Delphi Complete Works of Procopius

by Procopius of Caesarea

  XIII

  AFTER this Totila moved against Rome, and upon coming near the city, he began a siege. He did no harm, however, to the farmers in this or any other part of Italy, but commanded them to continue tilling the soil without fear, just as they were accustomed to do, bringing to him the revenue which they had formerly brought to the public treasury and to the owners of the land. And when some Goths had come close up to the fortifications of Rome, Artasires and Barbation made a sally against them, though Bessas did not in the least approve their action, leading out a large number of their men to the attack. And they straightway killed many and turned the rest to flight. But in following up these men and allowing themselves to be drawn into a pursuit over a great distance, they fell into an ambush set by the enemy. Here they lost the most of their men, and they themselves, accompanied by a handful of men, succeeded only with difficulty in making their escape. And thereafter they no longer dared go out against their opponents, even though they were pressing their attack.

  From this time on a severe famine afflicted the Romans, for they were no longer able to bring in any necessaries from the country and the traffic by sea was cut off. For after the Goths captured Naples, they had stationed a navy of many light craft both there and at the so-called Aeolian Islands and at such other islands as lie off this coast, and with these they were keeping a close watch over the sea-route. Consequently such ships as put out from Sicily and started to sail to the harbour of Rome fell one and all into the hands of these patrols together with their crews.

  Totila now sent an army into Aemilia, with orders to take the city of Placentia either by storm or by surrender. This is the chief city in the land of Aemilia and has strong defences, being situated on the river Eridanus, and it was the only city still left in that region subject to the Romans. So when this army came near Placentia, they offered terms to the garrison there to the end that they might hand over the city by surrender to Totila and the Goths. But since they met with no success, they made camp on the spot and began a siege, perceiving that the people in the city were in need of provisions.

  At that time there arose a suspicion of treason among the commanders of the emperor’s army in Rome against Cethegus, a patrician and leader of the Roman senate. For this reason he departed hastily for Centumcellae.

  But Belisarius became alarmed both for Rome and for the whole Roman cause, since it was impossible to lend assistance from Ravenna in any case, and especially with a small army; and so he decided to remove from there and take possession of the district about Rome, in order that by being near at hand he might be able to go to the rescue of those in difficulty there. Indeed he repented having ever come to Ravenna at all, a course which he had taken earlier through the persuasion of Vitalius and not to the advantage of the emperor’s cause, since by shutting himself up in that place he had given the enemy a free hand to determine the course of the war as they wished. And to me it seemed either that Belisarius had chosen the worse course because it was fated at that time that the Romans should fare ill, or that he had indeed determined upon the better course, but God, having in mind to assist Totila and the Goths, had stood as an obstacle in his way, so that the best of the plans of Belisarius had turned out utterly contrary to his expectations. For those upon whom the wind of fortune blow’s from a fair quarter, even though they make the worst plans, will meet with no calamity, since Heaven reverses these plans and brings them to an entirely favourable issue; but a man, I believe, who is under the ban of fortune utterly lacks the ability to plan wisely, being bereft of understanding and insight into the truth by the fact that he is fated to suffer ill. And even if he ever does make some plan adapted to the needs of the situation, still fortune straightway breathes contrariwise upon him after he has made such a plan, and perverts his wise purpose so as to bring about the most dire results. However, whether this is so or otherwise, I am unable to say.

  Belisarius then appointed Justinus to command the garrison of Ravenna, and himself, with only a few men, journeyed thence through Dalmatia and the neighbouring lands to Epidamnus, where he remained quiet expecting an army from Byzantium. And writing a letter to the emperor, he reported the present situation. The emperor, therefore, not long afterward, sent him John the nephew of Vitalian and Isaac the Armenian, brother of Aratius and Narses, together with an army of barbarian and Roman soldiers. These troops reached Epidamnus and joined Belisarius there.

  The emperor also sent Narses the eunuch to the rulers of the Eruli, in order to persuade the most of them to march to Italy. And many of the Eruli followed him, commanded by Philemuth and certain others, and they came with him into the land of Thrace. For the intention was that, after passing the winter there, they should be despatched to Belisarius at the opening of spring. And they were accompanied also by John whom they called the Glutton. And it so fell out that during this journey they unexpectedly rendered a great service to the Romans. For a great throng of the barbarians, Sclaveni, had, as it happened, recently crossed the river Ister, plundered the adjoining country and enslaved a very great number of Romans. Now the Eruli suddenly came upon these barbarians and joined battle with them, and, although far outnumbered, they unexpectedly defeated them, and some they slew, and the captives they released one and all to go to their homes. At that time also Narses found a certain man who was pretending to the name of Chilbudius, a man of note who had once been a general of the Romans, and he easily succeeded in unmasking the plot. Here I shall give the facts of this story.

  Χιλβούδιος ἦν τις ἐκ τῆς Ἰουστινιανοῦ βασιλέως οἰκίας ἐσάγαν μὲν δραστήριος τὰ πολέμια, ἐς τόσον δὲ χρημάτων κρείσσων ὥστε ἀντὶ μεγίστου κτήματος ἐν τῇ οὐσίᾳ τῇ αὑτοῦ εἶχε τὸ κεκτῆσθαι μηδέν: [2] τοῦτον βασιλεὺς τὸν Χιλβούδιον, ὅτε δὴ τέταρτον ἔτος τὴν αὐτοκράτορα εἶχεν ἀρχήν, Θρᾴκης στρατηγὸν ἀνειπών, ἐπὶ τῇ τοῦ Ἴστρου ποταμοῦ φυλακῇ κατεστήσατο, φυλάσσειν κελεύσας ὅπως μηκέτι τοῖς ταύτῃ βαρβάροις ὁ ποταμὸς διαβατὸς ἔσται, ἐπεὶ αὐτοῦ τὴν διάβασιν πολλάκις ἤδη Οὖννοί τε καὶ Ἄνται καὶ Σκλαβηνοὶ πεποιημένοι ἀνήκεστα Ῥωμαίους ἔργα εἰργάσαντο. [3] Χιλβούδιος δὲ οὕτω τοῖς βαρβάροις φοβερὸς γέγονεν ὥστε ἐς τριῶν ἐνιαυτῶν χρόνον, ὅσον ξὺν ταύτῃ δὴ τῇ τιμῇ τὴν διατριβὴν ἐνταῦθα εἶχεν, οὐχ ὅσον διαβῆναι τὸν Ἴστρον ἐπὶ τοὺς Ῥωμαίους οὐδεὶς ἴσχυσεν, ἀλλὰ καὶ Ῥωμαῖοι ἐς ἤπειρον τὴν ἀντιπέρας σὺν Χιλβουδίῳ πολλάκις ἰόντες ἔκτεινάν τε καὶ ἠνδραπόδισαν τοὺς ταύτῃ βαρβάρους. [4] ἐνιαυτοῖς δὲ τρισὶν ὕστερον διέβη μὲν ὁ Χιλβούδιος τὸν ποταμὸν ᾗπερ εἰώθει ξὺν ὀλίγῳ στρατῷ, Σκλαβηνοὶ δὲ πανδημεὶ ὑπηντίαζον. [5] μάχης τε καρτερᾶς γενομένης Ῥωμαίων τε πολλοὶ ἔπεσον καὶ Χιλβούδιος ὁ στρατηγός. [6] καὶ τὸ λοιπὸν ὅ τε ποταμὸς ἐσβατὸς ἀεὶ τοῖς βαρβάροις κατ̓ ἐξουσίαν καὶ τὰ Ῥωμαίων πράγματα εὐέφοδα γέγονε, ξύμπασά τε ἡ Ῥωμαίων ἀρχὴ ἀνδρὸς ἑνὸς ἀρετῇ ἀντίρροπος γενέσθαι ἐν τῷ ἔργῳ τούτῳ οὐδαμῆ ἴσχυσε. [7] Χρόνῳ δὲ ὕστερον Ἄνται καὶ Σκλαβηνοὶ διάφοροι ἀλλήλοις γενόμενοι ἐς χεῖρας ἦλθον, ἔνθα δὴ τοῖς Ἄνταις ἡσσηθῆναι τῶν ἐναντίων τετύχηκεν. [
8] ἐν ταύτῃ δὲ τῇ μάχῃ Σκλαβηνὸς ἀνὴρ τῶν τινα πολεμίων ἄρτι γενειάσκοντα, Χιλβούδιον ὄνομα, αἰχμάλωτον εἷλεν, ἔς τε τὰ οἰκεῖα λαβὼν ᾤχετο. [9] οὗτος ὁ Χιλβούδιος προϊόντος τοῦ χρόνου εὔνους τε ὡς ἔνι μάλιστα τῷ κεκτημένῳ ἐγένετο καὶ τὰ ἐς τοὺς πολεμίους δραστήριος. [10] πολλάκις τε τοῦ δεσπότου προκινδυνεύσας ἠρίστευσέ τε διαφερόντως καὶ κλέος ἴσχυσε περιβαλέσθαι ἀπ̓ αὐτοῦ μέγα. [11] ὑπὸ δὲ τὸν χρόνον τοῦτον Ἄνται ἐπισκήψαντες εἰς τὰ ἐπὶ Θράκης χωρία πολλοὺς ἐληΐσαντο καὶ ἠνδραπόδισαν τῶν ἐκείνῃ Ῥωμαίων. οὕσπερ ἐπαγόμενοι ἀπεκομίσθησαν εἰς τὰ πάτρια ἤθη. [12] Τούτων δὲ ἕνα τῶν αἰχμαλώτων εἰς φιλάνθρωπόν τινα ἤγαγεν ἡ τύχη καὶ πρᾷον δεσπότην. ἦν δὲ οὗτος ἀνὴρ κακοῦργός τε λίαν καὶ οἷος ἀπάτῃ τοὺς ἐντυχόντας περιελθεῖν. [13] ἐπειδή τε βουλόμενος ἐπανήκειν ἐς Ῥωμαίων τὴν γῆν οὐδεμιᾷ μηχανῇ εἶχεν, ἐπενόει τοιάδε. τῷ κεκτημένῳ ἐς ὄψιν ἥκων τῆς τε φιλανθρωπίας ἐπῄνεσε καὶ πολλὰ μέν οἱ διὰ τοῦτο πρὸς τοῦ θεοῦ ἰσχυρίσατο τἀγαθὰ ἔσεσθαι, καὶ αὐτὸν δὲ οὐδαμῆ ἀχάριστον δεσπότῃ φιλανθρωποτάτῳ φανήσεσθαι, ἀλλ̓, ἤν γε αὐτῷ τὰ βέλτιστα εἰσηγουμένῳ ἐπακούειν ἐθέλῃ, κύριον αὐτὸν οὐκ εἰς μακρὰν καταστήσεσθαι χρημάτων μεγάλων. [14] εἶναι γὰρ ἐν τῷ Σκλαβηνῶν ἔθνει Χιλβούδιον, τὸν Ῥωμαίων στρατηγήσαντα, ἐν ἀνδραπόδων λόγῳ, πάντας βαρβάρους λανθάνοντα ὅστις ποτέ ἐστιν. [15] ἢν τοίνυν αὐτῷ βουλομένῳ εἴη προέσθαι τε τὰς τοῦ Χιλβουδίου τιμὰς καὶ διακομίζειν τὸν ἄνθρωπον ἐς Ῥωμαίων τὴν γῆν, δόξαν τε ἀγαθὴν καὶ πλούτου αὐτὸν πάμπολυ χρῆμα περιβαλέσθαι πρὸς βασιλέως οὐκ ἀπεικὸς εἶναι. [16] ταῦτα ὁ Ῥωμαῖος εἰπὼν τὸν κεκτημένον εὐθὺς ἔπεισε, καὶ ξὺν αὐτῷ γίνεται ἐν Σκλαβηνοῖς μέσοις: ἐπεκηρυκεύοντο γὰρ ἤδη καὶ ἀλλήλοις ἀνεμίγνυντο ἀδεῶς οἱ βάρβαροι οὗτοι. χρήματα γοῦν πολλὰ τῷ Χιλβούδιον κεκτημένῳ προέμενοι τὸν ἄνδρα ὠνοῦντο καὶ ξὺν αὐτῷ ἀπιόντες εὐθὺς ᾤχοντο. [17] ἐπεί τε ἐν ἤθεσι τοῖς σφετέροις ἐγένοντο, ἀνεπυνθάνετο τοῦ ἀνθρώπου ὁ πριάμενος, εἰ Χιλβούδιος αὐτὸς ὁ Ῥωμαίων στρατηγὸς εἴη. [18] καὶ ὃς οὐκ ἀπηξίου τὰ ὄντα καταλέγειν ξὺν τῷ ἀληθεῖ λόγῳ ἐφεξῆς ἅπαντα, ὡς εἴη μὲν καὶ αὐτὸς Αντης τὸ γένος, μαχόμενος δὲ ξὺν τοῖς ὁμογενέσι πρὸς Σκλαβηνούς, τότε πολεμίους σφίσιν ὄντας, πρός του τῶν ἐναντίων ἁλῴη, τανῦν δέ, ἐπεὶ ἀφίκετο ἐς τὰ πάτρια ἤθη, ἐλεύθερος τὸ λοιπὸν κατά γε τὸν νόμον καὶ αὐτὸς ἔσται. [19] Ὁ μὲν οὖν ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ χρυσίον προέμενος εἰς ἀφασίαν ἐμπεπτωκὼς ἤσχαλλεν, ἐλπίδος ἀποτυχὼν οὐ μετρίας τινός. [20] ὁ δὲ Ῥωμαῖος τόν τε ἄνθρωπον παρηγορεῖν τήν τε ἀλήθειαν ἐκκρούειν ἐθέλων, ὡς μή τι αὐτῷ τῆς ἐς τὴν οἰκείαν ἐπανόδου χαλεπὸν εἴη, Χιλβούδιον μὲν ἐκεῖνον ἔτι τοῦτον δὴ τὸν ἄνδρα ἰσχυρίζετο εἶναι, δεδιότα δὲ ἅτε δὴ ὄντα ἐν μέσοις βαρβάροις ὡς ἥκιστα ἐθέλειν ἀποκαλύψαι τὸν πάντα λόγον, ἢν μέντοι γένηται ἐν γῇ τῇ Ῥωμαίων, οὐχ ὅσον οὐκ ἀποκρύψεσθαι τὸν ἀληθῆ λόγον, ἀλλὰ καὶ φιλοτιμήσεσθαι, ὡς τὸ εἰκός, ἐπὶ τούτῳ δὴ τῷ ὀνόματι. τὰ μὲν οὖν πρῶτα κρύφα ταῦτα ἐπράσσετο τῶν ἄλλων βαρβάρων. [21] Ἐπεὶ δὲ ὁ λόγος περιφερόμενος ἐς ἅπαντας ἦλθεν, ἠγείροντο μὲν ἐπὶ τούτῳ Ἄνται σχεδὸν ἅπαντες, κοινὴν δὲ εἶναι τὴν πρᾶξιν ἠξίουν, μεγάλα σφίσιν οἰόμενοι ἀγαθὰ ἔσεσθαι, κυρίοις ἤδη τοῦ Ῥωμαίων στρατηγοῦ Χιλβουδίου γεγενημένοις. [22] τὰ γὰρ ἔθνη ταῦτα, Σκλαβηνοί τε καὶ Ἄνται, οὐκ ἄρχονται πρὸς ἀνδρὸς ἑνός, ἀλλ̓ ἐν δημοκρατίᾳ ἐκ παλαιοῦ βιοτεύουσι, καὶ διὰ τοῦτο αὐτοῖς τῶν πραγμάτων ἀεὶ τά τε ξύμφορα καὶ τὰ δύσκολα ἐς κοινὸν ἄγεται. ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ τὰ ἄλλα ὡς εἰπεῖν ἅπαντα ἑκατέροις ἐστί τε καὶ νενόμισται τούτοις ἄνωθεν τοῖς βαρβάροις. [23] θεὸν μὲν γὰρ ἕνα τὸν τῆς ἀστραπῆς δημιουργὸν ἁπάντων κύριον μόνον αὐτὸν νομίζουσιν εἶναι, καὶ θύουσιν αὐτῷ βόας τε καὶ ἱερεῖα πάντα: εἱμαρμένην δὲ οὔτε ἴσασιν οὔτε ἄλλως ὁμολογοῦσιν ἔν γε ἀνθρώποις ῥοπήν τινα ἔχειν, ἀλλ̓ ἐπειδὰν αὐτοῖς ἐν ποσὶν ἤδη ὁ θάνατος εἴη, ἢ νόσῳ ἁλοῦσιν ἢ ἐς πόλεμον καθισταμένοις, ἐπαγγέλλονται μέν, ἢν διαφύγωσι, θυσίαν τῷ θεῷ ἀντὶ τῆς ψυχῆς αὐτίκα ποιήσειν, διαφυγόντες δὲ θύουσιν ὅπερ ὑπέσχοντο, καὶ οἴονται τὴν σωτηρίαν ταύτης δὴ τῆς θυσίας αὐτοῖς ἐωνῆσθαι. [24] σέβουσι μέντοι καὶ ποταμούς τε καὶ νύμφας καὶ ἄλλα ἄττα δαιμόνια, καὶ θύουσι καὶ αὐτοῖς ἅπασι, τάς τε μαντείας ἐν ταύταις δὴ ταῖς θυσίαις ποιοῦνται. οἰκοῦσι δὲ ἐν καλύβαις οἰκτραῖς διεσκηνημένοι πολλῷ μὲν ἀπ̓ ἀλλήλων, ἀμείβοντες δὲ ὡς τὰ πολλὰ τὸν τῆς ἐνοικήσεως ἕκαστοι χῶρον. [25] ἐς μάχην δὲ καθιστάμενοι πεζῇ μὲν ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους οἱ πολλοὶ ἴασιν ἀσπίδια καὶ ἀκόντια ἐν χερσὶν ἔχοντες, θώρακα δὲ οὐδαμῆ ἐνδιδύσκονται. [26] τινὲς δὲ οὐδὲ χιτῶνα οὐδὲ τριβώνιον ἔχουσιν, ἀλλὰ μόνας τὰς ἀναξυρίδας ἐναρμοσάμενοι μέχρι ἐς τὰ αἰδοῖα, οὕτω δὴ ἐς ξυμβολὴν τοῖς ἐναντίοις καθίστανται. ἔστι δὲ καὶ μία ἑκατέροις φωνὴ ἀτεχνῶς βάρβαρος. [27] οὐ μὴν οὐδὲ τὸ εἶδος ἐς ἀλλήλους τι διαλλάσσουσιν. εὐμήκεις τε γὰρ καὶ ἄλκιμοι διαφερόντως εἰσὶν ἅπαντες, τὰ δὲ σώματα καὶ τὰς κόμας οὔτε λευκοὶ ἐσάγαν ἢ ξανθ�
�ί εἰσιν οὔτε πη ἐς τὸ μέλαν αὐτοῖς παντελῶς τέτραπται, ἀλλ̓ ὑπέρυθροί εἰσιν ἅπαντες. [28] δίαιταν δὲ σκληράν τε καὶ ἀπημελημένην, ὥσπερ οἱ Μασσαγέται, καὶ αὐτοὶ ἔχουσι, καὶ ῥύπου ᾗπερ ἐκεῖνοι ἐνδελεχέστατα γέμουσι, πονηροὶ μέντοι ἢ κακοῦργοι ὡς ἥκιστα τυγχάνουσιν ὄντες, ἀλλὰ κἀν τῷ ἀφελεῖ διασώζουσι τὸ Οὐννικὸν ἦθος. [29] καὶ μὴν καὶ ὄνομα Σκλαβηνοῖς τε καὶ Ἄνταις ἓν τὸ ἀνέκαθεν ἦν: Σπόρους γὰρ τὸ παλαιὸν ἀμφοτέρους ἐκάλουν, ὅτι δὴ σποράδην, οἶμαι, διεσκηνημένοι τὴν χώραν οἰκοῦσι. [30] διὸ δὴ καὶ γῆν τινα πολλὴν ἔχουσι: τὸ γὰρ πλεῖστον τῆς ἑτέρας τοῦ Ἴστρου ὄχθης αὐτοὶ νέμονται. τὰ μὲν οὖν ἀμφὶ τὸν λεὼν τοῦτον ταύτῃ πη ἔχει. [31] Ἄνται δὲ τότε ἀγειρόμενοι, ὥσπερ ἐρρήθη, τὸν ἄνδρα τοῦτον ἠνάγκαζον ὁμολογεῖν σφίσιν ὅτι Χιλβούδιος αὐτὸς ὁ Ῥωμαίων στρατηγὸς εἴη. [32] ἀρνηθέντα τε κολάζειν ἠπείλουν. ἐν ᾧ δὲ ταῦτα ἐπράσσετο τῇδε, ἐν τούτῳ βασιλεὺς Ἰουστινιανὸς πρέσβεις τινὰς παρὰ τούτους δὴ τοὺς βαρβάρους στείλας ἠξίου ξυνοικίζεσθαι ἅπαντας εἰς πόλιν ἀρχαίαν, Τούρριν ὄνομα, ἣ κεῖται μὲν ὑπὲρ ποταμὸν Ἴστρον, Τραϊανοῦ τοῦ Ῥωμαίων αὐτοκράτορος ἐν τοῖς ἄνω χρόνοις αὐτὴν δειμαμένου, ἔρημος δὲ ἐκ παλαιοῦ ἐτύγχανεν οὖσα, ληϊσαμένων αὐτὴν τῶν ταύτῃ βαρβάρων. [33] ταύτῃ γὰρ αὐτοὺς καὶ τῇ ἀμφ̓ αὐτὴν χώρᾳ Ἰουστινιανὸς βασιλεὺς ἅτε προσηκούσῃ τὸ ἐξ ἀρχῆς Ῥωμαίοις ὡμολόγει δεδωρήσεσθαι καὶ σφίσι ξυνοικιεῖν μὲν δυνάμει τῇ πάσῃ, χρήματα δὲ μεγάλα σφίσι προΐεσθαι, ἐφ̓ ᾧ οἱ ἔνσπονδοι τὸ λοιπὸν ὄντες Οὔννοις ἐμπόδιοι ἐς ἀεὶ γένωνται, καταθεῖν βουλομένοις τὴν Ῥωμαίων ἀρχήν. [34] Ταῦτα ἐπεὶ οἱ βάρβαροι ἤκουσαν, ἐπῄνεσάν τε καὶ πράξειν ἅπαντα ὑπέσχοντο, εἴπερ αὐτοῖς τὸν Χιλβούδιον στρατηγὸν Ῥωμαίων αὖθις καταστησάμενος ξυνοικιστὴν δοίη, αὐτὸν ἐκεῖνον ἰσχυριζόμενοι, ᾗπερ ἠβούλοντο, Χιλβούδιον εἶναι. [35] ταύταις δὲ ὁ ἄνθρωπος ἐπαρθεὶς ταῖς ἐλπίσιν ἤδη καὶ αὐτὸς ἤθελέ τε καὶ ἔφασκε Χιλβούδιος ὁ Ῥωμαίων στρατηγὸς εἶναι. ἐφ̓ οἷς δὴ αὐτὸν στελλόμενον ἐς Βυζάντιον Ναρσῆς ἐν ταύτῃ τῇ πορείᾳ καταλαμβάνει. [36] καὶ ξυγγενόμενος, ἐπεὶ φενακίζοντα τὸν ἄνθρωπον εὗρε ῾καίπερ τήν τε Λατίνων ἀφιέντα φωνὴν καὶ τῶν Χιλβουδίου γνωρισμάτων πολλὰ ἐκμαθόντα τε ἤδη καὶ προσποιεῖσθαι ἱκανῶς ἔχοντἀ ἔν τε δεσμωτηρίῳ καθεῖρξε καὶ τὸν πάντα ἐξειπεῖν λόγον ἠνάγκασεν, οὕτω τε ἐς Βυζάντιον ξὺν αὑτῷ ἤγαγεν. ἐγὼ δὲ ὅθενπερ ἐξέβην ἐπάνειμι.