Delphi Complete Works of Procopius

by Procopius of Caesarea

  XXXIV

  At that time it was shewn to the world with the greatest clearness that in the case of all men who have been doomed to suffer ill, even those things which seem to be blessings turn out for their destruction, and even when they have fared as they wish they are, it may be, destroyed together with this same prosperity. For this victory turned out to be for the Roman senate and people a cause of far greater destruction, in the following manner. The Goths, on the one hand, as by their flight they abandoned the dominion of Italy, made it an incident of their progress to destroy without mercy the Romans who fell in their way. And the barbarians of the Roman army, on the other hand, treated as enemies all whom they chanced upon as they entered the city. Furthermore, this too befell them. Many of the members of the senate, by decision of Totila, had been remaining previously in the towns of Campania. And some of them, upon learning that Rome was held by the emperor’s army, departed from Campania and went thither. But when this was learned by the Goths who happened to be in the fortresses there, they searched that whole country and killed all the patricians. Among these was Maximus, whom I have mentioned in the preceding narrative. It happened also that Totila, when he went from there to encounter Narses, had gathered the children of the notable Romans from each city and selected about three hundred of them whom he considered particularly fine in appearance, telling their parents that they were to live with him, though in reality they were to be hostages to him. And at that time Totila merely commanded that they should be north of the Po River, but now Teïas found and killed them all.

  Now Ragnaris, a Goth, who commanded the garrison at Tarentum, had received pledges from Pacurius at the emperor’s wish and agreed that he would submit to the Romans, as previously stated, and had furnished six Goths as hostages to the Romans to make this agreement binding; but upon hearing that Teïas had become king over the Goths and had invited the Franks to an alliance and wished to engage with the enemy with his whole army, he reversed his purpose completely and refused absolutely to fulfil his agreement. But he was eager and determined to get back the hostages, and so devised the following plan. He sent to Pacurius with the request that a few Roman soldiers be sent him in order that it might be possible for his men with safety to go to Dryus and from there to cross the Ionian Gulf and make their way to Byzantium. So Pacurius, being utterly ignorant of the man’s purposes, sent him fifty of his men. And when Ragnaris had received them in the fortress, he immediately put them into confinement and sent word to Pacurius that, if it was his wish to recover his own soldiers, he would be obliged to surrender the Gothic hostages. But when Pacurius heard this, he left a few men to keep guard over Dryus, and immediately marched with all the rest of his army against the enemy. Thereupon Ragnaris killed the fifty men immediately, and then led forth the Goths from Tarentum to encounter his enemy. And when they engaged with each other, the Goths were defeated. Whereupon Ragnaris, having lost great numbers there, set off in flight with the remnant. However, he was quite unable to get back into Tarentum, since the Romans surrounded it on every side, but he went to Acherontis and remained there. Thus, then, did these things happen. And not long afterwards the Romans took Portus by surrender after besieging the place, and likewise a fortress in Tuscany which they call Nepa, as well as the stronghold of Petra Pertusa, as it is called.

  Meanwhile Teïas, considering the Goths by themselves not a match for the Roman army, sent to Theudibald, the ruler of the Franks, offering a large sum of money and inviting him to an alliance. The Franks, however, out of regard for their own interests, I suppose, wished to die for the benefit neither of Goths nor Romans, but were eager, rather, to acquire Italy for themselves, and only to attain this were they willing to undergo the perils of war. Now it so happened that, while Totila had deposited some of his money in Ticinum, as previously stated, he had placed the most of it in an exceedingly strong fortress at Cumae, which is in Campania, and he had set guards over the place, appointing as their commander his own brother with Herodian. Narses, then, wishing to capture this garrison, sent some men to Cumae to besiege the fortress, while he himself remained at Rome, putting it in order. And he sent another force with orders to besiege Centumcellae. Teïas then became fearful concerning the guards in Cumae and the money, and despairing of his hope of the Franks, he put his forces in array, intending to engage with his enemy.

  But when Narses perceived this, he ordered John the nephew of Vitalian and Philemuth to proceed with his own army into the province of Tuscany, in order to take up a position there and check the march of his opponents to Campania, in order that the force besieging Cumae might be able without fear of molestation to capture it either by storm or by surrender. But Teïas, leaving the most direct roads very far on his right, took many very long detours, passing along the coast of the Ionian Gulf, and so reached Campania, having eluded his enemy entirely. And when Narses learned this, he summoned the forces of John and Philemuth, who were guarding the road through Tuscany, called back Valerian, who was just capturing Petra Pertusa, as it is called, with his men, collected his forces, and himself with his whole army marched into Campania arrayed as for battle.

  Ἔστι δέ τι ὄρος ἐπὶ Καμπανίας ὁ Βέβιος, οὗπερ ἐν τοῖς ἔμπροσθεν λόγοις ἐμνήσθην, ὅτι δὴ πολλάκις ἀφίησιν ἦχον μυκηθμῷ ἐμφερῆ. καὶ ἐπειδὰν αὐτῷ τοῦτο ξυμβαίη, ὁ δὲ καὶ κόνεως ἐπὶ τούτῳ ζεούσης μέγα τι χρῆμα ἐρεύγεται. ταῦτα μὲν ἐς ἐκεῖνό μοι τοῦ λόγου ἐρρήθη. [2] τούτου δὴ τοῦ ὄρους, ᾗπερ καὶ τῆς κατὰ τὴν Σικελίαν Αἴτνης, κενὰ τὰ ἐν μέσῳ ἐκ τῶν ἐσχάτων ἄχρι ἐς τὴν ὑπερβολὴν ἀπὸ ταὐτομάτου τετύχηκεν εἶναι, οὗ δὴ ἔνερθεν διηνεκὲς τὸ πῦρ καίεται. [3] ἐς τόσον δὲ βάθος τοῦτο δὴ τὸ κενὸν διήκειν ξυμβαίνει ὥστε δὴ ἀνθρώπῳ ἐν τῇ ἀκρωρείᾳ ἑστῶτι ὑπερκύπτειν τε τολμῶντι ἐνθένδε οὐ ῥᾳδίως ἡ φλὸξ ὁρατὴ γίνεται. [4] ὁπηνίκα δὲ ξυνενεχθείη τῷ ὄρει τῷδε τὴν κόνιν, ᾗπέρ μοι ἐρρήθη, ἐρεύγεσθαι, καὶ πέτρας ἀποτεμνομένη ἀπὸ τῶν τοῦ Βεβίου ἐσχάτων ἡ φλὸξ ὑπὲρ τὴν κορυφὴν τοῦ ὄρους τούτου μετεωρίζει, τὰς μὲν βραχείας, τὰς δὲ καὶ μεγάλας κομιδῆ οὔσας, ἐνθένδε τε αὐτὰς ἀποπεμπομένη ὅπη παρατύχοι διασκεδάννυσι. [5] ῥέει δὲ καὶ ῥύαξ ἐνταῦθα πυρὸς ἐκ τῆς ἀκρωρείας κατατείνων ἄχρι ἐς τοῦ ὄρους τὸν πρόποδα καὶ ἔτι πρόσω, ἅπερ ἅπαντα καὶ κατὰ τὴν Αἴτνην γίνεσθαι πέφυκεν. ὄχθας δὲ ποιεῖται ὑψηλὰς ἑκατέρωθεν ὁ τοῦ πυρὸς ῥύαξ, τὰ ἔνερθεν τέμνων. [6] καὶ φερομένη μὲν ἐπὶ τοῦ ῥύακος τὰ πρῶτα ἡ φλὸξ καιομένῃ εἰκάζεται ὕδατος ἐκροῇ: ἐπεὶ δὲ αὐτῇ ἀποσβεσθῆναι ξυμβαίη, ἀναστέλλεται μὲν τῷ ῥύακι ὁ δρόμος εὐθύς, ἐπίπροσθέν τε ὁ ῥοῦς οὐδαμῆ πρόεισι, τὸ δὲ ὑφίζανον τούτου δὴ τοῦ πυρὸς πηλὸς φαίνεται σποδιᾷ ἐμφερής. [7] Κατὰ τούτου δὴ τοῦ Βεβίου τὸν πρόποδα ὕδατος πηγαὶ ποτίμου εἰσί. καὶ ποταμὸς ἀπ̓ αὐτῶν πρόεισι Δράκων ὄνομα, ὃς δὴ ἄγχιστά πη τῆς Νουκερίας πόλεως φέρεται. τούτου τοῦ ποταμοῦ ἑκατέρωθεν ἐστρατοπεδεύσαντο ἀμφότεροι τότε. [8] ἔστι δὲ ὁ Δράκων τὸ μὲ
ν ῥεῦμα βραχύς, οὐ μέντοι ἐσβατὸς οὔτε ἱππεῦσιν οὔτε πεζοῖς, ἐπεὶ ῾ἐν στενῷ ξυνάγων τὸν ῥοῦν̓ τήν τε γῆν ἀποτεμνόμενος ὡς βαθύτατα ἑκατέρωθεν ὥσπερ ἀποκρεμαμένας ποιεῖται τὰς ὄχθας. [9] πότερα δὲ τῆς γῆς ἢ τοῦ ὕδατος φέρεται τὴν αἰτίαν ἡ φύσις οὐκ ἔχω εἰδέναι. καταλαβόντες δὲ τοῦ ποταμοῦ τὴν γέφυραν Γότθοι, ἐπεὶ αὐτῆς ἐστρατοπεδεύσαντο ἄγχιστα, πύργους τε ξυλίνους ταύτῃ ἐνθέμενοι μηχανάς τε ἄλλας καὶ τὰς βαλλίστρας καλουμένας ἐνταῦθα πεποίηνται, ὅπως ἐνθένδε κατὰ κορυφὴν τῶν πολεμίων ἐνοχλοῦντας δύνωνται βάλλειν. [10] ἐκ χειρὸς μὲν οὖν γίνεσθαί τινα ξυμβολὴν ἀμήχανα ἦν, τοῦ ποταμοῦ, ᾗπέρ μοι εἴρηται, μεταξὺ ὄντος: ἀμφότεροι δὲ ὡς ἀγχοτάτω τῆς κατ̓ αὐτὸν ὄχθης γενόμενοι τοξεύμασι τὰ πολλὰ ἐς ἀλλήλους ἐχρῶντο. [11] ἐγίνοντο δὲ καὶ μονομαχίαι τινές, Γότθου ἀνδρός, ἂν οὕτω τύχοι, ἐκ προκλήσεως τὴν γέφυραν διαβαίνοντος. χρόνος τε μηνῶν δυοῖν τοῖν στρατοπέδοιν ἐς τοῦτο ἐτρίβη. [12] ἕως μὲν οὖν ἐθαλασσοκράτουν ἐνταῦθα οἱ Γότθοι, ἐσκομιζόμενοι τὰ ἐπιτήδεια ναυσὶν ἀντεῖχον, ἐπεὶ τῆς θαλάσσης ἐστρατοπεδεύοντο οὐ πολλῷ ἄποθεν. [13] ὕστερον δὲ Ῥωμαῖοι τά τε πλοῖα τῶν πολεμίων προδοσίᾳ Γότθου ἀνδρὸς εἷλον ὃς δὴ ταῖς ναυσὶν ἐφειστήκει πάσαις, καὶ αὐτοῖς νῆες ἀνάριθμοι ἦλθον ἔκ τε Σικελίας καὶ τῆς ἄλλης ἀρχῆς. [14] ἅμα δὲ καὶ ὁ Ναρσῆς πύργους ξυλίνους ἐπὶ τοῦ ποταμοῦ τῇ ὄχθῃ καταστησάμενος δουλῶσαι τῶν ἐναντίων τὸ φρόνημα παντελῶς ἴσχυσεν. [15] Οἷς δὴ οἱ Γότθοι περίφοβοι γεγενημένοι καὶ πιεζόμενοι τῶν ἀναγκαίων τῇ ἀπορίᾳ ἐς ὄρος ἄγχιστα ὂν καταφεύγουσιν, ὅπερ Ῥωμαῖοι Γάλακτος Ὄρος τῇ Λατίνων καλοῦσι φωνῇ: οὗ δὴ αὐτοῖς Ῥωμαῖοι ἐπισπέσθαι οὐδαμῆ εἶχον, τῆς δυσχωρίας ἀντιστατούσης. [16] ἀλλὰ τοῖς βαρβάροις αὐτίκα ἐνταῦθα ἀναβεβηκόσι μετέμελεν, ἐπεὶ τῶν ἐπιτηδείων πολλῷ ἔτι μᾶλλον ἐσπάνιζον, σφίσι τε αὐτοῖς καὶ τοῖς ἵπποις ἐκπορίζεσθαι αὐτὰ οὐδεμιᾷ μηχανῇ ἔχοντες. [17] διὸ δὴ τὴν ἐν ξυμβολῇ τοῦ βίου καταστροφὴν αἱρετωτέραν τῆς πρὸς τοῦ λιμοῦ εἶναι οἰόμενοι ὁμόσε τοῖς πολεμίοις παρὰ δόξαν ἐχώρουν, ἀπροσδόκητοί τε αὐτοῖς ἐξαπιναίως ἐπέπεσον. [18] Ῥωμαῖοι δὲ αὐτοὺς ὡς ἐκ τῶν παρόντων ἀμυνούμενοι ἔστησαν, οὐ κατὰ ἄρχοντας ἢ λόχους ἢ καταλόγους τὴν τάξιν καταστησάμενοι, οὐδὲ τρόπῳ τῳ ἄλλῳ διακεκριμένοι ἀλλήλων, οὐδὲ τῶν σφίσι παραγγελλομένων ἐν τῇ ξυμβολῇ ἀκουσόμενοι, ἀλλ̓ ἀλκῇ τῇ πάσῃ, ὅπη ποτὲ παρατύχῃ, τοῖς πολεμίοις ἀντιταξόμενοι. [19] Γότθοι μὲν οὖν τῶν ἵππων ἀφέμενοι πρῶτοι πεζῇ μετωπηδὸν εἰς βαθεῖαν φάλαγγα ἔστησαν ἅπαντες, καὶ Ῥωμαῖοι δὲ ταῦτα ἰδόντες τοὺς ἵππους ἀφῆκαν, καὶ τρόπῳ τῷ αὐτῷ ἐτάξαντο πάντες. [20] Ἐνταῦθά μοι μάχη τε πολλοῦ λόγου ἀξία καὶ ἀνδρὸς ἀρετὴ οὐδὲ τῶν τινὸς λεγομένων ἡρώων, οἶμαι, καταδεεστέρα γεγράψεται, ἧς δὴ ὁ Τεΐας δήλωσιν ἐν τῷ παρόντι πεποίηται. [21] Γότθους μὲν ἐς εὐτολμίαν ἡ τῶν παρόντων ἀπόγνωσις ὥρμα, Ῥωμαῖοι δὲ αὐτούς, καίπερ ἀπονενοημένους ὁρῶντες, ὑφίσταντο δυνάμει τῇ πάσῃ, τοῖς καταδεεστέροις ἐρυθριῶντες ὑποχωρεῖν, ἀμφότεροί τε θυμῷ ἐπὶ τοὺς πέλας πολλῷ ἵεντο, οἱ μὲν θανατῶντες, [22] οἱ δὲ ἀρετῶντες. καὶ ἡ μὲν μάχη πρωὶ ἤρξατο, Τεΐας δὲ πᾶσιν ἔνδηλος γεγενημένος καὶ τὴν μὲν ἀσπίδα προβεβλημένος, ἐπανατεινόμενος δὲ τὸ δόρυ, πρῶτος ξὺν ὀλίγοις τισὶ τῆς φάλαγγος ἔστη. [23] Ῥωμαῖοι δὲ αὐτὸν ἰδόντες, οἰόμενοί τε, ἢν αὐτὸς πέσῃ, διαλυθήσεσθαι τὴν ξυμβολὴν σφίσιν αὐτίκα δὴ μάλα, ξυνίσταντο ἐπ̓ αὐτὸν ὅσοι ἀρετῆς μετεποιοῦντο, παμπληθεῖς ὄντες, καὶ τὰ δόρατα ἐς αὐτὸν ἅπαντες οἱ μὲν ὤθουν, οἱ δὲ ἐσηκόντιζον. [24] αὐτὸς δὲ ὑπὸ τῇ ἀσπίδι κεκαλυμμένος ταύτῃ μὲν τὰ δόρατα ἐδέχετο πάντα, ἐμπίπτων δὲ αὐτοὺς ἐκ τοῦ αἰφνιδίου πολλοὺς διεχρῆτο. [25] καὶ ὁπηνίκα οἱ τὴν ἀσπίδα ἔμπλεων οὖσαν πεπηγότων δοράτων θεῷτο, τῶν τινὶ ὑπασπιστῶν ταύτην παραδιδοὺς ἑτέραν ᾑρεῖτο. [26] οὕτω μαχόμενος ἐς τῆς ἡμέρας τὸ τριτημόριον διαγέγονε, καὶ τότε δὴ δώδεκα μὲν αὐτῷ δόρατα ἐμπεπηγότα ἡ ἀσπὶς εἶχε, κινεῖν δὲ αὐτὴν ὅπη βούλοιτο καὶ ἀποκρούεσθαι τοὺς ἐπιόντας οὐκέτι ἴσχυε. [27] τῶν δέ τινα ὑπασπιστῶν μετεκάλει σπουδῇ, οὐ τὴν τάξιν λιπὼν οὐδὲ ὅσον ἄχρι ἐς δάκτυλον ἕνα οὐδὲ ἀναποδίσας, ἢ τοὺς πολεμίους ἐπὶ τὰ πρόσω ἐπαγαγόμενος, οὐδὲ ἐπιστραφείς, οὐδὲ τὰ νῶτα τῇ ἀσπίδι ἐρείσας, οὐ μὴν οὐδὲ πλάγιος γεγονώς, ἀλλ̓ ὥσπερ τῷ ἐδάφει ἐρηρεισμένος αὐτοῦ μετὰ τῆς ἀσπίδος εἱστήκει, κτείνων τε τῇ δεξιᾷ χειρὶ καὶ ἀποκρουόμενος τῇ λαιᾷ καὶ ἀνακαλῶν τὸ τοῦ ὑπασπιστοῦ ὄνομα. [28] καὶ ὁ μὲν αὐτῷ μετὰ τῆς ἀσπίδος παρῆν, ὁ δὲ ταύτην εὐθὺς τῆς βαρυνομένης τοῖς δόρασιν ἀντηλλάσσετο. [29] ἐν τούτῳ δέ οἱ χρόνου τινὰ βραχεῖαν στιγμὴν γυμνῷ γενέσθαι τὰ στέρνα ξυνέβη, τύχῃ τέ οἱ ξυνέπεσε τότε ἀκοντίῳ βεβλῆσθαι καὶ ἀπ̓ αὐτοῦ εὐθυωρὸν θνήσκει. [30] καὶ αὐτοῦ τὴν κεφαλὴν ἐπὶ κοντοῦ μετεωρίσαντες τῶν Ῥωμαίων τινὲς στρατιᾷ ἑκατέρᾳ περιιόντες ἐδείκνυον, Ῥωμαίοις μέν, ὅπως δὴ θαρσήσωσι μᾶλλον, Γότθοις δέ, ὅπως ἀπογνόντες τὸν πόλεμον καταλύσωσιν. [31] Οὐ μὴν οὐδ̓ ὣς τὴν ξυμβολὴν κατέλυσαν Γότθοι, ἀλλ̓ ἄχ
ρι ἐς νύκτα ἐμάχοντο, καίπερ ἐξεπιστάμενοι τὸν βασιλέα τεθνάναι σφίσιν. ἐπειδὴ δὲ ξυνεσκόταζεν, αὐτοῦ ἑκάτεροι διαλυθέντες ἐν τῇ τῶν ὅπλων σκευῇ ἐνυκτέρευσαν. [32] ἡμέρᾳ δὲ τῇ ἐπιγενομένῃ ἀναστάντες ὄρθρου τρόπῳ τῷ αὐτῷ αὖθις ἐτάξαντο καὶ μέχρι ἐς νύκτα ἐμάχοντο, καὶ οὔτε ὑπεχώρουν ἀλλήλοις οὔτε πη ἐτρέποντο ἢ ἀνεπόδιζον, καίπερ ἀμφοτέρωθεν κτεινομένων πολλῶν, ἀλλ̓ ἀπηγριωμένοι τῷ ἐς ἀλλήλους ἀπηνεῖ ἔργου εἴχοντο, Γότθοι μὲν εὖ εἰδότες ὅτι δὴ τὴν ὑστάτην διαφέρουσι μάχην, Ῥωμαῖοι δὲ αὐτῶν ἐλασσοῦσθαι ἀπαξιοῦντες. [33] ἐν ὑστάτῳ δὲ οἱ βάρβαροι παρὰ τὸν Ναρσῆν πέμψαντες τῶν λογίμων τινὰς μεμαθηκέναι μὲν ἔλεγον ὡς πρὸς τὸν θεὸν σφίσιν ὁ ἀγὼν γένοιτο: αἰσθάνεσθαι γὰρ τὴν ἀντιταχθεῖσαν αὐτοῖς δύναμιν: καὶ τοῖς ξυμπεσοῦσι ξυμβάλλοντες τὴν τῶν πραγμάτων ἀλήθειαν γνωσιμαχεῖν τὸ λοιπὸν βούλεσθαι καὶ ἀπολιπεῖν τὴν ἀγώνισιν, οὐ μέντοι βασιλεῖ ἐπακούσοντες, ἀλλὰ ξὺν τῶν ἄλλων βαρβάρων τισὶν αὐτόνομοι βιοτεύσοντες, ἐδέοντό τε εἰρηναίαν σφίσι τὴν ἀναχώρησιν ἐνδοῦναι Ῥωμαίους, οὐ φθονοῦντας αὐτοῖς λογισμοῦ σώφρονος, ἀλλὰ καὶ χρήμασι τοῖς αὐτῶν ὥσπερ ἐφοδίοις αὐτοὺς δωρουμένους, ὅσα δὴ ἐν τοῖς ἐπὶ τῆς Ἰταλίας φρουρίοις αὐτῶν ἕκαστος ἐναποθέμενος ἔτυχε πρότερον. [34] ταῦτα ὁ μὲν Ναρσῆς ἐν βουλῇ ἐποιεῖτο. Ἰωάννης δὲ ὁ Βιταλιανοῦ παρῄνει δέησιν ἐνδέχεσθαι τήνδε, καὶ μὴ περαιτέρω θανατῶσιν ἀνθρώποις διὰ μάχης ἰέναι, μηδὲ ἀποπειράσασθαι τόλμης ἐν ἀπογνώσει φυομένης τοῦ βίου, ἣ καὶ τοῖς αὐτῆς ἐχομένοις καὶ τοῖς ὑπαντιάζουσι χαλεπὴ γίνεται. [35] ‘Ἀρκεῖ γάρ,’ ἔφη, ‘τοῖς γε σώφροσι τὸ νικᾶν, τὸ δὲ ὑπεράγαν ἐθέλειν ἴσως ἄν τῳ καὶ ἐς τὸ ἀξύμφορον τρέποιτο.’ [36] Πείθεται τῇ ὑποθήκῃ Ναρσῆς, καὶ ξυνέβησαν ἐφ̓ ᾧ τῶν βαρβάρων οἱ ἀπολελειμμένοι χρήματα κεκομισμένοι τὰ αὐτῶν ἴδια ἐκ πάσης ἀπαλλάξονται Ἰταλίας εὐθύς, πόλεμόν τε μηχανῇ οὐδεμιᾷ πρὸς Ῥωμαίους διοίσουσιν ἔτι. [37] Γότθοι μὲν οὖν μεταξὺ χίλιοι τοῦ στρατοπέδου ἐξαναστάντες ἐς Τικινόν τε πόλιν καὶ χωρία τὰ ὑπὲρ ποταμὸν Πάδον ἐχώρησαν, ὧν ἄλλοι τε ἡγοῦντο καὶ Ἰνδούλφ, οὗπερ πρότερον ἐπεμνήσθην. [38] οἱ δὲ λοιποὶ ἅπαντες ὅρκια δόντες τὰ ξυγκείμενα πάντα ἐπέρρωσαν. οὕτω τε καὶ Κύμην καὶ τὰ λοιπὰ πάντα ἐξεῖλον Ῥωμαῖοι, καὶ τὸ ὀκτωκαιδέκατον ἔτος ξυνετελεύτα τῷ Γοτθικῷ πολέμῳ τῷδε, ὃν Προκόπιος ξυνέγραψεν.