν ἐγχειρεῖν ἔγνωτε. καίτοι ἐχρῆν ἐκλογίζεσθαι ὑμῶν ἕκαστον ὡς οὐχ ἅπαντα τοῖς ἀνθρώποις ᾗ δοκεῖ γίγνεται, ἀλλὰ τῶν δεδογμένων παρὰ δόξαν πολλάκις ἡ τῶν πραγμάτων ἀπόβασις ἀπ̓ ἐναντίας ἐχώρησε. [23] τύχη γὰρ καὶ μετάμελος τὰ πολλὰ κατορθοῦν ἐκ τοῦ ἀπροσδοκήτου πεφύκασιν: ὅπερ καὶ νῦν Βελισαρίῳ ξυμβήσεσθαι οὐδὲν ἀπεικός. [24] ἄμεινον τοίνυν πυθέσθαι μὲν αὐτοῦ πρότερον, πειρᾶσθαι δὲ ἀντικαθιστάναι τὸν ἄνθρωπον ἐπὶ τὰ πρώην ξυγκείμενα, οὕτω τε ὑμᾶς ἐπὶ τῶν πράξεων τὰ δεύτερα ἰέναι.’ [25] Ταῦτα Ἰλδίβαδος εἰπὼν εὖ τε βεβουλεῦσθαι Γότθοις ἔδοξε καὶ πρέσβεις ἐς Ῥάβενναν κατὰ τάχος ἔπεμψεν. οἳ δὴ Βελισαρίῳ ἐς ὄψιν ἐλθόντες τῶν τε ξυγκειμένων σφίσιν ὑπέμνησαν καὶ ἅτε διαλυτὴν τῶν ὡμολογημένων ἐκάκιζον, αὐθαίρετον μὲν ἀποκαλοῦντες ἀνδράποδον, ὀνειδίζοντες δὲ ὅτι δὴ οὐκ ἐρυθριῴη πρὸ τῆς βασιλείας τὴν δουλείαν αἱρούμενος, ἄλλα τε τοιαῦτα πολλὰ λέγοντες ἐπὶ τὴν ἀρχὴν παρεκάλουν. [26] οὕτω γὰρ καὶ Ἰλδίβαδον ἐθελούσιον ἀφίξεσθαι ἰσχυρίζοντο, τήν τε πορφυρίδα καταθησόμενον ἐς τοὺς αὐτοῦ πόδας καὶ βασιλέα Βελισάριον Γότθων τε καὶ Ἰταλιωτῶν προσκυνήσοντα. [27] οἱ μὲν πρέσβεις ταῦτα ἔλεγον, οἰόμενοι τὸν ἄνδρα τὸ τῆς βασιλείας ὄνομα οὐδὲν μελλήσαντα ἐπισπάσασθαι αὐτίκα δὴ μάλα. [28] ὁ δὲ οὐ προσδεχομένοις αὐτοῖς ἄντικρυς ἀπεῖπεν, ὡς οὐκ ἄν ποτε ζῶντος Ἰουστινιανοῦ βασιλέως Βελισάριος ἐπιβατεύοι τοῦ τῆς βασιλείας ὀνόματος. [29] καὶ οἱ μὲν ταῦτα ἀκούσαντες ἀπηλλάσσοντό τε ὡς τάχιστα καὶ Ἰλδιβάδῳ τὸν πάντα λόγον ἀπήγγελλον. [30] Βελισάριος δὲ τὴν ἐπὶ τὸ Βυζάντιον ᾔει καὶ ὁ χειμὼν ἔληγε, καὶ τὸ πέμπτον ἔτος ἐτελεύτα τῷ πολέμῳ τῷδε, ὃν Προκόπιος ξυνέγραψεν.