Delphi Complete Works of Procopius

by Procopius of Caesarea

  Thereupon Sabinianus and Thurimuth in conference with Magnus found it inadvisable for them to spend any more time there, reasoning that while clearly, owing to his numbers, they would never be a match for the enemy in battle, they would, on the other hand, by using up the supplies of the besieged, doom the city to still earlier capture by their opponents. And when this had been decided upon, they themselves and their thousand men began to prepare for their departure, intending to make the beginning of their journey at night; but one of the soldiers forthwith deserted secretly to the enemy’s camp and made known the plans of the Romans. Totila accordingly picked out two thousand men distinguished for their valour and, as night came on, set guards upon the roads at a distance of thirty stades from Auximus, keeping his movements entirely secret. So when these guards at about midnight saw the enemy passing by, they drew their swords and began their attack. And they killed two hundred of them, but Sabinianus and Thurimuth, together with the rest, thanks to the darkness, succeeded in escaping and fleeing into Ariminum. However, the Goths captured all the pack animals which were carrying the servants, the weapons, and the clothing of the soldiers.

  There are two fortresses on the coast of the Ionian Gulf, Pisaurus and Fanus, situated between the cities of Auximus and Ariminum. They had been dismantled at the beginning of this war by Vittigis, who had burned the houses in them and torn down their walls to about half their height, in order that the Romans might not, by seizing them, make trouble for the Goths. One of these fortresses, Pisaurus, Belisarius decided to seize; for it seemed to him that the place was by its situation suitable for the pasturage of horses. So he sent by night some of his associates and secretly obtained the accurate measurements, as to breadth and height, of each one of the gate-ways. He next had gates made and bound with iron and then loaded them on boats and sent them off, commanding the men of Sabinianus and Thurimuth to fit these gates quickly to the walls and then to remain inside the circuit-wall, and, after thus insuring their safety, to build up in whatever manner possible such parts of the circuit-wall as had fallen down, putting in stones and mud and any other material whatsoever. So they carried out these instructions. But Totila, upon hearing what was going on, marched against them with a great army. And he made an attempt on the town and tarried near it for some time, but since he was unable to capture it, he returned baffled to his camp at Auximus.

  The Romans, however, were no longer making sallies against the enemy, but at each fortress they were remaining inside the walls. Furthermore, even when Belisarius sent two of his guardsmen to Rome, Artasires, a Persian, and Barbation of Thrace, in order to assist Bessas in guarding the city, he instructed them by no means to make sallies against the enemy. As for Totila and the Gothic army, seeing that the force of Belisarius was not sufficient to array itself against them, they decided to harass the strongest of the towns. They accordingly made camp in Picenum before Firmum and Asculum, and commenced a siege. And the winter drew to a close, and the tenth year ended in this war, the history of which Procopius has written. [545 A.D.]

  Βελισάριος δὲ ἀμύνειν τοῖς πολιορκουμένοις οὐδαμῆ ἔχων Ἰωάννην τὸν Βιταλιανοῦ ἀνεψιὸν ἐς Βυζάντιον ἔπεμψεν, ὅρκοις αὐτὸν δεινοτάτοις καταλαβὼν ὡς ἐπανήκειν ὅτι τάχιστα ἐν σπουδῇ θήσεται, βασιλέως δεησόμενον στρατιάν τε πολλὴν σφίσι καὶ χρήματα μεγάλα πέμψαι, καὶ μέντοι καὶ ὅπλα καὶ ἵππους. [2] οἱ γὰρ στρατιῶται ὀλίγοι λίαν ὄντες οὐδὲ αὐτοὶ μάχεσθαι ἤθελον, χρήματά τε πολλὰ φάσκοντες τὸ δημόσιον σφίσιν ὀφείλειν καὶ αὐτοὶ ἁπάντων ἐνδεεῖς εἶναι. [3] καὶ ἦν δὲ οὕτως. καὶ γράμματα ὑπὲρ τούτων βασιλεῖ ἔγραψεν. ἐδήλου δὲ ἡ γραφὴ τάδε: ‘Ἀφίγμεθα εἰς τὴν Ἰταλίαν, ὦ βασιλεῦ κράτιστε, ἀνδρῶν τε καὶ ἵππων καὶ ὅπλων καὶ χρημάτων χωρίς. ὧν οὐδ̓ ἄν τις μὴ διαρκῶς ἔχων πόλεμον, οἶμαι, διενεγκεῖν οὐ μή ποτε ἱκανὸς εἴη. [4] Θρᾷκας μὲν γὰρ καὶ Ἰλλυριοὺς ἐνδελεχέστατα περιελθόντες στρατιώτας ξυνήγομεν κομιδῆ ὀλίγους οἰκτροὺς οὐδέ τι ὅπλων ἐν χερσὶν ἔχοντας καὶ μάχης ὄντας παντάπασιν ἀμελετήτους. [5] ὁρῶμεν δὲ καὶ τοὺς ἀπολελειμμένους ἐνταῦθα οὔτε αὐτάρκεις ὄντας καὶ κατεπτηχότας τοὺς πολεμίους δεδουλωμένους τε τὸ φρόνημα τῷ πρὸς ἐκείνων πολλάκις ἡσσῆσθαι, οἵ γε οὐδὲ εἰκῆ τοὺς ἐναντίους διέφυγον, ἀλλὰ τούς τε ἵππους ἀφέντες καὶ τὰ ὅπλα ἐς τὴν γῆν ῥίψαντες. [6] χρημάτων δὲ πρόσοδον ἐξ Ἰταλίας πορίζεσθαι ἡμῖν ἀδύνατά ἐστι, πάλιν πρὸς τῶν πολεμίων κατειλημμένης. [7] διὸ δὴ καὶ ὑπερήμεροι γεγενημένοι ἐς τῶν στρατιωτῶν τὰς συντάξεις ἐπιτάττειν αὐτοῖς ἥκιστα ἔχομεν: ἀφείλετο γὰρ ἡμῶν τὴν παρρησίαν τὸ ὄφλημα. [8] εὖ δὲ καὶ τοῦτο, ὦ δέσποτα, ἴσθι, ὡς τῶν ὑπὸ σοὶ στρατευομένων οἱ πλείους πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους ηὐτομοληκότες τυγχάνουσιν ὄντες. [9] εἰ μὲν οὖν ἔδει Βελισάριον ἐς Ἰταλίαν στέλλεσθαι μόνον, ἄριστά σοι τὰ ἐς τὸν πόλεμον παρεσκεύασται: εἰμὶ γὰρ ἐν Ἰταλιώταις ἤδη που μέσοις: εἰ δὲ περιεῖναι βούλει τῷ πολέμῳ τῶν δυσμενῶν, καὶ τὰ ἄλλα ἐξαρτύεσθαι δεῖ. [10] στρατηγὸς γάρ τις, οἶμαι, τῶν ὑπουργούντων χωρὶς οὐκ ἂν γένοιτο. δορυφόρους τοίνυν καὶ ὑπασπιστὰς τοὺς ἐμοὺς μάλιστά μοι πάντων σταλῆναι προσήκει, ἔπειτα πάμπολύ τι πλῆθος Οὔννων τε καὶ ἄλλων βαρβάρων, οἷς καὶ χρήματα ἤδη δοτέον.’ [11] Τοσαῦτα μὲν Βελισάριος ἔγραψεν. Ἰωάννης δὲ χρόνον ἐν Βυζαντίῳ διατρίψας πολὺν οὐδὲν μὲν διεπράξατο ὧν ἕνεκα ἦλθεν, ἔγημε δὲ τοῦ Γερμανοῦ βασιλέως ἀνεψιοῦ παῖδα. [12] ἐν τούτῳ δὲ Τουτίλας Φίρμον τε καὶ Ἄσκουλον ὁμολογίᾳ εἷλεν: ἐς Τούσκους τε ἀφικόμενος Σπολίτιόν τε καὶ Ἀσίσην ἐπολιόρκει. ἦρχε δὲ τοῦ μὲν ἐν Σπολιτίῳ φυλακτηρίου Ἡρωδιανός, τοῦ δὲ ἐν Ἀσίσῃ Σισίφριδος, Γότθος μὲν γένος, εὐνοϊκῶς δὲ λίαν ἔς τε Ῥωμαίους καὶ τὰ βασιλέως πράγματα ἔχων. [13] Ἡρωδιανὸς μὲν οὖν τοῖς πολεμίοις ἐς λόγους ἦλθεν, ἐφ̓ ᾧ τριάκοντα ἡμέρας ἡσυχῆ μείνωσιν. [14] ὧν ἢν μὴ ἐπικουρία τις αὐτοῖς ἐπιγένηται, αὑτόν τε καὶ τὴν πόλιν ξύν τε τοῖς στρατιώταις καὶ τοῖς ἐνοικοῦσι Γότθοις ἐνδώσειν. τόν τε παῖδα ὅμηρον ἐπὶ ταύτῃ τῇ ὁμολογίᾳ παρέσχετο. [15] ἐπειδὴ δὲ παρῆν μὲν ἡ κυρία, στράτευμα δὲ οὐδαμόθεν Ῥωμαίων ἦλθεν, Ἡρωδιανός τε καὶ ὅσοι φρουρὰν ἐνταῦθα εἶχον κατὰ τὰ ξυγκείμενα Τουτίλᾳ καὶ Γότθοις �
�φᾶς τε αὐτοὺς καὶ Σπολίτιον ἐνεχείρισαν. [16] φασὶ δὲ Ἡρωδιανὸν κατὰ τὸ ἐς Βελισάριον ἔχθος αὑτόν τε καὶ Σπολίτιον Γότθοις ἐνδοῦναι: λογισμοὺς γὰρ αὐτὸν Βελισάριος τῶν βεβιωμένων ἠπείλησε πράξειν. Τὰ μὲν οὖν ἀμφὶ Σπολιτίῳ ταύτῃ ἐχώρησε. [17] Σισίφριδος δὲ ξὺν τοῖς ἑπομένοις ἐπεκδρομὴν ποιησάμενος, τῶν τε ξὺν αὐτῷ πλείστους ἀποβάλλει καὶ αὐτὸς θνήσκει. [18] Ἀσίσηνοί τε τοῖς παροῦσιν ἀπορούμενοι, αὐτίκα τὴν πόλιν τοῖς πολεμίοις ἐνέδοσαν. πέμψας δὲ καὶ παρὰ Κυπριανὸν εὐθὺς Τουτίλας, ἐνδοῦναί οἱ αὐτῷ Περυσίαν ἠξίου, δεδιττόμενος μὲν ἢν ἀπειθήσῃ, χρήμασι δὲ αὐτὸν δωρήσασθαι μεγάλοις ἐπαγγελλόμενος, [19] ἤν γε ταῦτα ἐπιτελοίη. ἐπεί τέ οί πρὸς Κυπριανοῦ οὐδὲν προὐχώρει, τῶν ἐκείνου δορυφόρων ἕνα, Οὔλιφον ὄνομα, χρήμασιν ἀναπείθει δόλῳ τὸν ἄνθρωπον διαχρήσασθαι. [20] Οὔλιφος μὲν οὖν μόνῳ τῷ Κυπριανῷ ἐντυχὼν ἔκτεινέ τε αὐτὸν καὶ παρὰ Τουτίλαν φεύγων ᾤχετο. οὐδὲν δὲ ἧσσον οἱ Κυπριανοῦ στρατιῶται βασιλεῖ τὴν πόλιν ἐφύλασσον: διὸ δὴ Γότθοι ἐνθένδε ἀναχωρεῖν ἔγνωσαν.

  XII

  Now Belisarius, finding himself utterly unable to give support to the besieged towns, sent John the nephew of Vitalian to Byzantium, first binding him by the most solemn oaths that he would make every effort to return as quickly as possible; and his mission was to beg the emperor to send them a large army and a generous supply of money, and, furthermore, both arms and horses. For even the few soldiers he had were unwilling to fight, asserting that the state owed them much money and that they themselves were in want of everything. And this was true. Belisarius also wrote a letter to the emperor recording these matters; and the letter set forth the following.

  “We have arrived in Italy, most mighty emperor, without men, horses, arms, or money, and no man, I think, without a plentiful supply of these things, would ever be able to carry on a war. For though we did travel about most diligently through Thrace and Illyricum, the soldiers we gathered are an exceedingly small and pitiful band, men without a single weapon in their hands and altogether unpractised in fighting. And we see, on the other hand, that the men who were left in Italy are both insufficient in number and in abject terror of the enemy, their spirit having been utterly humbled by the many defeats they have suffered at their hands, — men who did not simply escape at random from their opponents, but even abandoned their horses and flung their weapons to the ground. And as for the revenue, it is impossible for us to derive any money from Italy, since it has again been taken by the enemy into their possession. Consequently, since we have fallen behind in regard to the payment of the soldiers, we find ourselves quite unable to impose our orders upon them; for the debt has taken away our right to command. And this also thou must know well, my master, that the majority of those serving in thy armies have deserted to the enemy. If, therefore, it was only necessary that Belisarius be sent to Italy, then thou hast made the best preparation possible for the war; for I am already in the very midst of Italy. If, however, it is thy will to overcome thy foes in the war, provision must also be made for the other necessary things. For no man could, I think, be a general without men to support him. It is therefore needful that, above all others, my spearmen and guards should be sent me, and, next to them, a very large force of Huns and other barbarians is needed, to whom money must also be given immediately.”

  Such was the letter written by Belisarius. But as for John, though he spent a long time in Byzantium, he accomplished none of the objects of his mission; but he married the daughter of Germanus, the nephew of the emperor. In the meantime Totila captured Firmum and Asculum by surrender; and advancing into Tuscany, he began the siege of Spolitium and Asise. Now the garrison in Spolitium was commanded by Herodian and that in Asise by Sisifridus, who, though a Goth by birth, was exceedingly loyal to the Romans and the emperor’s cause. Herodian, for his part, came to terms with the enemy, the agreement being that they should remain quiet for thirty days; and if no assistance should come to the Romans within this time, he was to surrender both himself and the city together with the soldiers and the inhabitants to the Goths. And he furnished his son as a hostage for the keeping of this agreement. So when the appointed day came, and no Roman army had arrived from any quarter, Herodian and the whole garrison of Spolitium, in accordance with the agreement, put themselves and the city into the hands of Totila and the Goths. But they say that the hostility existing between Herodian and Belisarius was the real cause of his surrendering himself and Spolitium to the Goths; for Belisarius had threatened to call him to account for his previous record.

  Such was the course of events as regards Spolitium. Sisifridus, on the other hand, in making a sally with his troops, lost the most of his men and perished himself. Thereupon the inhabitants of Asise, despairing of the situation, immediately handed the city over to the enemy. Totila also sent straightway to Cyprian, demanding that he surrender Perusia to him, attempting to terrify him in case he should disobey, but promising, on the other hand, to reward him with a large sum of money if he should carry out this order. But since he met with no success in dealing with Cyprian, he bribed one of his bodyguard, Ulifus by name, to kill him by treachery. Ulifus accordingly, meeting Cyprian by chance alone, killed him and got away in flight to Totila. But nevertheless the soldiers of Cyprian continued to guard the city for the emperor, and the Goths, consequently, decided to retire from Perusia.

  Μετὰ δὲ Τουτίλας ἐπὶ Ῥώμην ᾔει, καὶ ἐπεὶ ἀγχοῦ ἐγένετο, ἐς πολιορκίαν καθίστατο: τοὺς μέντοι γεωργοὺς οὐδὲν ἄχαρι ἀνὰ πᾶσαν τὴν Ἰταλίαν εἰργάσατο, ἀλλὰ τὴν γῆν ἀδεῶς ἐκέλευεν, ᾗπερ εἰώθασιν, ἐς ἀεὶ γεωργεῖν, τοὺς φόρους αὐτῷ ἀποφέροντας ὅσους τὸ πρότερον ἔς τε τὸ δημόσιον καὶ ἐς τοὺς κεκτημένους ἀποφέρειν ἠξίουν. [2] Γότθων δέ τινων ἄγχιστα τοῦ Ῥώμης περιβόλου ἀφικομένων Ἀρτασίρης τε καὶ Βαρβατίων, πολλούς τε τῶν ἑπομένων ἐπαγαγόμενοι, Βέσσα ὡς ἥκιστα ἐπαινοῦντος, ἐπεκδρομὴν ἐπ̓ αὐτοὺς ἐποιήσαντο. [3] καὶ πολλοὺς μὲν εὐθὺς ἔκτειναν, τοὺς δὲ λοιποὺς ἐς φυγὴν ἔτρεψαν. οἷς δὴ ἐπισπόμενοι, ἔς τε τὴν δίωξιν ἐπὶ πλεῖστον ἐκπεπτωκότες ἐνέδραις ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμίων ἐνέτυχον. [4] οὗ δὴ τοὺς πλείστους ἀποβαλόντες αὐτοὶ ξὺν ὀλίγοις τισὶ διέφυγον μόλις, καὶ τὸ λοιπὸν ἐπεξιέναι τοῖς ἐναντίοις, καίπερ ἐγκειμένοις, οὐκέτι ἐτόλμων. [5] Καὶ ἀπ̓ αὐτοῦ λιμός τις ἀκριβὴς τοὺς Ῥωμαιους ἐπίεζεν, οὐκέτι δυναμένους τι τῶν ἀναγκαίων ἐκ τῶν ἀγρῶν εἰσκομίζεσθαι, καὶ τῶν ἐκ θαλάσσης ἀποκεκλεισμένων φορτίων. [6] ἐπειδὴ γὰρ Γότθοι Νεάπολιν εἷλον, ναυτικὸν ἐνταῦθα καταστησάμενοι ἀκάτων πολλῶν κἀν ταῖς νήσοις ταῖς Αἰόλου καλουμέναις καὶ ὅσαι ἄλλαι τῇδε ἐπίκεινται, ἐς τ�
�� ἀκριβὲς τὸν διάπλουν ἐφύλασσον. [7] ὅσαι οὖν νῆες ἐκ Σικελίας ἀναγόμεναι ἔπλεον ἐπὶ τὸν Ῥωμαίων λιμένα, πᾶσαι γεγόνασιν αὐτοῖς ἀνδράσιν ὑπὸ ταῖς ἐκείνων χερσί. [8] Τουτίλας δὲ στράτευμα ἐς Αἰμιλίαν πέμψας, πόλιν Πλακεντίαν ἐξελεῖν ἢ βίᾳ ἢ ὁμολογίᾳ ἐκέλευεν. [9] αὕτη δὲ πρώτη μέν ἐστιν Αἰμιλίων τῆς χώρας, ὀχύρωμα ἰσχυρὸν ἔχουσα. πρὸς δὲ τῷ ποταμῷ Ἠριδανῷ κεῖται καὶ μόνη τῶν τῇδε χωρίων Ῥωμαίων κατήκοος οὖσα ἔτι ἐλέλειπτο. [10] ἐπεὶ δὲ ὁ στρατὸς οὗτος Πλακεντίας ἀγχοῦ ἐγένοντο, λόγους προὔφερον τοῖς ἐνταῦθα φρουροῖς, ὅπως τὴν πόλιν ὁμολογίᾳ Τουτίλᾳ τε καὶ Γότθοις ἐνδοῖεν. [11] ὡς δὲ οὐδὲν σφίσι προὐχώρει, αὐτοῦ ἐνστρατοπεδευσάμενοι ἐς πολιορκίαν καθίσταντο, τῶν ἐπιτηδείων ἐνδεῖν τοὺς ἐν τῇ πόλει αἰσθόμενοι. [12] Τότε τοῖς ἐν Ῥώμῃ τοῦ βασιλέως στρατοῦ ἄρχουσιν ὑποψία προδοσίας πέρι ἐγένετο ἐς Κέθηγον, πατρίκιον ἄνδρα καὶ πρῶτον τῆς Ῥωμαίων βουλῆς. διὸ δὴ ἐς Κεντουκέλλας ἀπιὼν ᾤχετο. [13] Βελισάριος δὲ περί τε τῇ Ῥώμῃ καὶ τοῖς ὅλοις πράγμασι δείσας, ἐπεὶ ἐκ Ῥαβέννης ἀμύνειν ἄλλως τε καὶ στρατῷ ὀλίγῳ ἀδύνατα ἦν, ἀπανίστασθαί τε ἐνθένδε καὶ τὰ ἐπὶ Ῥώμης χωρία καταλαβεῖν ἔγνω, ὅπως δὴ ἀγχοῦ γενόμενος τοῖς ταύτῃ κάμνουσιν ἐπιβοηθεῖν οἷός τε εἴη. [14] καί οἱ τὸ κατ̓ ἀρχὰς ἐς Ῥάβενναν ἀφικομένῳ μετέμελεν, ἃ δὴ Βιταλίῳ ἀναπεισθεὶς ἔδρασε πρότερον οὐκ ἐπὶ τῷ τῶν βασιλέως πραγμάτων ξυμφόρῳ, ἐπεὶ ἐνταῦθα καθείρξας αὑτὸν ἐδεδώκει τοῖς πολεμίοις κατ̓ ἐξουσίαν τὴν τοῦ πολέμου διοικεῖσθαι ῥοπήν. [15] καί μοι ἔδοξεν ἢ Βελισάριον ἑλέσθαι τὰ χείρω, ἐπεὶ χρῆν τότε Ῥωμαίοις γενέσθαι κακῶς, ἢ βεβουλεῦσθαι μὲν αὐτὸν τὰ βελτίω, ἐμπόδιον δὲ τὸν θεὸν γεγονέναι, Τουτίλᾳ τε καὶ Γότθοις ἐπικουρεῖν ἐν νῷ ἔχοντα, καὶ ἀπ̓ αὐτοῦ τῶν βουλευμάτων τὰ βέλτιστα ἐς πᾶν τοὐναντίον Βελισαρίῳ ἀποκεκρίσθαι. [16] οἷς μὲν γὰρ ἐπιπνεῖ ἐξ οὐρίας τὸ πνεῦμα τῆς τύχης καὶ τὰ χείριστα βουλευομένοις οὐδὲν ἀπαντιάσει δεινόν, ἀντιπεριάγοντος αὐτὰ τοῦ δαιμονίου ἐς πᾶν ξύμφορον: [17] ἀνδρὶ δέ, οἶμαι, κακοτυχοῦντι εὐβουλία οὐδαμῆ πάρεστι, παραιρουμένου αὐτὸν ἐπιστήμην τε καὶ ἀληθῆ δόξαν τοῦ χρῆναι παθεῖν. [18] ἢν δέ τι καὶ βουλεύσηταί ποτε τῶν δεόντων, ἀλλὰ πνέουσα τῷ βουλεύσαντι ἀπ̓ ἐναντίας εὐθὺς ἡ τύχη ἀντιστρέφει αὐτῷ τὴν εὐβουλίαν ἐπὶ τὰ πονηρότατα τῶν ἀποβάσεων. [19] ἀλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν εἴτε ταύτῃ εἴτε ἐκείνῃ ἔχει οὐκ ἔχω εἰπεῖν. Βελισάριος δὲ Ἰουστῖνον ἐπὶ τῇ Ῥαβέννης φυλακῇ καταστησάμενος ξὺν ὀλίγοις τισὶν αὐτὸς ἐνθένδε διά τε Δαλματίας καὶ τῶν ταύτῃ χωρίων κομίζεται ἐς Ἐπίδαμνον, ἵνα δὴ στράτευμα ἐκ Βυζαντίου καραδοκῶν ἡσυχῆ ἔμενε. γράψας τε βασιλεῖ γράμματα, τύχας τὰς παρούσας ἐσήγγελλεν. [20] ὁ δέ οἱ οὐ πολλῷ ὕστερον Ἰωάννην τε τὸν Βιταλιανοῦ ἀνεψιὸν καὶ Ἰσαάκην Ἀρμένιον Ἀρατίου τε καὶ Ναρσοῦ ἀδελφὸν ξὺν στρατῷ ἔπεμψε βαρβάρων τε καὶ Ῥωμαίων στρατιωτῶν. [21] οἳ δὴ ἐς Ἐπίδαμνον ἀφικόμενοι Βελισαρίῳ ξυνέμιξαν. Καὶ Ναρσῆν δὲ τὸν εὐνοῦχον παρὰ τῶν Ἐρούλων τοὺς ἄρχοντας ἔπεμψεν, ἐφ̓ ᾧ δὴ αὐτῶν τοὺς πολλοὺς πείσει ἐς Ἰταλίαν στρατεύεσθαι. [22] καὶ αὐτῷ τῶν Ἐρούλων πολλοὶ εἵποντο, ὧν ἄλλοι τε καὶ Φιλημοὺθ ἦρχον καὶ ξὺν αὐτῷ ἐς τὰ ἐπὶ Θρᾴκης χωρία ἦλθον. ἐνταῦθα γὰρ διαχειμάσαντες ἔμελλον ἅμα ἦρι ἀρχομένῳ παρὰ Βελισάριον στέλλεσθαι. [23] ξυνῆν δὲ αὐτοῖς καὶ Ἰωάννης, ὃν ἐπίκλησιν ἐκάλουν Φαγᾶν. καὶ αὐτοῖς ἐν ταύτῃ τῇ πορείᾳ ξυνέβη τις τύχη μεγάλα Ῥωμαίους ἀγαθὰ ἐκ τοῦ ἀπροσδοκήτου ἐργάσασθαι. [24] βαρβάρων γὰρ Σκλαβηνῶν πολὺς ὅμιλος ἔτυχον ἔναγχος διαβάντες μὲν ποταμὸν Ἴστρον, ληϊσάμενοι δὲ τὰ ἐκείνῃ χωρία καὶ Ῥωμαίων ἐξανδραποδίσαντες πάμπολυ πλῆθος. [25] οἷς δὴ Ἔρουλοι ἐκ τοῦ αἰφνιδίου ἐς χεῖρας ἐλθόντες, νικήσαντές τε παρὰ δόξαν μέτρῳ σφᾶς πολλῷ ὑπεραίροντας, αὐτούς τε κτείνουσι καὶ τοὺς αἰχμαλώτους ἐς τὰ οἰκεῖα ξύμπαντας ἀφῆκαν ἰέναι. [26] τότε δὲ ὁ Ναρσῆς καί τινα εὑρὼν ἐπιβατεύοντα τοῦ Χιλβουδίου ὀνόματος, ἀνδρὸς ἐπιφανοῦς καὶ Ῥωμαίων ποτὲ στρατηγήσαντος, διελέγξαι τὴν ἐπιβουλὴν ῥᾳδίως ἔσχε. τοῦτο δὲ ὅ τί ποτε ἦν αὐτίκα δηλώσω.