The Man Who Could Be King: A Novel

by John Ripin Miller

  [Before getting to his monarchy proposal, Colonel Nicola outlines the details of a complicated scheme to compensate all soldiers with a mixture of land and notes.]

  I shall now proceed to my scheme.

  Congress has promised all those that continue in the service certain tracts of land, agreeable to their grades. Some States have done the same, others have not, probably owing to their not having lands to give, but as all the military have equal merits so have they equal claims to such rewards, therefore, they ought all to be put on a footing by the united States.

  Besides those who may actually be in service at the peace, I consider all those dismissed, or put to half pay, through schemes of economy, have equal rights, as their being out of the service was not voluntary.

  These things premised, I think Congress should take on itself the discharging all such engagements, made, or that ought to be made, for lands & discharge them by procuring a sufficient tract in some of the best of those fruitful & extensive countries to the west of our frontiers, so that each individual should have his due, all unprofitable mountains & swamps, also lakes & rivers within the limits of this tract not to be reckoned as any part of the lots, but thrown in for the benefit of the whole community. This tract to be formed into a distinct State under such mode of government as those military who choose to remove to it may agree on.

  Debts due to the army should be adjusted with dispatch & liquidated in the following manner. One third to be paid immediately, to enable the settlers to buy tools for trades & husbandry, & some stock, the other two thirds by four notes payable, with interest, in three months, & the others on the same terms at three months interval between each payment. In order to give such notes a due value, good funds should be appropriated for the discharge of principal & interest, but previous to such first payment & notes given, a sum should be deducted from each non commissioned & private mans debt, sufficient to victual him & family for one year from the first harvest succeeding the arrival of the colony to the granted lands; during the intermediate time those persons to be victualled at the expence of the continent, & also to receive pay & clothing to the time the accounts are all adjusted & the troops ready to march.

  Officers being entitled to half pay, such as choose to emigrate, should have provisions be allowed them as above & quarterly notes with interest for three years full pay to commence & be computed from the time they begin their march, in full discharge of all such half pay.

  As I have already observed that it may be objected that depreciations and other payments have been made good; but can a just debt be equitably discharged by certificates of very small comparative value or depreciated paper money? Certainly no, consequently the States are still bound to make good the deficiency. To this it will probably be answered that those certificates having generally passed into other hands, who have paid a consideration for them; but what consideration? A tenth or twentieth of the principal value expressed therein, independent of interest; and is it not generally understood in some States, if not in all, that when those certificates are to be paid off they will be estimated at no more than what was given for them? I therefore conceive the following rules should be observed in discharge of these obligations.

  Every person in whose favour a certificate has been or shall be given, and who will keep it to the conclusion of the war, to be paid its full value.

  To every person paid in depreciated money the depreciation thereof to be made good.

  To the original possessors of certificates sold two thirds of the value expressed, the other third to be considered as received when the certificate was sold. This is certainly much beyond what, on an average, has been received for all certificates sold, but as it will be difficult, if at all possible, to ascertain in a reasonable time the money paid, it is requisite to find some rule.

  [The colonel finally outlines his recommended form of government for carrying out the compensation: the adoption of a form of monarchy, implying that the leader of the American army, General Washington (without naming him), should lead such a monarchy (although perhaps without the title of king).]

  This war must have shown to all, but to military men in particular the weakness of republicks, and the exertions of the army has been able to make by being under a proper head, therefore I little doubt, when the benefits of a mixed government are pointed out and duly considered, but such will be readily adopted; in this case it will, I believe, be uncontroverted that the same abilities which have led us, through difficulties apparently insurmountable by human power, to victory and glory, those qualities that have merited and obtained the universal esteem and veneration of an army, would be most likely to conduct and direct us in the smoother paths of peace.

  Some people have so connected the ideas of tyranny and monarchy as to find it very difficult to separate them, it may therefore be requisite to give the head of such a constitution as I propose, some title apparently more moderate, but if all other things were once adjusted I believe strong argument might be produced for admitting the title of king, which I conceive would be attended with some material advantages.

  I have hinted that I believe the United States would be benefited by my scheme, this I conceive would be done by having a savage and cruel enemy separated from their borders by a body of veterans, that would be as an advanced guard, securing the main body from danger. There is no doubt but Canada will some time or other be a separate State, and from the genious & habits of the people, that its government will be monarchical. May not casualties produce enmity between this new State and our Union, & may not its force under the direction of an active prince prove too powerful for the efforts of republicks? It may be answered that in a few years we shall acquire such vigour as to baffle all inimical attempts. I grant that our numbers & riches will increase, but will our governments have energy enough to draw them forth? Will those States remote from the danger be zealously anxious to assist those more exposed? Individuals in Holland abound in wealth, yet the government is poor & weak.

  Republican bigots will certainly consider my opinions as heterodox, and the maintainer thereof as meriting fire and faggots, I have therefore hitherto kept them within my own breast. By freely communicating them to your Excellency I am persuaded I own no risk, & that, this disapproved of, I need not apprehend their ever being disclosed to my prejudice.

  LETTER FROM MAJOR GENERAL JAMES VARNUM TO GENERAL GEORGE WASHINGTON ON JUNE 23, 1782

  Colo. Olney will have the Honor of delivering this to your Excellency: His Attention to the good of the Service, during his late Residence here, has been equal to his former Assiduities, and I am confident will meet your full Approbation.

  [General Varnum goes on to discuss the weaknesses of the Articles of Confederation, why the citizens are incapable of supporting a democratic republic, and why absolute monarchy is the only answer.]

  I wish to Heaven the same Application could be made to the Legislation of this State, so far as respects their political Measures. They have granted Money; they collect it as rapidly as could be supposed; & they have done well in raising of Recruits; but they have suffered their Glory to be tarnished in Matters of Finance. Such is the dreadful Situation of this Country that it is in the Power of any State to frustrate the Intention of all the others! This Calamity is so Founded in the Articles of Confederation, and will continually increase ’till that baseless Fabric shall yield to some kind of Government, the Principles of which may be correspondent to the Tone of the Passions. The Citizens at large are totally destitute of that Love of Equality which is absolutely requisite to support a democratic Republick: Avarice, Jealousy & Luxury controul their Feelings, & consequently, absolute Monarchy, or a military State, can alone rescue them from all the Horrors of Subjugation. The circulating Cash of the Country is too trifling to raise a Revenue by Taxation for supporting the War, & too many of the People are obstinately averse to those artificial Aids which would supply its Deficiency. In this Situation, every Moment augments our Danger, by fixing the Habit
s of Licentiousness, and giving Permanency to British Persevearence: And should Dejection in our Ally succeed to Misfortune, the Instability of national Policy may give Place to the Sentiments of the mediating Powers, “that we are too young to govern ourselves.” At all Events, this Country hangs upon the Issue of the present Campaign! If a great Exertion could be made, by Militia or otherwise, to repossess ourselves of New York, we may possibly realise the Blessings of Independence, But Time alone will unfold the Decrees of Fate.

  [General Varnum then discusses the individual case of a soldier seeking a discharge.]

  FIRST ANONYMOUS LETTER SENT MONDAY, MARCH 10, 1783 ANNOUNCING MEETING THE FOLLOWING DAY

  A Meeting of the Genl & Field Officers is requested, at the public building, on Tuesday next [tomorrow] at 11 oclock—A Commissd Officer from each Company is expected, and a delegate from the Medical Staff—the Object of this Convention, is to consider the late Letter from our Representatives in Philadelphia; and what measures (if any) should be adopted, to obtain that redress of Grievances, which they seem to have solicited in vain.

  GENERAL WASHINGTON’S ANNOUNCEMENT OF A MEETING FOR SATURDAY ON FURTHER MEASURES TO BE ADOPTED, TUESDAY, MARCH 11, 1783

  The Commander in Chief having heard that a General meeting of the officers of the Army was proposed to be held this day at the Newbuilding in an anonymous paper which was circulated yesterday by some unknown person conceives (altho he is fully persuaded that the good sense of the officers could induce them to pay very little attention to such an irregular invitation) his duty as well as the reputation and true interest of the Army requires his disapprobation of such disorderly proceedings, at the same time he requests the General and Field officers with one officer from each company and a proper representation of the Staff of the Army will assemble at 12 o’clock on Saturday next at the Newbuilding to hear the report of the Committee of the Army to Congress.

  After mature deliberation they will devise what further measures ought to be adopted as most rational and best calculated to attain the just and important object in view. The senior officer in Rank present will be pleased to preside and report the result of the Deliberations to the Commander in Chief.

  Congress have been pleased to promote Job Sumner of the 3d Massachusetts Regiment to be a Major in the Army and to take rank from the 1st of October 1782.

  The 3d Massachusetts Regiment will march on Thursday next to the relief of the 2d York Regiment on the Lines.

  SECOND ANONYMOUS LETTER LAYING OUT GRIEVANCES AND ALTERNATIVE PROPOSED ACTIONS, MONDAY AFTERNOON, MARCH 10, 1783

  Gentlemen

  A fellow soldier whose interest and affection bind him strongly to you, whose past sufferings, have been as great & whose future fortune may be as desperate as yours, would beg leave to address you.

  Age has its claims, and rank is not without its pretenses to advise—but tho unsupported by both, he flatters himself that the plain language of sincerity & Experience will neither be unheard nor unregarded.

  Like many of you he loved private life, and left it with regret—he left it determined to retire from the field with the necessity that called him to it, and not till then, Not, ’till the enemies of his Country, the slaves of pow’r and the hirelings of injustice were compelled to abandon their schemes, and acknowledge America as terrible in Arms, as she had been humble in Remonstrance—with this object in view, he has long shared in your Toils and mingled in your dangers—he has felt the cold hand of poverty without a murmur, & has seen the insolence of wealth without a sigh. But, too much under the direction of his wishes, and sometimes weak enough to mistake desire for opinion, he has till lately, very lately believed in the Justice of his Country. He hop’d, that, as the Clouds of adversity scattered, and as the sunshine of peace & better fortune broke in upon us, the coldness and severity of government would relax, and that more than Justice, that gratitude, would blaze forth upon those hands, which had upheld her in the darkest stages of her passage from impending servitude to Acknowledged Independence. But faith has its limits as well as Temper—and there are points beyond which neither can be stretched, without sinking into Cowardice or plunging into credulity. This, my friends, I conceive to be your situation—hurried to the very verge of both—another step would ruin you forever—To be tame and unprovoked while injuries press upon you, is more than weakness, but to look up for kinder usage without one manly Effort of your own—would fix your Character and shew the world how richly you deserve the Chains you broke—To guard against this evil, let us take a review of the ground on which we now stand, and from thence carry our thoughts forward for a moment, into the unexplored field of expedient.

  After a pursuit of seven long Years, the object for which we set out, is at length brot within our reach—Yes, my friends, that suffering Courage of yours was active once, it has conducted the United States of America thro’ a doubtfull and bloody War—it has placed her in the Chair of Independancy—and peace returns again—to bless—Whom? a country willing to redress your wrongs?—cherrish your worth—and reward your Services? a Country courting your return to private life, with Tears of gratitude and smiles of Admiration—longing to divide with you, that Independency, which your Gallantry has given, and those riches which your wounds have preserved? Is this the case? or is it rather a country that tramples upon your rights, disdains your Cries—& insults your distresses? have you not more than once suggested your wishes and made known your wants to Congress (wants and wishes, which gratitude and policy should have anticipated, rather than evaded)—and have you not lately, in the meek language of entreating Memorials, begged from their Justice, what you would no longer expect from their favor. How have you been answered? let the letter which you are called to consider tomorrow, make reply.

  If this then be your treatment while the swords you wear are necessary for the Defence of America, what have you to expect from peace; when your voice shall sink, and your strength dissipate by division—when those very swords, the Instruments and Companions of your Glory, shall be taken from your sides—and no remaining mark of Military distinction left, but your wants, infirmities & Tears—can you then consent to be the only sufferers by this revolution, and, retiring from the field, grow old in poverty, wretchedness, and Contempt; can you consent, to wade thro’ the vile mire of dependency, and owe the miserable remnant of that life to Charity, which has hitherto been spent in honor? If you can—Go—and carry with you the jest of Tories, & the Scorn of Whigs—the ridicule—and what is worse—the pity of the world—go—Starve and be forgotten. But if your spirits should revolt at this—if you have sense enough to discover, and spirit enough to oppose Tyranny, under whatever Garb it may assume—whether it be the plain Coat of Republicanism—or the splendid Robe of Royalty; if you have yet learned to discriminate between a people and a Cause—between men and principles—Awake—attend to your Situation & redress yourselves; If the present moment be lost, every future Effort is in vain—and your threats then, will be as empty, as your entreaties now—I would advise you therefore, to come to some final opinion, upon what you can bear—and what you will suffer—If your determination be in any proportion to your wrongs—carry your appeal from the Justice to the Fears of government—Change the Milk & Water stile of your last Memorial—assume a bolder Tone, decent, but lively, spirited and determined—And suspect the man, who would advise to more moderation, and longer forbearance. Let two or three Men, who can feel as well as write, be appointed to draw up your last Remonstrance (for I would no longer give it the soothing, soft, unsuccessful Epithet of Memorial). Let it be represented in language that will neither dishonor you by its Rudeness, nor betray you by its fears—what has been promised by Congress, and what has been performed—how long and how patiently you have suffered—how little you have asked, and how much of that little, have been denied—Tell them that tho’ you were the first, and would wish to be the last to encounter Danger—tho’ despair itself can never drive you into dishonor, it may drive you from the field—
That the wound often irritated and never healed, may at length become incurable—and that the slightest mark of indignity from Congress now, must operate like the Grave, and part you forever—That in any political Event, the Army has its alternative—if peace, that nothing shall separate you from your Arms but Death—If War—that courting the Auspices, and inviting the direction of your Illustrious Leader, you will retire to some unsettled Country, Smile in your Turn, and “mock when their fear cometh on”—But let it represent also, that should they comply with the request of your late Memorial, it would make you more happy; and them more respectable—That while War should continue, you would follow their standard into the field; and When it came to an End, you would withdraw into the shade of private Life—and give the World another subject of Wonder and applause—An Army victorious over its Enemies, Victorious over itself.

  I am, &c.,

  THIRD ANONYMOUS LETTER SUPPORTING SECOND ANONYMOUS LETTER AND RESPONDING TO GENERAL WASHINGTON’S POSTPONEMENT OF MEETING, MARCH 12, 1783