Delphi Complete Works of Procopius

by Procopius of Caesarea

  This force, by falling upon them suddenly and terrifying them by the unexpectedness of their attack, slew many, for the Persians offered no resistance; indeed they did not even dare raise a hand against them. This was because the Persians, having no expectation that their enemy, who were few in number, would make a sally against them, had taken up positions apart from one another with a view to storming the wall and so were not in battle array. And those who were carrying the rams upon their shoulders were quite naturally both unarmed and unprepared for battle, while the others, with only strung bows in their hands, were entirely unable to ward off an enemy pressing upon them in close array. Thus the Romans, slashing and turning from side to side, kept destroying them. At that moment also it so happened that one of the elephants, because he was wounded, some say, or simply because he became excited, wheeled round out of control and reared up, thus throwing his riders and breaking up the lines of the others. As a result of this the barbarians began to retreat, while the Romans continued without fear to destroy those who from time to time fell in their way. And one might wonder at this point that the Romans, though knowing well by what means they ought to repel a hostile attack by elephants, did none of the necessary things, being obviously confused by the situation, and yet this result was achieved without effort on their part. And what this is I shall now make clear.

  When Chosroes and the Medic army were storming the fortifications of Edessa, one of the elephants, mounted by a great number of the most warlike men among the Persians, came close to the circuit-wall and made it seem that in a short space he would overpower the men defending the tower at that point, seeing they were exposed to missiles falling thickly from above, and would thus take the city. For it seemed that this was, in fact, an engine for the capture of cities. The Romans, however, by suspending a pig from the tower escaped this peril. For as the pig was hanging there, he very naturally gave vent to sundry squeals, and this angered the elephant so that he got out of control and, stepping back little by little, moved off to the rear. Such was the outcome of that situation. But in the present case the omission due to the thoughtlessness of the Romans was made good by chance. But now that I have mentioned Edessa, I shall not be silent as to the portent which appeared there before this present war. When Chosroes was about to break the so-called endless peace, a certain woman in the city gave birth to an infant which in other respects was a normally formed human being, but had two heads. And the meaning of this was made clear by the events which followed; for both Edessa and practically the whole East and the greater part of the Roman empire to the north came to be fought for by two sovereigns. Thus did these things happen. But I shall return to the point from which I strayed.

  When confusion thus fell upon the Medic army, those stationed in the rear, seeing the confusion of those before them, but having no real knowledge of what had happened, became panic-stricken and turned to retreat in great disorder. And the Dolomites also experienced a like panic (for they were fighting from the higher positions and could see everything which transpired), and they too began to flee in a disgraceful manner, so that the rout became decisive. Four thousand of the barbarians fell there, among whom, as it happened, were three of the commanders, and the Romans captured four of the Persian standards, which they immediately sent to Byzantium for the emperor. They say, moreover, that not less than twenty thousand of their horses perished, not from wounds inflicted by their enemy’s missiles or swords, but because in travelling a great distance they had become utterly exhausted and then had found no sufficiency of fodder since the time they had come into Lazica; and so, they say, under the stress of both starvation and weakness they succumbed.

  Having thus failed in this attempt, Mermeroes withdrew with his whole army to Mocheresis; for, even though they had failed of getting Archaeopolis, the Persians still held the mastery of the greater part of the rest of Lazica. Now Mocheresis is one day’s journey distant from Archaeopolis, a district which includes many populous villages. And this is really the best land in Colchis; for both wine and the other good things are produced there, though the rest of Lazica, to be sure, is not of such a sort. Along by this district flows a river called Rheon, and on it the Colchians in ancient times built a fortress, but in later times they themselves razed the greater part of it to the ground, because, lying as it did in a very flat plain, it seemed to them easy of access. In those times the fortress was named Cotiaion in the Greek language, but now the Lazi call it Cotais, having corrupted the true sound of the name because of their ignorance of the language. Such is the account given by Arrian. But others say that the place was a city in ancient times and was called Coetaeon; and that Aeetes was born there, and as a result of this the poets both called him a Coetaean and applied the same name to the land of Colchis.

  This place Mermeroes was now eager to rebuild, but, since he had no equipment for the task, and because at the same time the winter was already setting in, he replaced with wood as quickly as possible such parts of the fortress as had fallen down and remained there. But very close to Cotais is an exceedingly strong fortress, Uthimereos by name; in this the Lazi were maintaining strict guard. And a small number of Roman soldiers also were sharing with them the defence of the fortress. So Mermeroes settled there with his whole army, holding the fairest part of the land of Colchis, and preventing his opponents from carrying any provisions into the fortress of Uthimereos, or from going into the district of Suania and Scymnia, as it is called, though this was subject to them. For when an enemy is in Mocheresis, the road into this region is thereby cut off for both Lazi and Romans. Thus were the armies engaged in Lazica.

  Ἐν δὲ Βυζαντίῳ ὁ Χοσρόου πρεσβευτὴς Ἰσδιγούσνας ἀμφὶ τῇ εἰρήνῃ ἐς λόγους Ἰουστινιανῷ βασιλεῖ ξυνιὼν πολύ τι χρόνου κατέτριψε μῆκος. [2] πολλά τε διαφιλονεικήσαντες ἐν ὑστάτῳ ξυνέβησαν, ἐφ̓ ᾧ πενταετῆ μὲν τὴν ἐκεχειρίαν ἐν τῇ ἑκατέρου βασιλέως ἐπικρατείᾳ εἶναι, φοιτῶντας δὲ παῤ ἀλλήλους ἑκατέρωθεν καὶ ἀδεῶς ἐπικηρυκευομένους ἐν τούτῳ τῷ χρόνῳ τά τε ἀμφὶ Λαζικῇ καὶ Σαρακηνοῖς διάφορα διοικήσασθαι. [3] ξυνέκειτο δὲ Πέρσας πρὸς Ῥωμαίων λαβεῖν ὑπὲρ μὲν τῆς ἐκεχειρίας τῶν πέντε τούτων ἐνιαυτῶν κεντηνάρια χρυσοῦ εἴκοσιν, ὑπὲρ δὲ μηνῶν ὀκτωκαίδεκα, οὓς δὴ μετὰ τὴν προτέραν ἐκεχειρίαν ἐς ταύτην διαδραμεῖν μεταξὺ ἔτυχεν, ἕως ἑκάτεροι παῤ ἀλλήλους ἐπρέσβευον, ἕτερα κεντηνάρια ἕξ. [4] ἐπὶ τούτῳ γὰρ ἔφασκον Πέρσαι καὶ τοὺς ὑπὲρ τῶν σπονδῶν λόγους ξυγκεχωρηκέναι γενέσθαι. [5] ταῦτα δὲ τὰ εἴκοσι κεντηνάρια Ἰσδιγούσνας μὲν αὐτόθεν ἠξίου κομίζεσθαι, βασιλεὺς δὲ ἤθελεν ἐς ἕκαστον ἔτος τέτταρα δοῦναι, τούτου δὴ ἕνεκα, τοῦ μὴ παραβῆναι τὰς ξυνθήκας Χοσρόην ἐνέχυρον ἔχειν. [6] ὕστερον μέντοι τὸ ξυγκείμενον ἅπαν χρυσίον Ῥωμαῖοι Πέρσαις εὐθὺς ἔδοσαν, τοῦ μὴ δοκεῖν δασμοὺς ἀνὰ πᾶν ἔτος αὐτοῖς ἀποφέρειν. [7] τὰ γὰρ αἰσχρὰ ὀνόματα, οὐ τὰ πράγματα, εἰώθασιν ἄνθρωποι ἐκ τοῦ ἐπὶ πλεῖστον αἰσχύνεσθαι. [8] Ἦν δέ τις ἐν Πέρσαις Βερσαβοῦς ὄνομα, λόγιμός τε διαφερόντως καὶ Χοσρόῃ βασιλεῖ ἐς τὰ μάλιστα φίλος. [9] ὅνπερ ποτὲ Βαλεριανὸς ἐν Ἀρμενίοις παραπεπτωκότα ἐν ξυμβολῇ δορυάλωτον ε�
��λεν, ἔς τε Βυζάντιον αὐτίκα βασιλεῖ ἔπεμψε. [10] καὶ αὐτῷ χρόνος πολὺς φυλασσομένῳ ἐνταῦθα ἐτρίβη. βουλομένῳ τε ἦν τῷ Χοσρόῃ χρημάτων ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ προΐεσθαι πλῆθος, ὅπως τὸν Βερσαβοῦν ἐπανήκοντα ἴδῃ ἐς τὰ Περσῶν ἤθη. [11] ἀλλὰ νῦν ἐξαιτησαμένου αὐτὸν Ἰσδιγούσνα Ἰουστινιανὸς βασιλεὺς τὸν ἄνδρα ἀφῆκεν: ἐπηγγέλλετο γὰρ βασιλεῖ ὁ πρεσβευτὴς οὗτος ἀναπείσειν Χοσρόην ἐκ τῆς Λαζικῆς ἀναστῆσαι τὸ Περσῶν στράτευμα. [12] ἐγένετο δὲ ἡ ἐκεχειρία ἥδε Ῥωμαίοις τε καὶ Πέρσαις, πέμπτον τε καὶ εἰκοστὸν ἐνιαυτὸν Ἰουστινιανοῦ βασιλέως τὴν αὐτοκράτορα ἀρχὴν ἔχοντος. [13] ταύταις δὲ ταῖς σπονδαῖς Ῥωμαίων οἱ πλεῖστοι ἐπιεικῶς ἤχθοντο. καὶ εἰ μὲν δικαίαν τινὰ ἢ ἀλόγιστον ἐποιοῦντο τὴν μέμψιν, οἷά γε τὰ τῶν ἀρχομένων, οὐκ ἔχω εἰπεῖν. [14] Ἔλεγον δὲ ὅτι δὴ Λαζικῆς βεβαιότατα πρὸς Περσῶν ἀρχομένης αἱ ξυνθῆκαι αὗται γεγόνασιν, ὡς μή τις πενταετὲς αὐτοὺς ἐνοχλήσῃ, ἀλλ̓ ἀδεέστερόν τε καὶ ἀπονώτερον γῆς τῆς Κολχίδος τὰ κάλλιστα πάντα τοῦτον τὸν χρόνον ἐνοικεῖν δύνωνται. [15] ὅθεν αὐτοὺς τὸ λοιπὸν ἐξελάσαι οὐδεμιᾷ Ῥωμαῖοι ἐς ἅπαντα τὸν αἰῶνα μηχανῇ ἕξουσιν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὸ Βυζάντιον ἐνθένδε Πέρσαις εὐέφοδον τὸ λοιπὸν ἔσται. ταῦτα οὖν ἀποσκοποῦντες οἱ πολλοὶ ἤσχαλλον καὶ δυσφορούμενοι διηποροῦντο: [16] καὶ ὅτι Πέρσαι τὸ ἐκ παλαιοῦ μὲν σφίσιν ἐν σπουδῇ γεγονός, δόξαν δὲ οὔτε πολέμῳ κρατήσειν οὔτε τῳ ἄλλῳ τρόπῳ δυνατὸν ἔσεσθαι, λέγω δέ, ὅπως ἐς δασμοῦ ἀπαγωγὴν ὑπόφοροι αὐτῶν Ῥωμαῖοι ἔσονται, ἰσχυρότατα ἐν τῷ παρόντι τῷ τῆς ἐκεχειρίας ὀνόματι ἐκρατύναντο. [17] τάξας γὰρ ὁ Χοσρόης Ῥωμαίοις κεντηναρίων ἐπέτειον τεσσάρων δασμόν, οὗπερ γλιχόμενος τὸ ἐξ ἀρχῆς διαφανὴς ἦν, ἐς ἕνδεκα ἔτη τανῦν καὶ μῆνας ἓξ εὐπρεπεῖ λόγῳ ἓξ καὶ τεσσαράκοντα κεντηνάρια τῇ τῆς ἐκεχειρίας κεκόμισται σκήψει, ὄνομα τῷ δασμῷ τὰς σπονδὰς θέμενος, καίπερ ἐπὶ Λαζικῆς μεταξὺ βιαζόμενός τε καὶ πολεμῶν, ᾗπερ ἐρρήθη. [18] ὧνπερ Ῥωμαῖοι σφᾶς αὐτοὺς ῥύσασθαι ἐς τὸν ἔπειτα χρόνον ἐν ἐλπίδι τὸ λοιπὸν οὐδεμιᾷ εἶχον, ἀλλὰ φόρου ὑποτελεῖς Πέρσαις ᾔσθοντο οὐ κεκρυμμένως γεγενημένοι. [19] ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ταύτῃ ἐπέπρακτο. Ἰσδιγούσνας δὲ χρήματά τε περιβαλόμενος ὅσα οὐδεὶς πρέσβεων πώποτε, καὶ πάντων, οἶμαι, πλουσιώτατος Περσῶν γεγονὼς ἐπ̓ οἴκου ἀπεκομίσθη, ἐπεὶ αὐτὸν Ἰουστινιανὸς βασιλεὺς ἐτετιμήκει τε ἐν τοῖς μάλιστα καὶ χρήμασι μεγάλοις δωρησάμενος ἀπεπέμψατο. [20] μόνος δὲ πρέσβεων ἁπάντων οὗτος ἐς πεῖραν φυλακῆς οὐδεμιᾶς ἦλθεν, ἀλλ̓ αὐτός τε καὶ ὅσοι αὐτῷ βάρβαροι εἵποντο πολλοὶ ἐσάγαν ὄντες ἐν πολλῇ ἐξουσίᾳ ἐγένοντο ἐπὶ χρόνου μῆκος ἐντυγχάνειν τε καὶ ξυγγίνεσθαι οἷς ἂν βούλοιντο, καὶ τῆς πόλεως πανταχόσε περιπάτους ποιεῖσθαι, ὠνεῖσθαί τε καὶ ἀποδίδοσθαι ὅσα ἦν βουλομένοις σφίσι, καὶ ξυμβόλαια ποιεῖσθαι πάντα ἐργασίᾳ τε τῇ περὶ ταῦτα ἐνδιατρίβειν ξὺν πάσῃ ἀδείᾳ, καθάπερ ἐν πόλει αὐτῶν ἰδίᾳ, Ῥωμαίων αὐτοῖς οὐδενὸς ἑπομένου ἢ ξυνόντος ὅλως ἢ τηρεῖν ἀξιοῦντος, ᾗπερ εἰώθει. [21] Ἐν τούτῳ τῷ χρόνῳ τετύχηκέ τι τῶν οὔπω πρότερον, ὅσα γε ἡμᾶς εἰδέναι, γεγονότων ξυνενεχθῆναι. τοῦ μὲν γὰρ ἔτους μετόπωρον ἦν, αὐχμὸς δὲ καὶ πνιγμὸς ὥσπερ θέρους μέσου ἐγένετο θαυμαστὸν ὅσον: ὥστε ἀμέλει ῥόδων μὲν πλῆθος ἅτε ἦρος ὄντος ἐφύη, τῶν εἰωθότων οὐδενὶ τὸ παράπαν διαλλασσόντων. [22] καρποὺς δὲ τὰ δένδρα σχεδόν τι ἅπαντα νέους τινὰς αὖθις ἤνεγκε, κἀν ταῖς ἀμπέλοις οὐδέν τι ἧσσον ἐγένοντο βότρυες, καίπερ τοῦ τρυγήτου γεγενημένου ἡμέραις ἤδη οὐ πολλαῖς ἔμπροσθεν. [23] οἷς δὴ οἱ ταῦτα δεινοὶ τεκμηριούμενοι προὔλεγον ἀπροσδόκητον μέγα τι ἔσεσθαι, οἱ μὲν ἀγαθόν, οἱ δὲ τοὐναντίον. [24] ἐγὼ δὲ ταῦτα μὲν κατά τι ξυμβεβηκὸς γεγονέναι οἶμαι, νότων ἐπὶ πλεῖστον ἀνέμων, ᾗπερ εἰώθει, ἐπιπεσόντων καὶ θέρμης ἐνθένδε παρὰ τὰ ξυνειθισμένα πολλῆς τε καὶ οὐ κατὰ φύσιν τῆς ὥρας ἐπιγενομένης τῇ χώρᾳ. [25] εἰ δέ τι, ὥσπερ οὗτοί φασι, καὶ σημαίνει παρὰ δόξαν ἐσόμενον, βεβαιότατα ἐκ τῶν ἀποβησομένων εἰσόμεθα.

  XV

  In Byzantium, meanwhile, Chosroes’ envoy Isdigousnas, in conferring with the Emperor Justinian regarding the peace, wasted a vast amount of time.

  And it was only after long-continued debates that they finally reached an agreement that for five years the truce should be observed in the realms of both sovereigns, while envoys passed back and forth from each country to the other, fearlessly carrying on negotiations for peace during this period until they should settle the points of disagreement regarding both Lazica and the Saracens. It was further agreed that the Persians receive from the Romans for this five-year truce twenty centenaria of gold, and for eighteen months which had elapsed between the expiration of the former truce and the time when they had commenced negotiations with each other in the present case, six centenaria more. For the Persians declared that only on this understanding had they permitted negotiations for the treaty to proceed. Isdigousnas further demanded that he should receive these twenty centenaria on the spot, but the emperor wished to give four each year, his purpose, of course, being that he might have surety that Chosroes would not violate the agreement. Later, however, the Romans gave the Persians outright the entire amount of gold agreed upon, in order not to appear to be paying them tribute each year. For it is the disgraceful name, and not the fact, which men are wont as a general thing to be ashamed of.

  Now there was a certain man among the Persians named Bersabus, a person of especial note and a very close friend of King Chosroes. Valerian had once happened upon this man in a battle in Armenia, and he took him prisoner and immediately sent him to the emperor at Byzantium. And a long time passed while he was being kept under guard there. Now Chosroes was willing to advance a
great amount of money for him, in order that he might see Bersabus returned to the land of Persia. But on the present occasion the Emperor Justinian released the man at the request of Isdigousnas; for this ambassador promised the emperor to persuade Chosroes to remove the Persian army from Lazica. Thus this armistice was arranged by the Romans and Persians in the twenty-fifth year of the reign of the Emperor Justinian. Now the majority of the Romans were thoroughly displeased with this treaty; but whether the reproach they made was in some measure justified or as unreasonable as the complaints of subjects commonly are, I am unable to say. [553 A.D.]

  These objectors kept saying that this peace had been made while Lazica was most firmly in the power of the Persians, whose purpose was that for five years no one might molest them, but that during this time they might be able without fear or hardship to occupy all the fairest parts of the land of Colchis; and the Romans thereafter would be utterly unable to dislodge them from there in all time, but thenceforth Byzantium itself would be easily accessible to the Persians from that point. Such was the general view, and the people were consequently vexed and irritated and utterly pessimistic. They were also moved by the fact that the very thing which the Persians had been striving for from ancient times, but which had seemed impossible of achievement either by war or by any other means, — that is to say, having the Romans subject to the payment of tribute to them — this had been most firmly achieved at the present juncture in the name of an armistice. For Chosroes, by imposing upon the Romans an annual tribute of four centenaria, the very thing he had clearly been bent upon having from the first, has up to the present time in a space of eleven years and six months speciously gathered in forty-six centenaria on the pretext of the armistice, giving to the tribute the name of treaty, although in the meantime he has, as stated, been carrying on a campaign of violence and war in Lazica. From this plight the Romans had not the least hope of rescuing themselves in the future, but they perceived that they had in no hidden sense become tributary to the Persians. Thus were these things done.